CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
UNDER THE SULTANS

IiY THE LATE

F. W. HASLUCK, M.A.

Formerly Fellow of King’s College
Cambridge ; Librarian of the British
School at Athens

EDITED BY

MARGARET M. HASLUCK
B.A. (Cantab.), M.A. (Audn.)
Wilson Travelling Fellow in
Aberdeen University, 1921—3
1926-8

VOL. I

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

i929

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

Cyzicus, Athos and its Monasteries
Letters on Religion and Folk-lore,
Joint Author (with H. H. Jewell) ♦
of Lhe Church of our Lady oj the
Hundred Gates at Paros

Printed in Great Britain
EDITOR’S NOTE

MY husband spent most of his life from 1899 to-
1916 in Greece and Turkey. During the first
fourteen years of this period, working as an archaeologist
rather than as an orientalist, he studied at various times
the classical archaeology of Greece, the medieval and
modern* history of Smyrna, the rise and development
of the Orthodox monasteries of Mount Athos, the
records of medieval geography and travel in the Near
East, and the Genoese and Venetian coins and heraldry
found in that area. The fruits of these studies were
several books and some fifty articles.

In the spring of 1913 he visited Konia, the ancient
Iconium. There he became interested in the interplay
of Christianity and Islam within the Turkish empire,
and from that time this subject and its derivatives
occupied most of his attention. The result of his
researches is this work, the first comprehensive study of
Turkish folk-lore and its relations with Christianity.
The inequalities of the work, however, are so obvious
that they call for an explanation of the circumstances
in which it has been written and published.

After his visit to Konia the author read and wrote
steadily until the outbreak of the war. His delicate
health made active military service impossible, and he
continued his researches, amid ever-increasing diffi-
culties, until the summer of 1915. Then he joined the
Intelligence Department of the British Legation at
Athens, where use was found for his exceptional know-
ledge of the languages and general conditions of the
Near East. He found the work uncongenial, but he
devoted himself entirely to it and had only his weekly
holiday for writing. Late in 1916 the lung trouble that
had long sapped his strength was diagnosed and he was
sent to Switzerland. There was considerable danger

vi Editor’s Note

from German submarines at that time on the sea
journey from Greece to Italy, and to avoid risk of loss
he left behind him in Athens such of his manuscripts
as did not exist in duplicate. In Switzerland he con-
tinued to read and to write, so far as his gradually de-
clining health and strength allowed. He died there on
February 22, 1920, a few days after his forty-second
birthday.

It then fell to me to publish as much of his work as
possible. On the present subject he had intended to
publish two books, the first entitled ‘ Transferences
from Christianity to Islam and Vice Versa 5 and the
second ‘ Studies in Turkish Popular History and
Religion \ Since, however, their contents were cognate
and ‘ Studies 5 was left very unfinished, my friends
advised their fusion. This has been carried out,
‘ Transferences 5 being represented in the present
edition by Part I and Chapters XXV-XXXVIII of
Part III, and ‘ Studies 5 by Part II and Chapters
XXXIX-LX of Part III. The title of the present
edition was given by me.

Very few of the manuscripts had passed the author
as ready for publication. One-third of the total number
were nearly ready. Four-fifths of the others, including
those in Athens, were in a provisional form, and one-
fifth existed only in notes. In my editorial work I have
preserved the original text as scrupulously as possible.
Certain repetitions were deleted after the two books
were combined, and defective chapters have been writ-
ten up and completed to the best of my ability, but
these are the only parts of the text which are not as my
husband wrote them. In such alterations as I made,
I followed his notes and made extensive use of his
letters to Professor R. M. Dawkins. All the passages
rewritten have been specified, so that editorial mistakes
may not be imputed to him. In the foot-notes I have
taken more liberties. My husband hoped that others

Editor’s Note vii

would desire to build on his foundations, and with this
possibility in view I have greatly enlarged the foot-
notes by including whatever relevant material existed
in his Swiss note-books. Much of this material was
destined for two companion volumes which he planned
on transferences from paganism to Christianity in the
West and from Christianity to Islam in Syria and
Palestine. Some of his work on transferences from
paganism appears in his ‘ Letters on Religion and Folk-
lore ’, but the bulk of his material for those companion
volumes is now to be found in the foot-notes of the
present book. In this connexion I regret that some
references have defied verification.

The bibliography, glossary, and index are my work.
The glossary was kindly checked by Sir Harry Lamb,
G.B.E., K.C.M.G., and the index was revised by the
indexing expert of the Clarendon Press. The map has
been drawn under my directions by the Press.

The spelling of classical and Moslem names has
caused the usual difficulties. In both cases well-known
words have been written in what seemed their most
familiar, though possibly erroneous, English forms.
Less familiar classical words have been transliterated
letter by letter, and unfamiliar Moslem words have
been given, through the kind help of Mr. E. Edwards,
according to the British Museum system of translitera-
tion, but without diacritic signs. On the whole, Turkish,
rather than Arabic, vowels have been preferred in
these Moslem words.

As foot-notes indicate, early versions of some chapters
have already appeared elsewhere. My cordial thanks
are now offered to the editors of the Annual of the
British School at Athens, the Journal of Hellenic Studies,
and the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
for permitting the chapters in question to be reprinted.

As regards other obligations, my husband would have
wished special mention to be made of the generosity

УШ

Editor’s Note

with which the library of the Faculté de Théologie
Libre at Lausanne and the cantonal libraries of Sion
and Lausanne lent him books during his stay in Switzer-
land. His constant praise of the staff and library of the
Reading Room at the British Museum was more than
justified by my own experiences when* verifying the
references in this work. The Clarendon Press have un-
dertaken its publication on most generous ter/ns and
have shown a very pleasant courtesy in all their dealings
with me. Their printers have handled the long and
difficult manuscript with taste and skill. The Hibbert
Trustees have kindly borne part of the expenses of
publication. The clever photograph of the sacred
fowls of St. James is by Mr. C. Thomas. The c writing *
of the Seven Sleepers was made for me by a Cretan
dervish in 1915. Professor Dawkins has read Parts I
and II in manuscript and has made some useful sug-
gestions. Professor Sir Thomas Arnold, C.I.E., F.B.A.,
D.Litt., has allowed me to consult him again and again.
Mr. Stanley Casson, Principal W. R. Halliday, the late
Dr. D. G. Hogarth, C.M.G., F.B.A., D.Litt., Pro-
fessor D. S. Margoliouth, D.Litt., Dr. H. Thomas,
D.Litt., and the Rev. Dr. Wigram, D.D., also have
been kind. From first to last Dr. G. F. Hill, LL.D.,
F.S.A., D.Litt., has put his experience and his learning
at my disposal.

In a sense it is fitting that my hand should put the
finishing touches to the work. The fateful visit to Konia
was the wedding present I (unforeseeingly) chose from
those which my husband-to-be offered me the previous
summer. Since his death I have spent four years, all
told, preparing the work for publication. Yet it is only
too certain that many errors and deficiencies still remain
in it, mass of detail that it is. I hope they will be set
down to me and will not gravely impede readers in their
use or their enjoyment of the work.

M.M.H.
CONTENTS
VOLUME I

LIST OF PERIODICALS AND BOOKS CONSULTED . xxi

PART I

TRANSFERENCES FROM CHRISTIANITY TO ISLAM
AND VICE VERSA

I. INTRODUCTION……………………..3

II. TRANSFERENCE OF URBAN SANCTUARIES 6-19

I. S. Sophia, Constantinople 9-4
2. Parthenon, Athens 13-16
3. S. Demetrius, Salonica 16-17
4. S. Amphilodiius, Konia . 17
5. S. Andrew of Crete, Constantinople 17-18
6. S. Thekla, Constantinople 18
7. S. Elias, Brusa …. 18
III. ARRESTED URBAN TRANSFERENCES . г– ! О
I. Church at Marsovan . 20
2. S. John, Rhodes 20
3. Metropolis, Yannina . 21
4. ‘ S. John ’, Pergamon 21
5. ‘ S. Sophia Sofia 21
6. S. Francis, Galata 21
7. S. Sophia, Pergamon . 22
8. Church at Thyatira . 22
9. S. Amphilochius, Konia 22
10. Jumanun Jamisi, Adalia . 23
il. S. Nicolas, Alessio . 24
12. Mosque of Zachariah, Aleppo . 24
13. S. Stephen, Batron 26
14. S. Nicolas, Canea . 27
15. S. Catherine’s Mosque, Candia . 27

X Contents

\ SECULARIZED URBAN CHURCHES 38-46
I. S. Irene, Constantinople • 38
2. S. Mark, Rhodes …. • 38
3. Bath at Marsovan …. • 38
4. Bath at Smyrna …. 39
5. Bath of Yildiz Dede, Constantinople • ^ 39
6. Pantokrator, Constantinople 40
7. S. Theodosia, Constantinople 40
8. S. Nicolas, Emirghian. 41
9. S. James of Persia, Nicosia . 42
10. Mamasun Tekke, Nevshehr 43
TRANSFERENCE OF RURAL SANCTUARIES . · 47-62
I. Elwan Chelebi ….. • 47
2. Kirklar Tekke, Zile …. • 49
3. Kirklar Tekke, Nicosia • 50
4. Kirklar Tekke, Kirk Kilise . • 51
5. Kaliakra …… Si
6. Haidar-es-Sultan …. 52
7. S. Nerses, Rumkale …. • S3
8. Domuz Dere ….. • 54
9. Eski Baba …… 54
10. S. Chariton, Konia …. • 56
[. CHRISTIAN SANCTUARIES FREQUENTED BY
MOSLEMS 63-74
I. ‘ Notre Dame du Plomb ’, Sarajevo . 66
2. S. Michael, Syki …. . 66
3. S. Michael, Tepejik …. . 66
4. S. Photine, Smyrna …. . 66
5. Virgin of Sumela, Trebizond 66
6. Assumption, Adrianople . 66
7. Annunciation, Tenos …. . 67
8. S. George, Cairo …. . 67
9. Church at Angora …. . 67
io. S. John the Baptist, Caesarea . 67
il. S. Chrysostom, Bezirieh . 67

Contents xi

12. Monastery of Armasha, Ismid ….. 67

13. S. Anthony of Padua, Chios ….. 67

14. Church at Philadelphia …… 69

15. S. Naum, Okhrida ……. 70

16. Chapel at Adalia ……. 74

VII. MOHAMMEDAN SANCTUARIES FREQUENTED

BY CHRISTIANS………………………75-97

1. Imam Baghevi, Konia . . . . . .81

2. Esef Dai, Thyatira . . . . . . .82

3. Mosque of Eyyub, Constantinople …. 82

4. Tekke of Haji Bektash, Kirshehr ….. 83

5. Mevlevi tekke, Konia . . . . . . -85

6. Tekke of Shems-ed-din, Konia ….. 86

7. S. Arab, Larnaka ……. 87

8. ‘ Tomb of S. Theodore ’, Benderegli …. 88

9. Tekke of Akyazili Baba …… 90

10. Tekke Keui, Uskub ……. 92

11. Turbali Tekke, Rini ……. 92

12. Sersem Ali Tekke, Kalkandelen ….. 93

13. Shamaspur Tekke, Alaja …… 94

14. Mejid Tash …….. 95

15. Pambuk Baba, Osmanjik …… 95

VIII. TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL SANCTUARIES—

MOUNTAINS…………………………98-104

1. Kapu Dagh (Dindymon) …… 99

2. Ida……………………………….100

3. Hasan Dagh, Caesarea …… 100

4. Yildiz Dagh, Sivas . . . . . . .101

5. Ali Dagh, Caesarea ……. 101

6. Murad Bair …….. 103

7. Baba Sultan Tekke ……. 103

8. Tulum Bunar …….. 103

9. ‘ Tomb of Hannibal ’………………..103

10. ‘ Tomb of Achilles ’ . . . . . . . 103

xii Contents

IX. TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL SANCTUARIES—

SPRINGS………………………105-12

1. Avjilar, Troad …….. 105

2. Ivriz ……… 106

3. Eskishehr ……… 106

4. Eski Kapluja bath, Brusa . . . ·. . .106

5. Kukurtlu baths, Brusa …. .107

6. Abu Ishak, Erzerum ….. . 107

7. Kuri Yalova …… . 107

8. Armudlu ……. .108

9. Buyuk Tepe Keui ….. . 108

10. Kainarja baths, Brusa. …. . 109

X. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS …. 113-18

PART II

STUDIES IN TURKISH POPULAR HISTORY AND
RELIGION

XI. INTRODUCTION……………………..

XII. HETERODOX TRIBES OF ASIA MINOR

1. Introductory ……

2. The Yuruks ……

3. The Turkomans …..

4. The Kizilbash ……

A. General ……

B. Religion ……

i. Theology ….

i. Mythology ….

iii. Hierarchy ….

iv. Fasts and Feasts and Public Worship
V. Private Prayer ….

vi. Sacred Books ….

vii. Pilgrimage ….

viii. Marriage …..

5. TheTakhtaji ……

6. The Bektashi ……

121-3

124-66
. 124

126-37
138-9

139-58

• 139

. 144

. 144

. 146

• ЧУ

. 148

. 149

. 149

. 150

. 151

158-9
159-66

Contents

xiii

XIII. SHIA MOVEMENTS AND PROPAGANDA IN

ASIA MINOR……………………………………167-74

XIV. NATURAL CULTS………………………………175-225

1. Tree Cults………………………………….175-9

2. Stone Cults ……. 179-220

Introductory …….. 179

i. Natural Stones……………………………181-7

A. Stones selected for their Natural Qualities . 181

B. Pierced Stones …… 182

C. Stones with Natural Markings . . .185

ii. Worked Stones ….. 188-207

A. Statues and Reliefs . . . . .188

B. Columns ……. 192

C. Written Stones …… 202

iii. Survival or Development of Stone Cults . 207-20

3. Cave Cults ……. 220-5

XV. TOMB AND SANCTUARY …. 226-36

XVI. INVIOLABILITY OF SANCTUARY . . 237-49

Introductory. …….. 237

1. Sacred Trees and Groves …… 238

2. Protected Animals—Game …… 240

3. Sacred Fish …….. 244

XVII. CULT OF THE DEAD

250-77

XVIII. SAINTS AND THEIR MIRACLES

1. Categories of Saints ….

2. Miracles and Legends of the Saints

i. The Spittle of Haji Bektash

ii. The Tides of Negropont .

iii. Haji Bektash and Ahmed Rifai .

iv. Abdal Musa and Geyikli Baba .

V. Jelal-ed-din and the Monk

vi. Kaigusuz and the Stag-Dervish .

vii. Emrem Yunuz

viii. Ala-ed-din and the Imam Baghevi

278-97
. 278

. 280

. 287

. 288

. 289

. 290

. 290

. 290

. 291

. 292

XIV

Contents

ix. Eskiji Koja………………….292

X. Haji Ephraim Teuvetlu ….. 293

xi. Ali Efendi and the Wolf……….293

xii. Sheikh El-Bedawi …… 294

xiii. Hasan Demir Baba Pehlivan …. 295

XIX. OLD TESTAMENT SAINTS………….298-308

1. Daniel ……… 298

2. Joshua…………………….. . 3°3

XX. KORANIC SAINTS………………. 309-36

1. The Seven Sleepers ….. . 3°9

2. El Khidr………………………..319

XXI. TRIBAL SAINTS……………….. 337-41

XXII. SAINTS AND DEMONS OF THE SEA . 342“5o

XXIII. BOGUS SAINTS………………….35^5

XXIV. A PROVINCIAL PANTHEON . . .

VOLUME II

PART III
MISCELLANEA
XXV. PLATO IN THE FOLK-LORE OF THE

ΚΟΝΙΑ PLAIN……………………………..363-9

XXVI. CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM UNDER THE

SULTANS OF ΚΟΝΙΑ…………………………370-8

XXVII. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF S. CHARITON’S 379-83

XXVIII. THE BLESSING OF THE WATERS. . 384-90

XXIX. ‘ THE FORTY ’…………………….391-402

XXX. HAIDAR, KHOJA AHMED, KARAJA AHMED 403-5

XXXI. THE ‘ TOMB OF S. POLYCARP ’ . . 406-28

Introductory. …….. 406

1. The Traditional Tomb and its History. . . . 406

2. The Value of Tradition at Smyrna …. 414

3. The Anti-dervish Movement of 1656-76 . . . 419

4. The Ruins on the Castle-hill . . . . . 423

Contents

XV

XXXII. SARI SALTI К………………429-39

1. At Kaliakra …….. 429

2. At Eski Baba…………………..431

3. At Baba Dagh …….. 432

4. At Kruya ……… 434

5. Bektashi Propaganda ……. 437

XXXIII. S. JOHN ‘ THE RUSSIAN ’ . . . 440-1

XXXIV. RENEGADE SAINTS……………442-51

XXXV. NEO-MARTYRS OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH 452-9

XXXVI. STAG AND SAINT……………..460^5

XXXVII. THE SAINTS OF ARMUDLU . . 466-8

XXXVIII. THE CRYPTO-CHRISTIANS OF TREBI-

ZOND………………………………

XXXIX. LISTS OF HETERODOX TRIBES .

1. Yuruk Tribes …….

i. According to Tsakyroglous ….

ii. According to Langlois ….

2. Turkoman Tribes ……

i. According to P. Russell ….

ii. According to Burckhardt ….

iii. Afshars according to Grothe

iv. Cilician Kurds according to Langlois .

XL. HAJI BEKTASH AND THE JANISSARIES .

Introductory. …….

1. The Date of the Institution of the Janissaries

2. The Personality of Haji Bektash ….

3. The Connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries

XLI. GEORGE OF HUNGARY, CHAPTER XV .
Introductory …….

Translation………………………………495

469-74

475-82

475-8

• 475

• 478

478-82

• 478

. 48O

. 482

. 482

483-93

• 483

• 484

. 488

• 489

494-9

xvi

Contents

XLII. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE BEK-

TASHI…………………50&-51

Introductory. …….. 500

1. Asia Minor ……. 502-13

A. Vilayet of Angora …… 502

B. Vilayet of Konia . . . . . 506

C. Vilayet of Smyrna (Aidin) … . 507

D. Vilayet of Brusa (Khudavendkiar) . . 508

E. Vilayet of Kastamuni . . . . . 511

F. Vilayet of Sivas . . . . . . 511

2. Mesopotamia . . . . . . . . 514

3· Egypt………………………………54

4. Constantinople ……. 516-18

A. European side . . . . . . .516

B. Asiatic side ……. 517

5. Turkey in Europe …… 518-22

A. Gallipoli Peninsula . . . . . .518

B. District of Adrianoplc . . . . .518

6. Bulgaria …….. 522-3

7. Rumania ……… 523

8. Serbia …….. 523-5

9. Greece …….. 525-36

A. Macedonia . . . . . . . 525

B. Thessaly . . . . . . . 531

C. Crete…………………………..534

D. Epirus . . . . . . . *536

10. Albania………………………..536-51

i. Argyrokastro . . . . . . *541

ii. Tepelen …….. 542

iii. Klissura …….. 543

iv. Premet …….. 544

V. Liaskovik . . . . . . -545

vi. Kolonia …….. 545

vii. Koritza……………………….545

viii. Kesaraka. ……. 547

ix. Frasheri …….. 547

X. Tomor …….. 548

xi. Berat …….. 549

xii. Elbassan. 549

Contents xvii
xiii. Kruya ■ 549
xiv. Martanesh …. • 551
XV. Dibra ….. • 551
il. Austro-Hungary …. • 551
A. Bosnia ….. • 551
B. Buda-Pest …. • 551
XLIII. ‘ BEKTASHI PAGES ’ . 552-63
Introductory. ….. • 552
I. Translation ….. • 554
2. Glossary of Albanian Religious Terms . . 562
XLIV. AMBIGUOUS SANCTUARIES AND BEK-
TASHI PROPAGANDA . 564-96
Introductory. ….. • 564
I. Bektashism and Orthodox Islam . 565-7
2. Bektashism and Christianity in Asia Minor 568-76
i. Haji Bektash Tekke • 571
ii. Haidar-es-Sultan Tekke . • 572
iii. Tekke of Sidi Battal • 573
iv. Shamaspur Tekke . • 573
V. Tekke of Nusr-ed-din (Kirklar Tekke), Zile • 574
vi. S. Nerses, Rumkale. • 574
vii. Chapel at Adalia • 574
viii. 4 Tomb of S. Polycarp ’, Smyrna • 574
ix. ‘ Tomb of S. Theodore ’, Benderegli • 575
X. Mamasun Tekke • 575
3. Bektashism and Christianity in Europe . 576-85
xi. Tekke of Sari Saltik, Kilgra • 578
xii. Tekke at Eski Baba • 578
xiii. Tekke of Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba • 579
xiv. Tekke of Akyazili Baba . . 58O
XV. S. Eusebia, Selymbria . 58O
xvi. Tekke of Yunuz Baba, Ainos . . 581
xvii. Tekke of Turbali Sultan, Rini . . 582
xviii. Tekke of Sersem Ali . 582
xix. Tekke of Karaja Ahmed, Uskub . 582
XX. S. Naum, Okhrida . • 583
xxi. S. Spyridon, Corfu • 583
xxii. Tekke at Athens • 584
4. Political Background …. . 586-96

3*95

b

xviii Contents

XLV. THE RISE OF THE KARAOSMANOGLU . 597-603

XLVI. THE GIRDING OF THE SULTAN . . 604-22

Introductory. …….. 604

1. The Traditional Origin of the Girding Ceremony . . 604

2. The History of the Girding Ceremony …. 607

3. The Intrusion of the Mevlevi ….. 610

4. Political Combination under Mahmud II . . .618

XL VII. COLUMNS OF ORDEAL …. 623-35

XLVIII. THE STYLITE HERMIT OF THE OLYMPIEUM

636-40

XLIX. WESTERN TRAVELLERS THROUGH EASTERN

EYES……………………………….641-5

L. DIEUDONNÉ DE GOZON AND THE DRAGON OF

RHODES…………………………….646-62

1. The Story and its Development ….. 646

2. Tangible Evidence ……. 650

3. Dragon Processions ……. 655

4. De Gozon and the French Side of the Legend . .658

LI. SHEIKH EL BEDAWI OF TANTA . . . 663-70

LII. TERRA LEMNIA……………………..671-88

LIII. OBSERVATIONS ON INCUBATION . . 689-95

LIV. THE CALIPH MAMUN AND THE MAGIC FISH 696-8

LV. THE THREE UNJUST DEEDS . . . 699-701

LVI. GRAVES OF THE ARABS IN ASIA MINOR 702-16

LVII. THE MOSQUES OF THE ARABS IN CONSTAN-
TINOPLE ……………………………………….. 717-35

Introductory. …….. 717

1. Arab Jami and its Traditions…………………….718

2. Superstition and Politics at Constantinople, 1570-1610 721

3. Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi ….. 726

4. The ‘ Arab , in Folk-lore and Hagiology . . . 730

Contents xix
LVIII. THE PROPHECY OF THE RED APPLE . 736-4°
LIX. THE MAIDEN’S CASTLE . 74I~5°
Introductory. . . • 741
I. ‘ Strategic ’ Legends . . . 742
2. 4 Romantic Legends . . – 744
3. Perversions . • . 748
LX. A MODERN TRADITION OF JERUSALEM . 751-4
LXI. ORIGINAL TEXTS 755-68
I. The Parthenon as a Mosque ♦ 755
2. Lampedusa . • 755
3. Mamasun ….. • 759
4. Eski Baba …… . 761
5. Hafiz Khalil (Akyazili Baba) • 763
6. The Bektashi Tekkes of Thessaly . . 766
GLOSSARY INDEX • 769
• • 771

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

The Tekke of Haji Bektash . . Frontispiece to Vol. I

Photograph. Berggren, Constantinople

The Seven Sleepers …… page 120

The Sacred Fowls of Saint James Frontispiece to Vol. II

Photograph. Mr. C. Thomas

Map of Part of the former Turkish Empire, with an
inset on the Distribution of the Bektashi in
Albania ……. at end
LIST OF

PERIODICALS AND BOOKS CONSULTED

I. LIST OF PERIODICALS

Abh. Bayr. Ak. for Abhandlungen der Königlichen Bayrischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften (Munich).

Abh. Sächs. Ges. for Abhandlungen der Königlich-Sächsischen Gesell-
schaft der Wissenschaften (Leipzig).

A.J.A. for A7nerican Journal of Archaeology (Baltimore).

A. J. Phil, for American Journal of Philology (Baltimore).

L’Albanie (Lausanne).

A?ner. Miss. Her. for American Missionary Herald (Boston).

Annales des Mines (Paris).

Archaeologia (London).

Arch, des Miss, for Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Littéraires
(Paris).

Arch. Epigr. Mitth. for Archäologische Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus
Oesterreich (Vienna).

Arch. Hist. Gascogne for Archives Historiques de la Gascogne (Auch).
Archiv f. Religionszv. for Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft (Freiburg

i-в.).

Arch. Zeit, for Archäologische Zeitung (Berlin).

* Αθήνα îov (Athens).

Ath. Mitth. for Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
(Athens).

Atti Soc. Ltg. for Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria (Genoa).
Das Ausland (Munich).

Beitr. z. Vaterl. Ge sch. Basels for Beiträge zur vaterländischen Geschichte
Basels (Basel).

В essanone (Rome).

Blackwood’s Magazine for Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine (Edin-
burgh).

Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. for Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica (Rome).

B. C.H. for Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique (Athens).

B.S.A. for Annual of the British School at Athens (London).

Bulletin d’Archéologie Chrétienne (Belley).

Bull. Soc. Géog. for Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris).

Bund (Berne).

ΒυζαντΙς (Constantinople).

Byz. Zeit, for Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Leipzig).

Chambers’ Journal (London).

XXII

Periodicals and Books consulted

Class. Rev. for Classical Review (London).

Comptes Rendus for Comptes Rendus de Г Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres (Paris).

Congr. Arch, for Congrès Archéologique de France (Paris).

[Onzième] Congrès d’Orientalistes (Paris).

Contemp. Rev. for Contemporary Review (London).

Δελτίον Χριστ. ΆρχαιοΛ. ‘Εταιρείας for Δελτίον τής Χριστιανικής
‘Αρχαιολογικής ‘Εταιρείας (Athens).

Δελτίον ‘Ιστορ. ‘Εταιρείας for Δελτίον της ‘Ιστορικής και Εθνο-
λογικής ‘Εταιρείας (Athens).

Denk. Wien. Akad. for Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften (Vienna).

Échos d’Orient (Paris).

‘Ημερολ. Φ. Σκόκου for ‘Ημερολόγιον Φ. Σκόκον (Athens).
Emmanuel Coll. Mag. for Emmanuel College Magazine (Cambridge).
Eng. Hist. Rev. for English Historical Review (London).

‘Εστία (Athens).

Expositor (London).

Folk-Lore (London).

Gelehrte Anzeigen d. bayr. Akad. for Gelehrte Anzeigen der Königlichen
Bayrischen Akademie (Munich).

Geog. Journ. for Geographical Journal (London).

Globus (Brunswick).

Harper’s Magazine (London).

L’Illustration (Paris).

Der Islam (Strassburg).

Jahrbuch for Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
(Berlin).

Jahrbücher der Literatur (Vienna).

J.H.S. for Journal of Hellenic Studies (London).

Journ. Asiat, for Journal Asiatique (Paris).

Journ. Int. Num. for Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique
(Athens).

J. R. Anthr. Inst, for Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
(London).

J. R. Asiat. Soc. for Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London).
J.R.G.S. for Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (London).
J.R.S. for Journal of Roman Studies (London).

Λαογραφία 1(Athens).

Liverp. Ann. Arch, for Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
(London and Liverpool).

Man (London).

Mécheroutiette (Constantinople).

Mél. F ас. Or. for Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale (Beyrut).

List of Periodicals xxiii

Mem. Acad. Aix for Mémoires de VAcadémie d’Aix (Aix-en-Provence).
Mém. Ac. Ins en. for Mémoires de Г Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres (Paris).

Mercure Historique et Politique (La Haye).

Μικρασ. * Hμερολ. for Μικρασιατικόν * Ημερολόγιου (Samos).

Mines de Г Orient (= Fundgruben des Orients) (Vienna).

Morning Post (London).

MosL World for Moslem World (London).

Μουσείου for Movaeîov και Βιβλιοθήκη τής Ευαγγελικής Σχολής
(Smyrna).

Νεολόγος (Constantinople).

Νέος ‘ Ελληνομνήμων (Athens).

Nineteenth Century (London).

Notre-Dame (Paris).

Nouv. Jour. As. for Nouveau Journal Asiatique (Paris).

Num. Zeit. for Numismatische Zeitschrift (Vienna).

Oriens Christianus1 (Rome).

Πανδώρα (Hermoupolis).

Papers A.S.A. for Papers of the American School at Athens (Boston).
Papers B.S.R. for Papers of the British School at Rome (London).
Παρνασσός (Athens).

Πατρϊς (Athens).

P.E.F., Q.SЛох PalestineExplorationFund, Quarterly Statement (London).
Φιλολ. Σύλλογος for Φιλολογικός Σύλλογος (Constantinople).

‘Η Φωνή του Ααοΰ (Volo).

P.R.G.S. for Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (London).
Proc. Russ. Arch. Inst, for Proceedings of the Russian Archaeological
Institute (Constantinople) = РусскШ Археологически Ин-
ститутъ въ Константинополе. Извеопя. Том. 9.

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch, for Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeo-
logy (London).

Προμηθεύς (Volo).

Ree. de Voyages for Recueil de Voyages et de Mémoires (Paris).

Records of the Past (Washington).

Report Brit. Ass. for Report of the British Association (London).

Rev. Arch, for Revue Archéologique (Paris).

Rev. Deux Mondes for Revue des Deux Mondes (Paris).

Rev. Ét. Am. for Revue des Études Anciennes (Bordeaux).

Rev. Hist. Relig. for Revue de Г Histoire des Religions (Paris).

Rev. Instr. Pub. Belg. for Revue de Г Instruction Publique en Belgique
(Tirlemont).

1 The periodical is to be distinguished from Le Quien s book of the same
name.

fcxiv Periodicals and Books consulted

Rev. Num. for Revue Numismatique (Paris).

Rev. Or. Lat. for Revue de VOrient Latin (Paris).

R. G. S., Suppl. Pap.t for Royal Geographical Society, Supplementary
Papers (London).

Schweizerische Wochenschrift für Chymie (Basel).

Sitzb. Bayr. Akad. for Sitzungsberichte der Königlichen Bayrischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften (Munich).

Sitzb. Wien. Akad. for Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften (Vienna).

Spectateur Oriental (Smyrna).

Ίheol. Studien und Kritiken for Theologische Studien und Kritiken (Ham-
burg).

Θρακικη Έπ^τηρίς (Athens).

Times (London).

Tour du Monde (Paris).

Trans. Orient. Congr. for Transactions of the Oriental Congress (London).
Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. for Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature
(London).

Trans. Viet. Inst, for Transactions of the Victoria Institute (London).
Verb. Ges.f. Erdkunde for V erhandlungen der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
(Berlin).

Verb. Sächs. Ges. for Verhandlungen der Königlich-Sächsischen Gesell-
schaft der Wissenschaften (Leipzig).

Wallonia (Liège).

Wiss. Mitth. Bosn. for Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien
(Sarajevo and Vienna).

Ξζνοφάνης (Athens).

Z. D. M or geni. Ges. for Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft (Leipzig).

Z.D.P.V. for Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (Leipzig).
Z.f. Anthropol. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Anthropologie (Berlin).
Z.f. Erdk. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde (Berlin).

Z.f. Volksk. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaftfür Volkskunde (Leipzig).

II. LIST OF AUTHORS *

Abbott, G. F. Macedonian Folklore, Cambridge, 1903.

—–Tale of a Tour in Macedonia, Cambridge, 1903.

Abela, E. Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in Syrien,
in Z.D.P.V. vii (1884), PP· 79 ff-

1 The majority of modern Greek books in this list are accessible only at the
British Archaeological School, Athens, or the National Library, Athens.
Mr. Heurtley, of the British School, and Mr. D. P. Petrocochino have kindly
helped me with certain of their bibliographical details. Books marked with
an asterisk are those I have been unable to consult.—M. M. H.

XXV

List of Authors

Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp, Brussels, and Tongerloo, 1643 if.

Adamson, S. The Mosque of Eyoub, in Harper’s Magazine, June 1913,
pp. 28 ff.

Agricola, G. Bermannus, Basle, 1530.

Aimé-Martin, L. Lettres édifiantes, Paris, 1838-43.

Ainsworth, W. F. Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, London,
1842.

Albacario, S., in Mattioli, Comment, in Dioscor., q. v.

Alberi, E. Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, Firenze, 1839-63.
Allard, P! L’Art Païen sous les Empereurs Chrétiens, Paris, 1879.

—-Les Dernières Persécutions du IIIe siècle, Paris, 1887.

—-Histoire des Persécutions pendant la première moitié du IIIe siècle,

Paris, 1885-90.

—-La Persécution de Dioclétien, Paris, 1890.

Allatius, L. Συμμικτα, Coloniae Agrippinae (? Amsterdam), 1653.
Allom, T. Constantinople and the Seven Churches of Asia Minor, ed.

R. Walsh, London, ? 1839.

Amélineau, E. Contes et Romans de l’Égypte Chrétienne, Paris, 1888.
American Archaeological Expedition to Syria, London, 1904.
Anagnosta, J. De E’xtremo Thessalonicensi Excidio, in Allatius, Σύμ-
μικτα, ii, pp. 318 ff.

Analecta Bollandiana, Paris and Brussels, 1882 ff.

Anderson, J. G. C. Studia Pontica, i, iii, Brussels, 1903-10.

—-Exploration in Galatia cis Halym, in J.H.S. xix (1899), pp. 52 ff.

Andréossi, A. F. Constantinople et le Bosphore, Paris, 1828.

D’Anglure, O. Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem, ed. Bonnardot and
Longnon, Paris, 1878.

Anichkof, E. St. Nicolas and Artemis, in Folk-Lore, v (1894), pp. 108 ff.
Anna Comnena. Alexias.

Anon. Expedition to East of Jordan, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869, pp. 284 ff.

—-Parisiensis, in Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, pp. 94 f.

■—Romanus, in Muratori, Antiq. Ital. iii, pp. 247 ff.

—-Viennensis, in Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, p. 92, and, ed. L. Ross,

in Jahrbücher d. Lit. Anz.-Bl. xc (1840), pp. 16 ff.

—-Weissagungen vom Ende des türkischen Reichs, in Das Ausland,

1828, no. 93, p. 372.

Ansted, D. T. The Ionian Islands in 1863, London, 1863.
Antoniades, E. Μ. *Εκφρασις της *Αγίας Σοφίας, Athens, 1907-9·
Antoninus martyr. De Locis Sanctis, ed. T. Tobler, St. Gallen, 1863.
Antonopoulos, S. Μικρά ’Ασία, Athens, 1907.

Aravantinos, P. Χρονογραφία της *Ηπείρου, Athens, 1856.
Aravantinos, S. P. *Ιστορία του Άλή Πασά, Athens, 1895*
Archelaos, I. S. *H Σίνασοςt Athens, 1899.

Arnold, Sir T. W. The Preaching of Islam, London, 1896.

xxvi Periodicals and Books consulted

Artin Pasha, Y. Contes Populaires Inédits de la Vallée du Nil, Paris,
i895·

Arundell, F. V. J. Discoveries in Asia Minor, London, 1834.

—-A Visit to the Seven Churches of Asia, London, 1828.

D’Arvieux, L. Mémoires, Paris, 1735.

—-Voyage dans la Palestine, ed. De La Roque, Paris, 1717.

Ashby, T. Lampedusa, Lampione, and Limosa, in Liverp. Ann. iv (1912),
pp. 11 ff.

Assad Effendi. Destruction des Janissaires, Раш, 1833.

Aucher-Eloy, R. Voyages en Orient de 1830 à 1838, Paris, Î843.
Augustine, Saint. Tract, vit.

De Aversa, Philip. Descriptio Templi Domini, ed. Meisner (H.) and
Röhricht (R.), in Z.D.P.V. i (1878), pp. 210 ff.

Avisi de Constantinopoli di cose stupende, Venice, 1538.

Babin, J. P. Relation d’Athènes, Lyon, 1674 (Paris» 1854).

Babinger, F. Der Islam in Kleinasien, in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. lxxvi
(1922), pp. 126 ff.

Baedeker, C. Austria-Hungary, Leipzig, 1905.

—-Egypt, Leipzig, 1898.

—-Southern France, Leipzig, 1902.

—-Central Italy, Leipzig, 1909.

—-North Italy, Leipzig, 1899.

—-Southern Italy, Leipzig, 1908.

—-Konstantinopel, Leipzig, 1914.

—-Palestine and Syria, Leipzig, 1906.

Baird, H. M. Modem Greece, New York, 1856.

Baker, James. Turkey in Europe, London, 1877.

Baldacci, A. Berat e il Tomor, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr., ser. v, vol. iii

(I94)> PP· 974 ff·

Baldensperger, P. J. Peasant Folklore of Palestine, in P.E.F., Q.S. for
1893, pp. 203 ff.

Barbaro, N. Giornale dell’ Assedio di Cospoli, ed. Cornet, Vienna, 1856.
Bargrave, Robert. Travels (1646-36), in Bodleian Codex Rawlinson
e 799.

Baring Gould, S. Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, first series,
London, 1868.

—-Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, second series, London, 1868.

#Barjavel, C. F. H. Dictons du Vaucluse, Carpentras, 1849-53.

Barker, W. B. Lares and Penates, London, 1853.

Barkley, H. C. Bulgaria before the War, London, 1877.

—-A Ride through Asia Minor and Armenia, London, 1891.

Barletius Scodrensis. Vita Skanderbegi, in Lonicerus, Chron. Turc·
Libri, q. v.

List of Authors xxvii

Barth, Heinrich. Reise von Trapezunt nach Scutari, in Petermann’s
Mittheilungen, 1860-1, Ergänzungsheft, no. 1.

Bartholomaeus Anglicus. De Proprietatibus Rerum, London, 1535.
Basil, merchant. Pilgrimage, 1466, in Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, q.v.
Basileiadou, N. Φαναριώτισσζς KvpaSeg, in ‘Ημςρολ. Φ. Σκόκου,
1913, pp. 288-95.

Basilius, ln Mamantem.

Basset, R. Nédromah et les Traras, Paris, 1901.

Baumann, Emile. TmV Filles Saintes, Paris, 1912.

De Beauchamp, A. Vie PAU Pacha, Paris, 1822.

Beaufort, F. Karamania, London, 1817.

*—Piloting Directions for the Mediterranean, London, 1831.

De Belabre, F. Rhodes of the Knights, Oxford, 1908.

Belgrano, L. T. Lapidi, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii (1877-84), pp. 321 ff.

—-Documenti riguardanti la Colonia di Pera, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii

(1877-84), pp. 97 ff.

Belin, F. A. Histoire de la Latinité de Constantinople, Paris, 1894.

Bell, G. M. L. Amurath to Amurath, London, 1911.

Belon, P. Observations de Plusieurs Singularitez, Anvers, 1555.
Benaglia, G. Relatione del Viaggio, Bologna, 1684.

Benetti, A. Osservazioni fatte nel Viaggio a Constantinopoli, Venice,
1688.

Benjamin of Tudela. Itinerary, ed. Asher, London and Berlin, 1840-1 ;

ed. Wright, q.v.

Benndorf, О. Reisen in Lykien und Karten, Vienna, 1884.

Bent, J. T. Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, London, 1893.

—-Explorations in Cilicia Tr acheta, in P.R.G.S. xii (1890), pp. 445 ff.

—-A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia, in J.H.S. xii (1891), pp. 206 ff.

—-The Nomad Tribes of Asia Minor, in Report Brit. Ass., 1889, § H,

pp. 176 ff.

—-The Tourouks of Asia Minor, in J.R. Anthr. Inst, xx (1890-1),

pp. 269 ff.

Bérard, V. La Macédoine, Paris, 1897.

—-La Turquie et VHellénisme Contemporain, Paris, 1893.

Berati, S. (Koléas, S.), Légendes Albanaises, in U Albanie, April 1918.
Berbrugger, L. A. Le Tombeau de la Chrétienne, Alger, 1867.

Berg, A. Die Insel Rhodus, Braunschweig, 1862.

Bernard the Wise (a. d. 867), in Wright’s Travels, q.v.

Bernardakis, G. Notes sur la Topographie de Césarée de Cappadoce, in
Échos POrient, xi (1908), pp. 22 ff.

Bertaux, Ë. Rome, Paris, 1904, 1905.

Besant (W.) and Palmer (E. H.). Jerusalem, London, 1908.

Beugnot, A. A. Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme en Occident,
Paris, 1835.

xxviii Periodicals and Books consulted

Beulé, C. E. Fouilles à Carthage, Paris, 1861.

Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, Brussels, 1909.

Bickford Smith, R. A. H. Cretan Sketches, London, 1898.

Bigham, Clive. With the Turkish Army in Thessaly, London, 1897.
Biliotti (E.) and Cottret (A.). L’île de Rhodes, Rhodes, 1881.

Bird, I. L. (Mrs. Bishop). Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, London,
1891.

Bjelokosic, L. G. Denkwürdigkeiten in der Gegend von Fojnica, in Wiss.

Mitth. Bosnien, i (1893), pp. 478 ff.

[Blunt, F.] People of Turkey, London, 1878.

De Bode, C. A. G. P. L. Travels in Lauristan and Arabistan, London,

1845·

De Boissat, P. Histoire des Chevaliers de POrdre de Sainct Jean, Lyon,
1612.

Bonet-Maury, G. Akbar, in Rev. Hist. Relig. xi (1885), pp. 133 EF.

—-La Religion d’Akbar, in Rev. Hist. Relig. li (1905), pp. 153 fï.

Bordeaux, A. La Bosnie Populaire, Paris, 1904.

Boré, E. Arménie, Paris, 1838.

Borrow, G. H. Bible in Spain, London, 1843.

Bosio, G. Istoria della Sacra Religione di S. Giovanni Gerosolimitano,
Rome, 1594.

*Bost, J. A. Souvenirs d’Orient, Neuchâtel, 1875.

De Bouchaud, P. Bologne, Paris, 1909.

Boucher, Jean. Le Bouquet Sacré, Poitiers, 1613 (?).

Boué, Ami. Recueil d’itinéraires dans la Turquie d’Europe, Vienna,

!8S4·

—-La Turquie d’Europe, Paris, 1840.

Bouillet, M. N. Dictionnaire d’Histoire et de Géographie, Paris, 1914.
Bousquet, P. A. Actes des Apôtres Modernes, Paris, 1852-9.
Bovenschen, A. Johann von Mandeville, in Zeit. f. Erdk. xxiii (1888),
PP; 177 ff·

Boyadjides, I. K. ΠαράΒοσις тгерХ Ζωναρα κατά τον tç’ ΑΙώνφ, in
Λαογραφία, ii (1910)» ΡΡ· ^·

Bradshaw’s Spain and Portugal, London, 1865.

Brailsford, H. N. Macedonia, London, 1906.

Brandenburg, E. Heber byzantinische und seldschukische Reste im Gebiet
des Türkmen-Dag, in Byz. Zeit, xix (1910), pp. 97 ff.

Braun Wiesbaden, Carl. Eine Türkische Reise, Stuttgart, 1876, 1877.
Brayer, A. Neuf Années à Constantinople, Paris, 1836.

Breithaupt, J. F. Christliche Helden Insel Malta, Frankfurt-am-Mayn,
1632.

Breuning, H. J. Orientalische Reyss, Stuttgart, 1612.

De Brèves, F. Savary. Relation des Voyages (including Moyens de
Ruiner un Turc), Paris, 1628.

List 0J Authors XXIX

British Museum MS. Add. 22, 914 ; Reg. 14 A xiii ; Add. MSS.

34060 ; Harl. 7021.

Brooks, E. W. Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes, in J.H.S. xxi
(1901), pp. 67 ff.

—–The Arabs in Asia Minor, from Arabic Sources, in J.H.S. xviii

(1898) , pp. 182 ff.

—–The Campaign of 716-8, from Arabic Sources, in J.H.S. xix

(1899) , pp. 19 ff.

Brown, J. P. The Dervishes, London, 1868.

Browne, E. A Brief Account of some Travels, London, 1673.

Browne, E. G. Literary History of Persia, London, 1906.

—–Further Notes on the Literature of the Ilurufis, in J. R. Asiat. Soc.

1907, pp. 533 ff.

Browne, W. G. Nouveau Voyage fait depuis iy 9 2 jusqu’en iyg8, Paris,
1800.

—–in Walpole’s Travels, q.v.

Brusoni, G. Historia dell ultima Guerra, Venice, 1673.

Brydone, P. Tour through Sicily and Malta, London, 1773.

Buchon, J. A. C. La Grèce Continentale et la Morée, Paris, 1843.

—–Recherches Historiques sur la Principauté Française de Morée,

Paris, 1845.

—–Voyage dans VEubée, Paris, 1911.

Buckingham, James S. Travels in Mesopotamia, London, 1827.

De Bunsen, V. Soul of a Turk, New York and London, 1910.

De Buondelmonti, C. Liber Insularum Archipelagic ed. de Sinner,
Leipzig and Berlin, 1824.

Burckhardt, J. L. Travels in Arabia, London, 1829.

—–■’ Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, London, 1822.

Burgess, R. Greece and the Levant, London, 1835.

De Burgo, G. B. Viaggio di Cinque Anni, Milan, 1686-9.

Burnaby, F. G. On Horseback through Asia Minor, London, 1877.
Burton, Isabel. Inner Life of Syria, London, 1879.

Burton, R. F. Arabian Nights, London, 1894.

—–Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah (3 vols.), London, 1855-6.

—–Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Meccah (2 vols.), London, 1906.

Burton (R. F.) and Drake (C. F. T.). Unexplored Syria, London, 1872.
Bury, J. B. Eastern Roman Empire, London, 1912.

—–Later Roman Empire, London, 1889.

—–Mutasim’s March through Cappadocia in A.D. 838, in J.H.S. xxix

(I9°9), pp. 120 ff.

De Busbecq, O. G., Baron. Life and Letters, ed. Forster, London,
1881.

—–Lettres, Paris, 1748.

De Bussierre, M. T. R. Lettres sur VOrient, Paris, 1829.

XXX Periodicals and Books consulted

Byzantios, D. C. Scarlatos. Δοκίμων της “.Αρτης και της Πρεβεζης,
Athens, 1884.

Byzantios, Serapheim. 4Η Κωνσταντινούπολή, Athens, 1851-69.

Cahier, C. Caractéristiques des Saints, Paris, 1867.

Cahun, L. Excursions sur les Bords de l’Euphrate, Paris, 1885.

Calder, W. M. Julia-Ipsus and Augustopolis, in J.R.S. ii (1912),
pp. 237ÎÏ.

—-Smyrna as described by the Orator Aelius Aristides, in Ramsay,

Studies in History y pp. 95 ff.

Canaye, Ph. Le Voyage du Levant, ed. Hauser, Paris, 1897.

Cantimir, D. Histoire de l’Empire Othoman, tr. Joncquières, Paris,
I743*

Carayon, A. Relations Inédites de la Compagnie de Jésus, Poitiers, 1864.
Carmoly, E. Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte, Bruxelles, 1847.

Carnoy (E. H.) and Nicolaides (Jean). Folklore de Constantinople, Paris,
1889.

—-Traditions de Constantinople, Paris, 1892.

—-Traditions Populaires de Г Asie Mineure, Paris, 1881.

Casola, P. Pilgrimage, ed. M. M. Newett, Manchester, 1907.
Castellan, A. L. Lettres sur la Morée, Paris, 1811.

De Castries, H. L’Islam : Impressions et Études, Paris, 1896.

*Caylus. Contes Orientaux, La Haye, 1743.

Cedrenus, G. Compendium Historiarum.

Cellini, B. Vita, ed. B. Bianchi, Florence, 1886.

Cesnola, Luigi Palma di. Cyprus, London, 1877*

Chalcondyles, L. Άπόδειξις Ιστοριών πρώτη, Bonn, 1843-
Chandler, R. Travels in Asia Minor and Greece, London, 1817.
Chaplin, Dr. A Note, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1894, p. 36, n.

Chardin, J. Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1723.

Chardry, J. Set Dormanz und Petit Piet, ed. J. Koch, Heilbronn, 1879.
Charrière, E. Négociations de la France dans le Levant, Paris, 1848-60.
Chastel, Ê. Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme dans l’Empire
d’Orient, Paris, 1850.

De Chateaubriand, Fr. R. Itinéraire de Paris à Jérusalem, Paris, 1811.
Chaviaras, D. Πζρίπλους του Συμαϊκοϋ κόλπον in Παρνασσός, xiv

(1892), pp. 533 ff· ^

Chaviaras, M. D. Пер1 τοΰ Κάστρου τής Σουρίας, in Λαογραφία,

η (1910), ρρ. 557 ff;

—- *Ροδιακά Μνημεία τοΰ Άκριτικοϋ κύκλον, in Λαογραφία,

. i (ι9°9)> ΡΡ· 275 ff·

Chirol, V. ‘Twixt Greek and Turk, Edinburgh and London, 1881.
Chishull, E. Travels in Turkey, London, 1747.

Chodzko, A. B. Légendes Slaves du Moyen Âge, Paris, 1858.

List of Authors

Choiseul-Gouffier, M. G. A. Voyage pittoresque de la Grèce, Paris,
1782-1809.

Choisy, A. U A sie Mineure et les Turcs en 1875, Paris, 1876.

De Cholet, A. P. Voyage en Turquie d’Asie, Arménie, Kurdistan, Paris,
1892.

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I

TRANSFERENCES FROM CHRISTIANITY
TO ISLAM AND VICE VERSA

I

INTRODUCTION

PROFESSOR SIR WILLIAM RAMSAY has in re-
peated articles laid stress on the tenacity of local
religious traditions in Asia Minor, especially directing
the attention of travellers to important Mohammedan
holy places as possible heirs to Christian traditions.1
The following essay is an attempt to bring together
some available cases of sites and cults transferred from
Christianity to Islam, and to draw from them such
conclusions regarding the causes and process of such
transference as seem justified by the evidence at our
disposal. Though my reading of this evidence often
leads me to conclusions differing widely from Ramsay’s,
I am confident that he will recognize and appreciate
any honest attempt to work out his own suggestions :
nor can the arrangement of so much widely scattered
material be without a certain value.

My own conclusion, derived, I hope, impartially from
the evidence, is that a survival of religious tradition is
so far from inevitable that it is only probable under
favourable conditions. A violent social upheaval, such
as a conquest by aliens, may possibly, and a change of
population involving a wide area will probably, obliter-
ate such traditions altogether. In the transition from
Christianity to Islam both these conditions obtained in
many country districts of Asia Minor. In European
Turkey the Christian element has always been in the
majority, but the conquest of 1453 meant considerable

1 Trans. Orient. Congr. (London), 1893, ii, 381-91 ; Expositor, 7th
series, ii (1906), pp. 454-75 ; Pauline Studies, chap, vi ; cj. also Im-
pressions of Turkey, pp. 71, 265 ; Geog. Journ. xx (1902), p. 274 ;
B.S~A. xviii. 61.

в 2

4 Introduction

social changes for Constantinople, from which of neces-
sity, owing to the comparative completeness of its re-
cords, many of my cases in Chapter II are taken. On
the other hand, in the pagan-Christian transition1
period the process was gradual and without violent
shock. It is logical to expect less survival from Chris-
tianity to Islam than from paganism to Christianity, and
such facts as we have are in harmony with this ex-
pectation.

Despite the readiness with which the eye of faith
detects ‘ survivals ’, well-documented instances of the
imposition of Mohammedan cults on Christian are rare
in Turkish lands. This may be partly discounted by
the considerations (i) that our knowledge of the Chris-
tian cults obtaining in the interior of the country at the
Turkish conquest is lamentably meagre, and (2) that
little or no research has been directed to the investiga-
tion of the origines of Mohammedan holy places.* We
cannot in the nature of things expect more than a very
limited number of proved or probable transferences of
cult.

For the purposes of the present investigation we may
divide our instances of transferred or supplanted sanc-
tuaries into the following main categories :

(a) Urban sanctuaries, where the transference is ex-
pressed outwardly by the transformation of parish
church into parish mosque (Chapter II).

(b) Suburban or rural sanctuaries, where the charac-
teristic outward change is from monastery to tekke or
dervish convent, or from Christian chapel to Moslem
oratory (Chapter V).

(c) ‘Natural ’ cults, depending ultimately for their
sanctity on physical characteristics of the site, where

1 Cf. Hasluck, Letters, pp. 47, 57.

* This could alone excuse my own presumption in intruding on such
a field without sufficient knowledge of the languages to consult
oriental sources at first hand.

Introduction 5

buildings and organization are non-existent or of negli-
gible importance (Chapters VIII and IX).

In all apparent cases of Christian cults transferred to
Moslems we must distinguish as clearly as possible the
character of the newcomers’ inheritance from the dis-
placed religion. Is it, so to speak, 6 material ’ or 6 spiri-
tual 9 ? Has the Christian site or building alone fallen
into alien hands, or has there passed with it some of the
pre-Mohammedan religio loci, e. g. the personality of
the saint supplanted or the local legends and customs
of the sanctuary ? And how far has the previous sanc-
tity of the spot affected its selection by later comers ?
и

TRANSFERENCE OF URBAN SANCTUARIES

IN the case of urban cults particularly a special caveat
must be entered against the arbitrary assumption
that, because a church was taken over by the conquerors
and used as a mosque, the religio loci was transferred
with the building. It was the normal custom of a
Mohammedan sovereign, on conquering a town, either
to build a mosque or to appropriate to that use as soon
as possible the best available building, which was fre-
quently, as is natural, a church. This he did, primarily
in order to seal his conquest by having official prayer
(khutba) said for him as sovereign, and in the second
place with the less personal object of providing for the
public worship of his co-religionists.1 Thus, even dur-
ing a temporary occupation, mosques were not infre-
quently built, as by the Arabs at Missis in a. d. 703,2
by Harun-al-Rashid at Tyana,3 and (according to tradi-
tion) by Maslama at Galata 4 during the Arab siege of
Constantinople. On the other hand, the first action of
the Ottoman sultan Osman, after the taking of Kara ja
Hisar, was the transformation of the church into a
mosque.5 Mohammed II at Constantinople first trans-

1 Fabri (Evagat. ii, 228) notes that, when either Christians or Sara-
cens take a town, they change the cult, mosques becoming churches and
vice versa. The reason in both cases is propter aptitudinem. Even the
apostles did not destroy temples, but removed the idols and consecrated
the buildings : see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 233 ff.

* Brooks, in y.H.S. xviii, 204-5.

3 Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 250.

4 This seems, however, to be a ‘ discovery ’ of Mohammed Ill’s
reign (1595-1603) : cf. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 71, and
below, pp. 719-20.

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 75.

Churches as Friday Mosques 7

formed S. Sophia into a mosque and later built one of
bis own, the latter being officially the ‘ Friday ’ mosque
of the city. Still later, it is recorded of Suleiman the
Magnificent that he converted churches into mosques
in every one of the towns and fortresses he had won
from Christendom.1 All churches in towns taken by
assault were at the disposal of the conqueror, though
the principle was not always insisted on.3 The signifi-
cance of the ‘ Friday ’ mosque in conquered towns is
thus primarily political rather than religious,з and the
change from church to mosque was in most cases dic-
tated merely by precedent and convenience. When
whole villages of Christians were converted, the village

1 Evliya, Ίravels, 1, i, 82. An inscription at Chios (Hasluck, in
B.S.A. xvi, 154, no. 16 b) testifies to Turkish practice at this same
period. A curious commentary on this is provided by the passage in
Michon, Solution nouv. de la Ques. des Lieux Saints, p. 72. In the
eighteenth century the Cenaculum at Jerusalem was known also as the
Tomb of David. Some Moslems obtained entry to the convent on the
plea of its being David’s tomb, and said their prayers there, after
which it was automatically recognized as a mosque. Omar, on the con-
trary, when he took Jerusalem, said his prayers at the spot now marked
by a minaret near the Holy Sepulchre church (Stanley, Sinai, p. 460).
This was a mark of clemency, because he could have done so within the
church, thereby transforming it into a mosque.

2 At Damascus we find the curious compromise of dividing the great
church between the two religions (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 265 : cf.
Menasik-el-Haj, Kitab, tr. Bianchi, p. 36, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 115).
At Larnaka in Cyprus the church of S. Lazaros was transformed into
a mosque, and afterwards bought back by the Christians (de Villamont,
Voyages, i, 284 : cf. Kootwyck, in Cobham, Excerpta Cypria, p. 190).
At Constantinople part of the city was regarded as taken by storm, part
as surrendered (Mordtmann in Byz. Zeit, xxi, 129-144). The trans-
formation of churches into mosques after this date seems due to special
circumstances, political, religious, or even personal.

3 In the same way the churches on Mount Athos had scarcely suf-
fered from the Turks until the political troubles of the Greek revolution
arose (Hasluck, Athos and its Monasteries, pp. 50 ff.). Miss Durham
found that the Turks had desecrated a church from policy, and states
that this terrorism had a great moral effect {Burden of the Balkans, pp.
122-3).

8 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

church probably became a mosque automatically in the
same way.1

It is further to be noticed that a mosque is only by
exception a holy place 2 in the superstitious sense that
a church often is, since it is not normally a place of
burial 3 or the repository of relics. Both these functions
belong in Islam rather to the turbe or mausoleum. In
towns only a limited number of privileged graves are
gathered round the mosques, the great burial-grounds
being outside the walls. The conjunction of mosque

1 A case in Cappadocia, dating back less than two centuries, is cited
by Oberhummer and Zimmerer {Durch Syrien, ρ. 143) · cf. Rott,
Kleinas. Denkm., ρ. 199· On the other hand, the Vallahadhes of SW.
Macedonia (see Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 29 ;
Μ. M. Hasluck, in Contemp. Rev., Feb. 1924, pp. 225 ff.) have preserved
some churches as such. According to information supplied to me by
a police officer of Chotil, there is at Vrosdan a church of the Anargyri,
whose feast is kept by the local Mohammedan women, if sick ; an
Orthodox priest celebrates at the church, crossing these women’s fore-
heads with oil from the saint’s lamp : the women are particular that
this oil, and no other, should be used. At Vrondiza a church of S.
Nicolas remains unchanged. Once a man stole a tile from the church
but restored it after S. Nicolas had appeared and threatened him in
a dream, and ever since a lamp has been kept burning in honour of the
saint. A shepherd feeding his flocks near Vinyani was rebuked by
Kasim (S. Demetrius), who appeared to him. A man who neglected
to fulfil his vow to light a lamp to S. Demetrius was struck cross-eyed.
[My personal inquiries in 1922 suggested that these and similar
churches survive in some Vallahadhes villages because the villages in
question were till lately chiftliks worked by Christian labourers, for
whose benefit the church was tolerated.· Μ. Μ. H.] Cf. the Moslem
Albanians of Kachanik (Bérard, Macedoine, pp. no f.).

2 Even the great mosque of Mecca is used by poor pilgrims as a
lodging (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 273). They eat and sleep there, but
may not cook.

3 Mohammed himself even forbade the bringing of corpses into
mosques at burial (d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 240). Lane, however, states
that in Cairo bodies are brought into a mosque before burial {Mod.
Egyptians, ii, 263). Mohammed’s own tomb at Medina is separated
from the mosque lest it should become 4 an Object of Idolatrous
Adoration’ (Burton, Pilgrimage to Meccah, 1906, i, 314). For the
Sultan of Egypt and S. Barbara’s body see below, p. 235, n. 1.

S. Sophia 9
and turbe either is, as, e.g., at Eyyub at Constantinople,
a development of the idea that the graves of departed
saints impart a peculiar efficacy to prayer ;1 or, as, e.g.,
at the Ulu Jami at Manisa, it is due to a pious founder’s
desire that prayer for his soul may be suggested by the
presence of his tomb in or near the mosque.1 In cases
where a ‘ transferred ’ church possessed a grave, for
instance, of peculiar sanctity, this sanctity might (but
need not) be inherited by the mosque, either through
the adoption of the tomb under another name or by
some less obvious process.

The following instances of ‘ transferred ’ churches
illustrate the abolition, adoption^ or transference of the
cults involved :

I. S. Sophia, Constantinople. Here, in spite of
the * superstitious ’ sanctity attaching to the Christian
church from the numberless relics and sacred objects
deposited in it, especially the tomb of S. John Chryso-
stom^ the building became at the conquest primarily
a. jami or place of assembly for the Faithful. The case
of S. Sophia is, however, remarkable as illustrating the
tendency, not only of certain old superstitions to sur-
vive—the selection being apparently quite arbitrary—
but also of new ones to come into being after the change
of masters. In this case certainly the resultant mass
of superstitious legend is due at least as much to the 1 2 3 4

1 The mental attitude of Mohammedans with regard to the saintly
dead, which of course varies greatly from class to class, has been ad-
mirably explained by Gibb (Ottoman Poetry, i, 180, n. 2 : quoted
below, pp, 256-7) : the above is a perfect orthodox point of view.
See the fuller treatment below, pp. 250 ff.

2 See below, p. 228.

3 For the assimilation of non-Islamic ideas by Islam see especially
Goldziher, in Rev, Hist. Relig. ii (i860), p. 298. The Holy Land in
particular affords well-documented examples of Christian cults taken
over by the Moslems.

4 See especially an anonymous fifteenth-century pilgrim’s account in
Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, pp. 225-7.

io Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

inherent beauty and impressiveness of the building itself
as to its antecedent consecration.

In S. Sophia, then, though the Christian cults of
saints’ relics were abolished when the church became
a mosque, at least three of the sacred antiquities of the
Christians continued to be recognized as such by the
Turks.1 (i) The doors said by the Christians to have
been constructed from wood of the ark 2 were still an
object of reverence to Moslems, who said a fatiha for
the repose of Noah’s soul before them as a preliminary
to setting out on a voyage.3 (2) The sacred well,
covered, as Christians said, by a stone from the well of
Samaria,4 afforded the Turks a cure for palpitation of
the heart. (3) The curative virtues of the c sweating
column ’, attributed by the Christians to S. Gregorys
were fathered by the Turks on the Moslem saint Khidr :6

1 Of S. Sophia Quiclet says (Voyages, p. 170) : ‘ il y a une pierre de
marbre, sur laquelle les Turcs croyent que la Vierge a lavé les langes de
nostre Seigneur y qu’ils honorent extrêmement pour cette raison

2 Khitrovo, Itin. Russes y pp. 225-7.

3 Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 63, and C. White, Constantinople y i, 272. Cf.
Lonicerus, Chron. Turc., tom. I, vol. ii, cap. i, p. loi : ‘ vnam [januam] e ligno arcae Noae extructam esse fabulantur, qua etiam de caussa per-
forato aere tribus locis lignum osculis adeuntium, & remissionem inde
peccatorum sibi promittentium, patere aiunt Cf. also G. Sandys,
Travels, p. 25 ; Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire (1709), p. 138.

4 Antoniades, eΑγία Σοφία, ii, 169 ff.

5 C. White, Constantinople, i, 270, and Evliya, op. cit. 1, i, 63. Ailing
Christians rubbed their shoulders against it for cure (Antony of Nov-
gorod (1200), in Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 90, and in Lethaby and
Swainson, S. Sophia, p. 102). Aaron Hill {Ottoman Empire, p. 138),
says that in his day both Christians and Turks held the column for that
at which Christ was scourged : 4 and upon this only ground you may see
great numbers of promiscuous People wiping off the Moisture with
their Cloaths or Foreheads, some expecting by its sovereign Power, to
be protected from the least Misfortune The moisture of the column
is held to cure ophthalmia if patients wet their fingers in the hole made
by Khidr’s thumb and touch their eyes with the damp finger (Guthe,
in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303). For the connexion with S. Gregory see Sandys,
Travels, p. 25 ; Antoniades, ‘Αγία Σοφία, ii, 226-7.

6 For Khidr see below, pp. 319 ff.

S. Sophia il

both saints are said to have appeared near the pillar.
Further, a series of legends grew up associating the
building both with the conquest of Constantinople and
with much earlier events in the history of Islam. Thus,
the hole in the Sweating Column was said to have been
made by Khidr as a sign to Mohammed, the conqueror
of the city.1 2 3 * * When the Turks first entered the building,
the corpse of one of their warriors was found in it laid
out ready for burial, with the invocation Y a Vudud
(‘ О All-loving ’) inscribed on his breast in crimson
letters.1 By a further stretch of imagination the ‘ pray-
ing-places ’ of heroes like Eyyub, Sidi Battal, and others
who fought in the Arab sieges of Constantinople, were
pointed out.3

The site and building itself were islamised by various
traditions. The site had been sanctified by the prayers
of Solomon : 4 at the building Justinian’s architect was
aided in his work by the Moslem saint Khidr,5 who
attempted to orientate the building after its construc-
tion :6 7 and, finally, a legend connected the repairs after
the earthquake of a. d. 538 with Mohammed himself.
The dome, so ran the story, fell in on the day the
Prophet was born,7 and could not be repaired till Elias
(Khidr) appeared to the Greeks and prescribed the use
of mortar compounded of sand from Mecca, water from
the well Zem-zem, and saliva of the Prophet. The

1 Guthe in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303.

2 Evliya, I, i, 44 ; 1, ii, 14. The story is possibly influenced by the
legend current in Mandeville’s time (in Wright, Early Travels, p. 135 ;
cf. Bovenschen in Z./. Erdk. 1888, p. 216, for Mandeville’s sources),
that the body of a man was found in S. Sophia with an inscription
showing that he had believed in Christ long before His birth. For this
ante-dating type of legend see below, pp. 72-3.

3 Evliya, I, i, 59 f. 4 Ibid. 1, i, 60. 5 Ibid. 1, i, 55 : cf. 21 f.

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 29. The

Turkish folk-lore regarding S. Sophia collected in the work shows that

many of the traditions of Evliya are probably current in our own day.

7 A church at Erzerum did the same(Haji Khalfa,tr. Armain,p. 651).

12 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

place where Elias appeared was held sacred by the Turks
and pilgrims, who, saying their prayers there for forty
days in succession, were infallibly granted their hearts’
desire by the intercession of Elias. Loss of memory was
cured by seven successive prayers at the spot and the
observance of certain prescribed forms of prayer and
diet.1 2

It appears indeed from Evliya’s account that two
hundred years after the Conquest S. Sophia was as
‘ superstitiously ’ holy to the Turks as it had been to the
Greeks before them. Of this holiness, as we have seen,
part only was actually inherited : the rest may be re-
garded as the outcome of the impression of almost
supernatural magnificence made by the building on the
conquerors, and their natural desire to associate it with
the history of their own religion since it had become
a mosque. Any remarkable ancient building may at-
tract to itself a cycle of legend : the fact that S. Sophia
is now a mosque has more to do with the religious
colouring of its Turkish folk-lore than the fact that it
was once a church. This point is illustrated by the
history of the ‘ Tower of the Winds ’ at Athens, which
had no religious associations till it was adopted by
dervishes,3 4 of which adoption there is no earlier record
than that of Stuart and Revett.3 At a later time the
tower was supposed to be haunted by the Moslem saint
Kara Baba.4 The religious-superstitious association is

1 Evliya, I, i, 55 and 64 ; more fully in C. White’s Constantinople, i,
267 ff. ; Khidr also appeared in S. Sophia in the reign of Sultan
Selim II (Evliya, 1, i, 61).

2 They came or returned between Pococke’s visit in 1740 (Descr. of
the East, 11, ii, 168) and Stuart and Revett’s in 1753 {Ant. of Athens, i,
14 : cf. Le Roy (1754), Mon. de la Grèce, ii, 10, and Chandler (1765),
Ίravs. in As. Min. and Greece, ii, 117).

3 The dervishes then in possession of the building were Kadri, as is
shown by the still remaining plaster finial in the form of a twelve-sided
Kadri mitre {taf).

4 Kambouroglous, Ιστορία, iii, 125 ; for Kara Baba, who was buried

Mohammed IPs Mosque 13

probably here suggested in the first instance by the
resemblance of the building to an octagonal Seljuk
turbe.1

It is noteworthy that, while the greatest respect was
shown to S. Sophia, the mosque of Mohammed II was
by some considered a specially propitious place of
prayer, ‘ because the workmen employed in building it
were all Musulmans ; and to this day neither Jews nor
Christians are allowed to enter its blessed doors,’2
because it had never been a church. This is in direct
contradiction to the theory of inherited sanctity.

2. Parthenon, Athens. The history of the trans-
formed Parthenon offers phenomena exactly similar
though not so fully documented. Of its Christian
marvels at least one continued to attract the admiration
of the new congregation—the transparent marble win-
dows by which light was admitted to the interior. This

at the east end of the Acropolis, see Dodwell’s Tour through Greece,

b 305·

1 Whereas the account of Athens in 1390 by N. da Martoni (below,
p. 181, n. 5) is full of medieval saints, relics, and miracles, the curious
notice of its wonders written about the time of the Turkish conquest
and entitled Τα Θέατρα καί Διδασκαλεία των * Αθηνών by the so-called
Jnon. Viennensis (in Kambouroglous’ Μνημεία, i, 92, and elsewhere)
displays a purely classical interest. Here (§ 2) the Tower of the Winds
is called the school of Socrates, an association kept up till the middle of
the seventeenth century, though the building itself becomes a convent
(tekke) of dervishes called the 4 Tekke of Ibrahim \ This is first men-
tioned by another anonymous author (Anon. Paris., published by För-
ster in Ath. Mitth. viii, 31, and by Kambouroglous in Μνημεία, i, 95,
and *Ιστορία, i, 125, 159). He has been placed by various authors in
the fifteenth, the sixteenth, and even the second half of the seven-
teenth century (Gregorovius, Stadt Athen, ii, 361, note), and considers
the building to have been the 4 temple and school5 of Socrates. The
French missionary Babin, dated with certainty in the middle of the
seventeenth century, considers it, however, a tomb (Babin, Relation
d’Athènes, Lyon, 1674, p. 41 ; cf. Nointel, ap. Laborde, Athènes, i, 122,
and Consul B. Goujon in Omont, Miss. Arch, i, 335 ; see also Perry’s
View of the Levant, p. 492). This is, to my mind, the Turkish contri-
bution to the myth. 2 Evliya, Ίravels, 1, i, 66-7.

14 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

simple miracle, thought by Martoni in 1395 to indicate
the presence of a buried saint,1 was considered by the
seventeenth-century Turks to be a sign given by the
Prophet to Mohammed the Conqueror the day the
church was changed into a mosque.2

The antecedent Christian sanctity з of the building
and the potency of Christian magic were credited with
two miracles of the ‘ black ’ sort.4 (1) A Turk, who
ventured to open a marble chest or tomb, was struck
dead, and his action brought plague on the town.5

(2) Another, who fired at an eikon of the Virgin in
the building, was killed outright by the ricochet of the
bullet, or, according to other accounts, was punished
by the withering of his arm.6 Further, we have evi-
dence, though on the doubtful authority of La Guil-
letière, that about the middle of the seventeenth century
the Parthenon became the centre of an important Mos-
lem pilgrimage administered by dervishes from Asia
Minor, who, however, had been driven out some ten
years before our author wrote ( . about 1659). The

passage concerning this neglected chapter in the Par-
thenon’s history is given in full on p. 755. LaGuilletière’s
statement is denied by Spon on the authority of Consul
Giraud and local Greeks ten years later (1679). ®ut
Giraud was not consul at the time to which La Guil-

1 Martoni in Ath. Mitth. xxii, 429. For other 6 burning stones * of
the same sort see below, p. 181 and n. 5.

2 La Guilletière, Athènes Ancienne et Nouvelle, p. 196.

3 The Parthenon is sometimes supposed to have been a church of the
Wisdom of God, but Lambros has shown it belonged to the Παναγία
*ΑΘηνιώτισσα (Άθηναι π€pl та теЛη τον ф’ αίώνος, p. 34).

4 On such miracles see below, pp. 36-7.

5 Babin, Relation d Athènes, pp. 32-3 ; La Guilletière, op. cit., p.
198 ; Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 364 ; Galland, Journal, i, 38.

6 Babin, Relation dAthènes, pp. 32-3 ; La Guilletière, op. cit.y
p. 193 ; Galland, loc. cit. ; Wheler, loc. cit. During the Turkish occu-
pation of Mount Athos a soldier shot at the Virgin over the gate of the
monastery of Vatopedi : the image bled and the soldier was found hung
(Didron, Iconographie Chrétienne, p. 461).

Parthenon 15

letière refers, and some considerations support the lat-
ter’s testimony. His description of the interior of the
building hung with rags and other offerings rings true,
and the movement against the dervish orders under
Mohammed IV from 1656 onwards1 fits exactly with
the expulsion of the dervishes mentioned by La Guil-
letiere.* It is, however, possible that he has con-
fused the Parthenon with another building. If
not, to whom were the dervish cult and pilgrimage
directed ? Athens was particularly connected by learned
orientals with the Greek philosophers, and on that ac-
count called by them the ‘ City of the Sages ’ {Medinat
al Hokama).з The local traditions of the later Middle

Ages associated nearly every ancient building at Athens
with some philosopher.4 The tradition of Athens as
the dwelling-place of Plato ‘ the divine ’ was still alive
among the Turks in the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury.5 It is quite possible that the Parthenon at Athens,
like the church of S. Amphilochius at Konia,6 figured

1 For this movement see below, pp. 419-23.

2 As to the reputation of La Guilletière, the general verdict of our
own times is that his forgery consisted in his using the material of other
people, notably the Athenian missionaries, passing it off as the fruit of
his own travels.

3 D’Herbelot, Bibl. Orientale, s.v. ‘Athiniah’ : cf. Saad-ed-din, in
Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emf. Ott. i, 351.

4 Anon. Viennensis (ed. L. Ross in Jahrbücher der Litt. 1840) : also
Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, 159).

5 Cf. Haji Khalfa, Rumeli und Bosna, p. 109: 4 Atina … der Wohnort
des göttlichen Plato und der berühmtesten Philosophen, und deshalb
die Stadt der Weisen genannt \

6 See below, pp. 364-5. Another house of Plato was shown at
Pergamon in the fourteenth century (Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii,
315 ; tr. Lee, p. 73), though Galen, not Plato, was the philosopher
connected with that town : possibly the two were fused in the popular
mind. A reputed house of Hippocrates (to Arabs, Bokrat) in Kos served
in the eighteenth century as a mosque (Egmont and Heymann, Travels,
i, 263) ; already in 1420 Buondelmonti had spoken of the house and
spring of Hippocrates (Liber Insularum, § 45), the latter at first iden-
tified with a curious built well-house above the town of Kos, and later,

16 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

as Plato’s observatory.1 The dervishes of La Guille-
tière’s time came from Konia,2 where the cult of Plato
was predominant.

3. S. Demetrius, Salonica, was not converted into
a mosque till some years after the taking of the city by
the Turks. The grave of the saint, to which primarily
the church owed its sanctity, was respected and re-
mained a Christian pilgrimage : з it was, further, to some
extent adopted as a place of healing by the Moslems.4

after this had reverted to its classical name of Burinna, with a spring
called κόκκινα vepa (Herzog, Koische Forschungen, p. 161). Other re-
ferences to Hippocrates in Kos are Galland (1673), ed. Schefer, ii, 21 ;
Perry (1743), View of the Levant, p. 481 (‘ imperfect Vestiges of the
house on a high rocky hill about a mile west of Burinna ’) ; ibid., p. 480
(Burinna — dormitory and study of Hippocrates) ; Des Barres, Voyage,
i, 179 (palace of Hippocrates) ; ibid, i, 180 (school in the town, now
turned into a mosque). The Greeks told Michaud (Corresp. d?Orient,
1830-1, iii, 464) that his chamber was in the castle of Kos. Tücher, in
Feyerabend (1480), Reyssbuch, p. 371 B, speaks of the house of Hippo-
crates.

1 It is interesting to note in this connexion the letter (1641) signed
by the Turkish notables of Athens, including the head of the dervishes,
commending the Jesuit missionary Père Blaizeau for his knowledge of
astrology (Carayon, Rei. Ined. de la Compagnie de Jésus, p. 147).

* See the extract given below, p. 755.

3 The profit derived from pilgrims is here of course a consideration :
cf Mackenzie and Irby, Travels in Slavonic Provinces, p. 10 ; G. F.
Abbott, Tale of a Tour in Macedonia, p. 14.

4 Joan. Anagn., De ext. Thessalon. Excid., cap. xvi ; Eustathius3
Opuscula, p. 173 ; L. Garnett, Women of Turkey, ii, 151, n. 1 ; for the
cult in 1489 see Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 263. The Turkish name oi
the mosque, Kasimiyyeh (after Kasim, the sixth Imam), seems merely tc
refer to the original Christian festival, S. Demetrius’ day (Oct. 26)
being also sacred to Kasim (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches,
p. 152). I can find no suggestion that the tomb of S. Demetrius was
regarded as that of Kasim (cf Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. ii, 39) by the
Turks, though this is not an impossible development (cf. especially
below, p. 48 ; Elwan Chelebi) in spite of the fact that a tomb oi
Kasim exists at Bagdad (Southgate, Travels, ii, 167 ; Massignon, ir
Rev. Hist. Relig. lviii (1908), p. 337). For the 4 measuring ’ of S. De-
metrius see below p. 263, quoting de Launay, Chez les Grecs de Turquie

PP· 183-4·

5. Demetrius,Salonica 17

The exact converse of this phenomenon ( .a Mos-

lem place of pilgrimage situated in a church in a Chris-
tian country and respected by Christians) is to be found
in the case of the reputed tomb of a ‘ sister of Moham-
med ’ at the church of SS. Peter and Sophia at Tarsus
under the rule of the Armenian kings.1

4. S. Amphilochius, Konia. Here the miracle-
working grave of S. Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium,
was identified by the Seljuk Turks with that of Plato
the philosopher.2 The church was in the fifteenth cen-
tury a pilgrimage for both religions.3

5. S. Andrew of Crete (Khoja Mustafa Jamisi),
Constantinople. The miracle-working Christian saint
buried here 4 was superseded on the discovery ’ in the
reign of ‘ Sultan Mahmud ’ of apocryphal graves of
Fatima and Zeinab, the daughters of the Imam Husain,
who were said to have been brought captive to Con-
stantinople and to have killed themselves to avoid being

1 Willebrand of Oldenburg (1211), ed. L. Allatius, Συμμικτα, i, 137.
The grave was in angulo quodam extra fores [sic] Ecclesiae. The church
is now replaced by the Ulu Jami (Langlois, Cilicie, p. 3×7). See
further below, p. 698.

2 A parallel case is that of Aristotle at Palermo. Gregorovius, quot-
ing (Wanderjahre, iii (Siciliana), p. 114) Amari’s translation of the tenth
century Ibn Haukal, says 4m Al-Kassar (der Paläopolis des Polybius) be-
wunderte er die grosse Festtagsmoschee [evidently meant for Freitags-
moschee], die ehemalige Kathedrale der Christen, worin man ihm eine
Kapelle zeigte, in welcher der Sarg des Aristoteles in der Luft schwebte.
Zu ihm, so sagt er, beteten ehedem die Christen um Regen \ It is to
be noted that the Arabs took Palermo in 831, the Normans in 1071.
Like Plato at Konia, Aristotle is probably a Christian saint taken over
by the Arabs as Plato by the Seljuks, and re-named. See further,
below, p. 364.

3 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 256 (1466) : 4 il y a là une église chrétienne
[consacrée], selon eux, à Platon, & selon nous, à Amphilothée . .. l’huile
sainte découle de lui jusqu’à présent For the Seljuk cult and legends
of Plato see below, pp. 363 ff. ; for the subsequent history of the
church, see below, chap, iii, no. 9.

4 Van Millingen, Churches in Constantinople, p. 108 ; Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 116.

11ЙГЛ

18 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

married to Christians, or to have died in prison for
refusing to deny their faith. The transformed church
thus acquired a respectable Mohammedan tradition, and
the Moslem saints continued the miracles of healing with
which the Christian church was formerly associated.1

6. S. Thekla (Toklu Mesjidi), Constantinople.
The saint and healer 2 here celebrated by the Christians
was replaced by a Turkish saint, apparently apocryphal,
called Toklu or Doghlu Dede. This personage is sup-
posed by the. Turks to have acted as a sort of regimental
bhisti at the siege of 1453 ; з the legend is probably
evolved from the name, originally a corruption of Thek-
la, which was borne by a Turkish saint, Doghlu Baba,
buried at Brusa. Doghlu Baba was so called because he
drank sour milk,4 whereas his namesake at Constanti-
nople purveyed it to the troops.

7. S. Elias (Daud Monastir), Brusa. This church
—we know nothing of its Christian past—was given
a new sanctity by the interment in it of the remains of
Sultan Osman. It thus became not only a holy place
for Mohammedans, but a national Ottoman sanctuary.5
It was never a Friday mosque, its small proportions and
circular plan marking it out for a turbe.

1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, loc. cit. ; Meyer’s Konstantinopel, p. 319.
Before this discovery the tomb of a i Companion of Eyyub ’ was shown
at the mosque (‘Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp.

Ott. xviii, 35.(349))·

2 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 135-

3 Paspates, Βυζ. МеХетси, ρ. 359 5 ^an Millingen, op. cit., p. 207 ;
Meyer, op. cit., p. 340 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 16.
The word dogh is represented as an old Turkish word for whey.

4 Seaman, Or chan, p. 120 ; cf. the Toghurtlu Dede of von Hammer
(Brussa, p. 57). But this saint seems also known as Daghli Baba
(‘ Mountain Father ’), cf. Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 364.

5 The church was badly damaged by an earthquake in 1804 and is
now destroyed : see Texier and Pullan, Byz. Architecture, p. 157 ;
G. Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 216; von Hammer, Brussa, pp.
47 ff. ; J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, ii, 24 ff. ; W. Turner, Pour in the
Levant, iii, 175-6.

Isa Bey*s Mosque at Ephesus 19

Though at least one church in every conquered city
was made over to Islam in the way we have described,
it must not be assumed that the local tradition of a
mosque having been a church is in all cases a true one.1
An instance which can be checked is that of the great
mosque of Isa Bey at Ephesus, which down to quite
recent times was pointed out as the church of S. John.
The entirely frivolous reasons for this identification are
discussed and dismissed by Falkener.2 The church of

S. John was indeed transformed into a mosque, and is
mentioned as such down to the middle of the fourteenth
century.3 But the mosque of Isa Bey is a purely Turkish
building dating from 1375.4 In our own times a rela-
tively modern mosque at Uskub has been claimed by
the Serbian conquerors as a church of S. Simeon and
bids fair to change its religion on that obviously untrue
assumption.5

1 Della Valle mentions (Voyages, iv, 61) a mosque claimed by Ar-
menians as an ancient Armenian church, apparently falsely.

2 Falkener, Ephesus, p. 155.

3 Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 308 ; Wilhelm von Boldenseele
(1336). Ibn Batuta wrote about 1340.

4 Austrian Expedition to Ephesus, i, 131. 5 F. W. H.
Ill

ARRESTED URBAN TRANSFERENCES

UMEROUS cases are on record in which the trans-

ference of a church to Islam has been attended

or followed by untoward incidents which have been
regarded by the Christians as miracles and by the Mos-
lems as due to black magic.1 When these warnings are
considered too serious to be neglected, the usual course
is to close the church altogether or to put it to some
secular use,2 not to restore it to Christian worship.
Examples are common, and, though the stories are
usually told by Christians, we shall find that they are
also accepted, and indeed acted upon, by Moslems.

1. A Church at Marsovan was transformed into
a mosque, but it was found impossible to keep its
minaret from falling down as soon as it was built.з

2. S. John, Rhodes. The minaret added to this
transformed church was five times struck by lightning.4

1 The same may happen when a mosque is turned into a church, as
in the case of a mosque at Akka (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 331). Early
Christians also recognized and feared the potency of pagan magic,
taking precautions accordingly ; cf. Allard, L’Art Païen, p. 262 (a law
of 435 {Cod. Theodos. xvi : x, 25) orders pagan ‘ fana, tempia, delubra,
si quae etiam nunc restant integra, praecepto magistratuum destrui,
collocationeque venerandae christianae religionis signi expiari ’).

2 After the fall of Jerusalem the Ascension church was made a
mosque, but, as Christians could not be kept away, the Saracens
spoiled it of its marbles and left it common (Fabri, Evagat. i, 389).

3 Cuinei, Turquie d’Asie, i, 761 ; Haji Khalfa (tr. Armain, ii, 682)
recognized the mosque as a Christian building but without mentioning
the superstition connected with it. At Jerusalem the house of Ananias
is now a mosque, but three attempts to build a minaret have failed
(Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 33). Similarly, infidels could not put image*
in the rebuilt temple (Petachia, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii, 400).

4 Stochove, Voyage, p. 223 ; cf. Veryard, Choice Remarks, p. 330.

Thus :

Minarets Destroyed 21

3. The Metropolis, Yannina, was converted into
a mosque in 1597 ; the same year the minaret fell,
owing, as was said, to the intervention of the Arch-
angels.1

4. ‘ S. John ’, Pergamon (the great ruin now known
as ‘Kizil Avli ’) had a minaret added when it was first
adopted as a mosque. The doorway opening on the
gallery, designed to face Mecca-wards, insisted on turn-
ing to the north, which in some obscure way led to the
fall of the minaret. The building is now abandoned.2

5. £ S. Sophia ’, Sofia, was half ruined by an earth-
quake when transformed into a mosque.3

6. S. Francis, Galata (1701) was struck by lightning
for a similar reason. In this case the miracle was attri-
buted by the Franks to the patron saint.4

1 Contemporary MSS. note published by Lambros in Νέος ‘Ελληνο-
μνημων, vii, 183. We may perhaps infer that the date of the accident
was the feast of the Archangels (Sept. 6) or that the church was dedi-
cated to them : a church of S. Michael in the castle is mentioned in the
MS. History of Yannina published by Leake (N. Greece, iv, 562), but
this seems to have been destroyed in the reign of Murad II in 1431, cf.
however, p. 563.

2 Arundell, Seven Churches, p. 288 ; C. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 126.
The same miracle is told by Rycaut, perhaps owing to some confusion,
of S. Demetrius in the same town : ‘ there are two churches, one
anciently dedicated to S. John, and another to S. Demetrius, both
which the Turks have relinquished, the first because (as report goes)
the Walls fall as much by night as they are built by day ; and the other,
because the Door of the Menar eh or Steeple, which above where they
call to Prayers points always towards Mecha . . . did in a miraculous
manner after it was built turn itself to the North, to which point that
Door now looks, of which I myself have been an Eye-witness ; but
what deceit may have been herein contrived by the Greek Masons I am
not able to aver ’ (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 67).
J. B. S. Morritt, Letters, p. 134, heard that a small mosque near the
church had fallen down every time the Turks attempted to build it.

3 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 295 : this church-mosque was also said to be
haunted by the ghost of ‘ Sophia the daughter of Constantine and
Helen (! !) ’, who was buried there (Benaglia, Viaggio, p. 45).

4 De La Mottraye, Travels, i, 166, 206.

22 Arrested Urban Transferences

7. S. Sophia, Pergamon. Here a cross insisted on
replacing the newly built minaret and became such an
obsession that the Turks built a dome over it.1

8. Church at Thyatira (Akhisar). Here the top
of the minaret fell repeatedly.1 This or another trans-
formed church in the same town possesses a column
which ‘ wept ’ when a Christian entered the building
and ‘ high above the roof is a small cross, the removal
of which would cause the collapse of the mosque ’.3

The destruction of minarets, which are the charac-
teristic Mohammedan feature of a transformed church,
may be attributed either to the anti-Moslem influence
of the building itself, as below in No. 12, or simply to
the ‘ evil eye ’ of the deprived Christians.4 It is suffici-
ently obvious that the tall and slender minaret is in the
nature of things the most likely part of any mosque to
suffer from lightning or earthquake.

Some transformed churches were much more dan-
gerous, e.g. :

9. S. Amphilochius, Konia (see above, p. 17, No. 4),
though transformed into a mosque, as may be seen from
the still existing mihrab, was found to be unlucky for
Moslems, who died 5 after entering it, and it was dis-
used in consequence.6

1 Elliott, op. cit. ii, 127. 2 Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 236.

3 Ramsay, Studies in History and Art, p. 290 : also in his Interm, of
Races in Asia Minor, p. 21.

4 The minaret of the Green Mosque at Bulak (Cairo) falls if a
‘ Frank ’ draws it. David Roberts, whose drawing shows the minaret
much higher than it is now, may have been the innocent cause of the
superstition, see Hasluck, Letters, p. 75.

5 Similarly, Moslems cannot live in the Christian village of Sidnaya
near Damascus (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 462), in the church of S.
Thomas at Jerusalem (Goujon, Lerre Sainte, p. 242 : cf. Thévenot,
Voyages, ii, 650), in the cell of S. Paul at Jerusalem (Goujon, p. 34), or
in the house of Veronica there (Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i,
252). Maundrell (ed. Wright, p. 459) mentions a village Booteshallah
[Beit Jala] near Bethlehem in which no Turk can live more than two
years : none, he adds, will risk it : cf. Robinson, Palestine, ii, 322. The

Fatal Entry 23

io. Jumanun Jamisi, Adalia. A chapel of the * Fri-
day ’ mosque at Adalia (a transformed church) was shut
up because it was found that ah Moslems who entered
it died.7 The whole building is now abandoned and
appears still to have a bad reputation : a few years ago
a wall was built round it on account of an outbreak of
plague in the immediate vicinity.8

Moslems retaliate in kind, saying no Christian can live long in the
Persian city of Chardabago (Maundeville, ed. Wright, p. 205). The
same prejudice exists between Jew and Moslem. Thus, no Jew can
live at Thaurus (Ludolf, De Itinere, ρ. 58) or at Caesarea (Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 224-6), and Turks die at the
Jewish Jobar (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 461 : cf. the inscription warning
strangers away from the Temple of Herod at Jerusalem on pain of
death, mentioned by Josephus, Antiq. xv, 14). Occasionally, a com-
promise is made : for instance, the house of Judas at Damascus could
not be converted into a mosque, so both Turks and Christians worship
side by side in it (d’Arvieux, ii, 456). The mention of the house
(church) of S. Thomas on Zion raises several very interesting problems.
According to Tobler (Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 446) it was first men-
tioned by Tchudi (1519) as the house of S. Thomas and inhabited by
Indian Christians from India. It was thought the site of Christ’s
appearance to Thomas. In 1586 Zuallart says it was a church but in
ruins [the year 1561 saw the whole group of buildings on Mount Zion
in Moslem hands. F. W. H.] Boucher (1610) says that all Jews and
Moors who entered it died, either immediately or within three days
{cf. also Quaresmius, 1616-26, and Nau, 1674). Troilo (1666- )

heard the story from a Turk. Yet from 1681 onwards a mosque stood
on the site and was seen by Tobler.

6 It is now a clock-house and store {cf. Ramsay, Pauline Studies,
p. 170 ; Studies in History and Art, p. 290). It was probably first in-
tended on account of its conspicuous position for the Friday mosque
of Konia, this place being taken eventually by the adjacent mosque of
Ala-ed-din. In theory the Friday mosque, or at least its minaret,
should overtop all Christian churches.

7 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 245 ; the same author {ibid, i, 95)
notes the case of a church at Kutahia, of which the anti-Moslem
influence was so strong that Turkish houses built near it fell down.

8 H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm.> p. 46 ; cf. above, p. 22. When the
Armenian renegade, Ali Pasha, was governor of Beyrut, he turned the
church of S. George there into a mosque. Although (for a considera-
tion) he allowed the Christians to carry away all the sacred furniture,

24 Arrested Urban Transferences

11. S. Nicolas, Alessio (Albania). This church was
transformed into a mosque at the conquest (1478), but
has since been abandoned as unlucky, three successive
muezzins having fallen from the belfry while announcing
the hour of prayer.1

The explanation given by Lucas in the case of No. 10
is probably good for all.* The Turks held that the
Christians had laid a spell on the building, while the
Christians admitted the working of the holy relics left
inside. In the case of Alessio we know that Skanderbeg
was buried in the church, and that at the conquest his
tomb was rifled by the Turks who used his bones for
charms.3 He was probably held responsible for the
accidents also.

12. Mosque of Zachariah, Aleppo. A curious story
of compromise after hostile manifestations in a con-
verted church comes from Aleppo. At the Moham-
medan conquest of that city a church, now called the
Mosque of Zachariah, was transformed into a mosque.
The first muezzin who gave the call to prayer from its
tower fell and was killed : the second died by a violent
death. His successor prayed to the Christian saint to
spare his life. The request was granted on condition
that the Christian trisagion should take the place of the
orthodox Moslem call to prayer. The office of muezzin
is hereditary in this mosque, and an author of the seven-
ties assures us that the trisagion (in Arabic) 4 is cried
from the minaret once in twenty-four hours.5

pictures, &c., ill-luck pursued the pasha for his sacrilege : falling ill, he
was taken to Constantinople where he was beheaded, his body being
thrust into the sea. See d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 376-7.

1 Von Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 93 ; Hecquard, Haute Albanie,
p. 57 ; Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 241.

* Above, p. 23.

3 Barletius Scodrensis, Vita Skanderbegi, xiii, ad fin. (in Lonicerus,
Chron. Jure, i, 36, and elsewhere). For their motive see also below,

P· 35·

4 Cutts, Christians under the Crescent, 1876, pp. 46 f. : ‘ it is said

Partial Haunting 25

The haunting or bewitching of churches might, as at
first in the case of Adalia (No. 10), be partial only, just
as a visitation might fall upon the minaret and spare the
main building. The sacristy of a church in Belgrade
remained intractable long after the conversion of
the church,6 and one of the galleries of the S. Sophia
mosque at Okhrida seems to have had a bad reputation
down to the Balkan war, without, however, rendering
the building as a whole unfit for Moslem worship.7 The
house of S. Anne at Jerusalem has been turned into a
mosque, but Moslems die if they enter the crypt.8

that the proclamation made at midnight from this minaret, and made
with the hand before the mouth so as to disguise the words, is not the
usual proclamation of the muezzins, but is a proclamation of the Name
of the Holy Trinity … to this day the listener can hear the voice from
the minaret of Zechariah begin : “ Kadoos Allah, kadoos, etc.”, and
go off into an unintelligible cry, clearly different from the usual cry,
and believed to be that which is written above ’ [г. e, 6 Kadoos Allah,
Kadoos el kawi, Kadoos ilezi la iemoot, erhamna,’ the Arabic version
of dγιος 6 Θζός, άγιος 6 Ισχυρός, άγιος 6 αθάνατος, όλόησον ημάς].
It should be remembered that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity is
most repugnant to Moslem theology.

5 Milder versions of the same theme are recorded by Thévenot and
de la Brocquiere. The former states that a certain mosque at Damascus
was reputed a former temple of Serapis and said to contain the body of
S. Simeon Stylites. ‘ Le Muesem n’y peut crier la prière comme aux
autres Mosquées, &… lorsqu’il veut crier, la voix lui manque 9 (Théve-
not, Voyages, iii, 6i). When the muezzins climbed the minaret of the
transformed church of S. Barbara at Beyrut, ‘ they were so beaten that
from that day no one has ventured to return thither 9 (B. de la Broc-
quière, ed. Wright, pp. 296 f.). It is remarkable that the mosque of
S. Simeon Stylites in Antioch of Syria is a recognized Moslem pilgrim-
age (Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in Ree, de Voyages, ii, 105), from
which town the body of the saint was transferred to Damascus, accord-
ing to Thévenot, loc, cit, 6 Poullet, Nouvelles Relations, i, 129.

7 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 140. Wace in 1912 found the
mosque disused (Ridgeway Essays, p. 280). Edmund Spencer in 1850
{Travels, ii, 72) says it was in his time a military store.

8 At the time (1735) of d’Arvieux’ visit to Beyrut Turks no longer
ventured to descend into the crypt of its chief mosque, which had
formerly been a church belonging to the Cordeliers. ‘ Les premiers

гб Arrested Urban Transferences

13. S. Stephen, Batron (near Tripoli in Syria),
offered a still more violent supernatural resistance to
the Moslem usurper. Originally a Benedictine monas-
tery church, it was transformed into a dervish convent.
In the space of a year no less than thirty-five of the
inmates died sudden and violent deaths :

‘ Les uns estoient trouvez renversez par terre, tous livides de
coups, qu’ils disoient leur avoir esté donnez par un phantosme,qui
leur apparoissoit dans cette Église, vestu à la façon des Papazes
Chrestiens. Les autres estoient tous fracassez et meurtris de leur
cheute du haut de la tour de ladite Église, d’où ils estoient
renversez par une vertu occulte et divine qui les ébloüissoit,
lorsqu’ils y montoient. Si bien qu’épouvantez d’un si grand
chastiment, ils n’oserent plus s’opiniastrer à y demeurer, et
l’abandonnèrent malgré eux ; ce qui m’a esté raconté sur les
lieux mesmes, que j’ay veus et visitez.’ 1

If we may attempt to define at all the agency by
which such miracles are supposed to be performed, we
must take into account not only the buried saints and
patrons, but also the spirits belonging to the buildings
concerned.

qui y descendirent depuis que l’Église eut été convertie en Mosquée,
perdirent la vûë, Dieu les punissant ainsi de leur trop grande curiosité.’
To avoid all risk of similar accidents they blocked the door of the stair-
case which led to the crypt (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 347). This was
dangerous to Moslems for the further reason that it contained the
famous ‘ Bleeding Crucifix ’ of Beyrut (d’Arvieux, loc. cit. : Goujon,
Теrre Sainte, p. 325 : de la Brocquière, ed. Wright, p. 297). The story
went that some Jews had outraged the crucifix, whereupon it shed a
quantity of blood. Most of the blood was distributed abroad in bottles,
but one portion was preserved in the crypt of the church, though the
Turks of d’Arvieux’ time refused to allow Christians to see it. The
crucifix also was preserved in the crypt. Once some rich Christians had
subscribed considerable sums in order to buy it, but the Turks were
unable to remove it, some dying then and there, others becoming blind
and dying later (d’Arvieux, loc. cit.). For a possible explanation of the
origin of the legend see Hasluck, Letters, p. 151.

1 Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 46. Savary de Brèves (Voyages>
p. 43) cites other miracles related of this church and admitted by local
Turks. He seems, however, to think the dedication S. James.

Guardian Spirits 27

14. Thus, at the church of S. Nicolas, Canea, now
a mosque, the Greeks hold that unless the picture of the
saint is duly provided with a lamp, the spirit of the
building (not S. Nicolas himself) appears and kills the
guardian for his neglect.1

15. At S. Catherine’s Mosque, Candia, also a trans-
formed church, the spirit of the building contents itself
with a yearly demonstration of a terrifying sort. It has
the form of an ox.2

The presence of such spirits in sacred buildings is not
contingent on the transformation of a church into a
mosque, since churches as such are often inhabited by
spirits of this class.3 They generally appear in animal
form, and, as Polîtes hints,4 probably represent the
spirits of beasts immolated at the erection of the build-
ings to which they are attached. But the transforma-
tion, and still more the destruction, of the church, ex-
cites their hostility,5 as the Turks themselves admit.6

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 517. 3 Ibid.> no. 518.

3 Ibid.y nos. 507 (Zante), 511, 512, 513, 515 (Athens) ; also 503, 509,
cf. 487. On the Mohammedan side similar phenomena occur : for
instance, at the mosque of Muhyi-ed-din at Damascus any khoja who
ascends the minaret is thrown down by an 4 Arab ’ (F. W. H. from
Husain Aga of Chotil) : there is, so far as I know, no Christian tradi-
tion, and the4 Arab ’ is generally a merely secular4 spook ’ or4 demon ’ :
for this see below, pp. 730-5. 4 Note on no. 507.

5 Cf. de Brèves, Voyages, p. 127 : 4 vinsmes à la maison de sainct
Thomas, que la deuote Imperatrice de Constantinople fit eriger en
Eglise, maintenant deserte, & demy ruinée : souuent les Turcs ont
essayé de la reparer, pour s’en servir de Mosquée, mais soudain que les
Architectes y entroient, vn hideux serpent sortant d’entre les ruines
leur faisoit quitter outils & dessein tout ensemble ’. A serpent in the
same way prevented the desecration of the Nativity church by the
Saracens (Fabri, Evagat. i, 474-5) and by Jews (Goujon, Ίerre Sainte,
p. 273). For a similar belief in Albania see Durham, High Albania,
p. 264.

6 Triandaphy Hides, 01 Φυγάδες, i, 36 : υπόθετε i d Τούρκος от ι
εχονσι τά τοιαΰτα οικοδομήματα πνεύμα φύλακα αυτών, καί πας
6 κατακρημνίζων τοιαΰτα κτίρια επ ερεθίζει την οργήν και εκδίκησιν
τον πνεύματος . . . “Ηκουσα αυτούς διηγούμενους πολλά παραδείγ-

28 Arrested Urban Transferences

Merely to threaten a sacred building might bring
down the vengeance of Heaven. Wheler relates a story
connecting the explosion in the Propylaea some twenty
years before his time with the impious action of a Turk,
which was miraculously frustrated :

* A certain Haga of the Castle, a zealous Enemy to Chris-
tianity, resolved one day to batter down a Church ; who having
prepared all things in readiness over Night to do the intended
Execution next day, being a Festival according to their Law,
they meant thus maliciously to celebrate, by the Ruin of a
Christian Church. But were the same Night miraculously pre-
vented by Thunder and Lightning from Heaven ; which set
the Powder on Fire, and blew part of the Roof, whereon the
Hagai s House stood, together with him, and his whole Family,
up into the Air. . . . The next day they found Bows and Arrows,
Shields, and other Armour, all about the Country ; but never
heard they any news of the Haga again.’1

This story is still current in Athens in connexion
with the church of S. Demetrius on the slopes of the

/χατα παθόντων Srjdev, Slotl iτόλμησαν ν’ άφαφόσωσι λίθους μόνον
€κ τοίουτου ipewuoOôvTOÇ οικοδομήματος. Christians are equally
superstitious about taking stones from churches : people who do this
either die suddenly or lose a hand or a foot (H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm.,
p. 192). The sheikh at Angora, who in 1834 pulled down part of the
Augusteum (the property of his own tekke), was nevertheless pursued by
ill-luck (Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. de la Galatie, i, 297). The sultan
who removed three of the columns which supported the dome of S.
Euphemia’SjChalcedon, could not move the fourth : it weeps on the feast-
day of the church (but the priests deliberately arranged this miracle) :
see Sestini, Lettres, iii, 171. The Saracens could not build on the site
of S. Mary of the Swoon, nor could they take away its stones (Fabri,
Evagat. 1,359). The image of the Virgin of Sidnaya near Damascus
turned to flesh when stolen and so frightened the thief into restoring
it (Maundrell, Voyage, p. 220): for this image see further below,
p. 462, n. 7, and Porter, Damascus, p. 130. The Saracens were so
terrified by a vision that they could not remove the columns of the
Nativity church (Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 72).

1 Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 359, who probably had it from the
French consul Giraud (cf. Collignon in Mem. Ac. Ins err. 1897, p. 63).
A similar miracle occurs in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii,

79 (697)·

Punishment for Sacrilege 29

Museum Hill, surnamed ‘the Bombardier ’ (Λουμβαρδιςρης)
on account of the incident. According to the version
related to me in 1914 the agha tried to bombard the
church on a Christian feast-day when it was full of
people, but his cannon turned against himself.

Spoliation of churches is likewise apt to bring with it
untoward results. The bey who stole the famous ‘ burn-
ing stone ’ of Angora went blind till he returned it, and
only recovered his sight by the intercession of a sinless
child.1 Instances of this sort could be multiplied,1 3 * 5 but
they are mostly told by the Christians and seem practi-
cally to have had little or no restraining influence.? It
is interesting to find the Turkish soldiers quartered on
Athos during the Revolution sparing the pictures of
saints in the monastery churches,4 but mutilating those
of devils in representations of the Last Judgement, &c.
Their conduct, both here and in other circumstances
mentioned above, amounts to a tacit confession of Turk-
ish belief in, and fear of, Christian magic.5 This be-
trays itself also in various other ways.6 At the conquest
of Satanica Sultan Murad II, before entering S. Deme-

1 Lucas, Voy. dans la Grèce, i, in-12 : cf. below, p. 181. For the
power of virginity see below, p. 200.

2 Cf, Blancard in Charrière, Négociations dans le Levant, i, 351.

3 Cf, however, Fabri, Evagat, i, 474-5, and the instances given

above, p. 27, n. 6. 4 Slade, Ίravels in Turkey, p. 492.

5 Lamartine, Voyage en Orient, iii, 173, tells the amusing story that,
if a Christian says the Creed continuously, a dervish at the Tower of
the Forty at Ramleh must go on turning (these dervishes are Mevlevi)
until he dies : once the dervishes caught a Christian doing this and
made him recite the creed backwards and so stop the charm. The
stories of defiling mosques and churches seem to indicate that both
religions may also indulge in reckless defiance of the other’s magic :
for such stories see Fabri, Evagat. i, 268 (an exact parallel to which is
in Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 307-8 : cf also Fabri, Evagat. i, 380). Cf. also
E. H. Palmer in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1871, p. 125. Cf. Hasluck, Letters,
p. 177.

6 e.g. Moslems will not cut wood near former Christian churches
(Durham, High Albania, p. 160).

30 Arrested Urban Transferences

trius, sacrificed a ram with his own hands,1 after which
he proceeded without scruple to sack the church. The
sacrifice was of course apotropaic 1 and amounted to an
acknowledgement of the hostile potentialities of the
church.3

The power of the Cross is also admitted by Moslems.4
Ibn Batuta at Constantinople says he was ‘ prevented ’
from entering S. Sophia by the numerous crosses placed
on and around the building to exclude infidels.5 It is
this belief in the hostile potentialities of the Cross,6 not
mere wantonness, which is responsible for the common
defacing of sculptured crosses in occupied Christian
buildings : as a rule the horizontal limbs only are
obliterated.7 On the other hand, Christian magic may
be conciliated, and the Cross itself pressed into the
service of Moslems. A stone decorated with a cross at
Eljik in Galatia cures sickness ;8 the Kizilbash of Pontus
mark their bread before baking with a cross ; 9 in Tunis

1 Ducas, cap. xxix (p. 201 в).

2 The root-idea of all sacrifice (kurban) among Semites seems to
have been that of communion with God : it is now regarded as apo-
tropaic, a life being given for life threatened or spared. In practice
kurban is apt to degenerate into a free meal ; see further below,
PP· 259 ff·

3 Chateaubriand, quoting Père Roger, verbatim, says (Itinér. ii, 373)
that the Turks are so scrupulous about the Sakhra because, all prayers
being efficacious, those of a Christian might succeed in driving out the
Turks altogether.

< Poiré, Tunisie Française, p. 173* says that the Moslem women of Algeria tattoo crosses on their faces and arms. 5 So in G. Temple, Travels, ii, 127; Lee’s translation, however, gives (p. 84) quite a different rendering of the passage. 6 Before ‘ Hamor ’ could build the Dome of the Rock a cross on Mount Olivet had to be removed (Fabri, Evagat. ii, 217). 7 e.g. at S. Sophia (Grelot, Voyage to Constantinople, p. 99); at Adalia (Hasluck, in B.S.A. xv, 271) ; Amastris (Hasluck, in B.S.A. xvii, 136 (1)) ; Smyrna (Hasluck, ibid., 149). In later conquests, e.g. Rhodes and Chios, the crosses were spared. 8 See below, p. 206, n. 3. 9 G. E. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 230. Cross as a Moslem Charm 31 women tattoo a cross on their faces ;1 a phylactery worn by the Moslem women of Egypt is called 4 wood of the Cross5 ;2 * and Sir Edwin Pears has noted at the present day the use by Turks of the prophylactic cross on build- ings in course of erection.3 In 1916 an English resident of Constantinople told me that the building of a mosque at Bulgurlu, a village in Asia opposite Con- stantinople, was constantly interrupted by accidents of various kinds. A learned khoja discovered that the reason of this was that the site chosen was that of an old Christian church, and that the ill-luck could be turned by placing a cross in the crescent crowning the minaret of the mosque. His advice was followed, the accidents ceased, and the cross and crescent are, according to my informant, still to be seen on the minaret of the village mosque. A similar tale was told d’Arvieux of the chief mosque in Beyrut, the former church of the Cordeliers.4 When the Turks captured Beyrut and placed a crescent where the cross had been on this church, the steeple was destroyed by lightning. A second shared the fate of the first, as did a third, a fourth, and a fifth. ‘ A la fin un Renegat qui avoit été Chrétien dans sa jeunesse . . . persuada au Gouverneur & au Peuple, que le seul moyen qu’il y avoit d’y faire tenir un croissant, étoit de mettre une croix au-dessus, les assurant que par ce moyen les sortileges cesseroient & n’auroient plus d’effet.’ The expedient proved successful, as d’Arvieux saw for himself.5 Like the Cross, both the rites of the Church and the gospel itself may be turned to account by Moslems. For example, the baptism of the half pagan Turkoman princes of southern Asia Minor, attributed by Bertran- 1 Covel, Greek Church, p. 391 ; Poiré, loc. cit. 2 Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 317. з Turkey, p. 79. 4 Mentioned above, p. 25, n. 8. 5 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 348. 32 Ârrçsted Urban Transferences don de la Brocquière to their wish to * take off the bad smell5 which distinguished Mohammedans,1 was almost certainly a prophylactic measure. Busbecq in the middle of the sixteenth century knew several Turks who had had their children baptized in secret, the reason being that ‘ they were persuaded that the ceremony contained some good in itself and they were sure that it had not been arbitrarily introduced \2 3 A passage in Story is very interesting and clear on the point. Quot- ing from Casalius,3 he says : 6 These ablutions became much less frequent among the Christians on account of the expiation made upon earth by the blood of Christ, for the innate foetor in the blood of man was expelled by baptism ; and it is related of certain tribes on the confines of Armenia, who generated exceedingly unpleasant smells, that whenever they were washed in the waters of bap- tism they at once lost this bad odour. Indeed, the Patriarch of Constantinople observed, that some of those who came to receive baptism from the Christians demanded it not for the orthodox reason of purifying their souls and obtaining sancti- 1 Ed. Schefer, p. 90 (ed. Wright, p. 315) : 4 Ramadan . . . avoit esté filz d’une femme crestienne laquelle l’avoit fait baptisier à la loy gre- giesque pour luy enlever le flair et le senteur qu’ont ceulx qui ne sont point baptisiez. Il n’estoit ni bon crestien ni bon sarazin.’ Cf. p. 115 (ed. Wright, p. 324), where the prince of Karaman is similarly said to have been 4 baptistié en la loy greguesque pour oster le flair ’. The supposed smell of the unbaptized Turk (see Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 38 ; Durham, High Albania, p. 74) has been used by Greeks in modern times to account for his otherwise inexplicable custom of washing (Hobhouse, Albania, i, 33). 2 Busbecq, Lettres, ii, hi f. The same author cites (p. no) the curious fact that the Turks had the greatest respect for the 4 Blessing of the Waters ’ by the Greek Church at Epiphany, before which they never put to sea, and for the yearly ceremony of the digging of the Lemnian earth, at which a Christian priest regularly presided (for this see below, pp. 675 ff.). The reason given was that 4 there are several ancient customs among them which daily practice has proved very useful and of which the reason is unknown and that their fore- fathers were wiser than themselves. 3 De Jhermis et Balneis Veterum. Mohammedans Baptized 33 fication, but considering it as a sort of incantation by which they could obtain corporal cleanliness. So also, in the same manner and for the same purpose, the Agerini1 sought baptism, as Balsamum 1 3 relates in his commentary on the nineteenth canon of the ( Concilium Sardicense and elsewhere on the forty- ninth canon (Synod VI in Trullo) where he says that these same Agerini were persuaded that their children would be vexed by demons, and smell like dogs, unless they received Christian baptism. In a similar way the Jews stink and are freed there- from by baptism.’ з More worldly reasons are sometimes admitted. Thus, among the Druses ‘ on a même des exemples, que de vieux Emirs & Shechs, qui croyent que leur postérité pourroit avoir quelque avantage de l’amitié des Chré- tiens, se sont fait baptiser sur leur lit de mort9 J A young Druse prince, having been circumcised to please the Turks, was baptized at the instance of his Maronite tutor to get him the political goodwill of the Maronites.5 Later, we find Mohammedan mothers in Albania baptizing their children as a charm against leprosy, witchcraft, and wolves.6 * * A Venetian Relazione of 1579 1 Agareni — Moslems. Cf. Fabri, Evagat. i, 275 (Jerus.) ; iii, 50 (Cairo). 2 Theod. Balsamon (middle of the twelfth century). 3 Story, Roba di Roma, ii, 31. He adds a reference to Fortunatus, Carmina V {de Judaeis baptisatis, A. d. 579), who says 4 5 abluitur Ju- daeus odor baptismate divo ’, and another to Bosio, Relig. di S. Gio- vanni, ii, 1589, who mentions the dogs of Halicarnassus (Budrum) who detected Turks by smell {cf, also Fabri, Evagat, iii, 261-2). Isabel Burton {Inner Life of Syria, p. 203) and Fabri {Evagat, ii, 370) also mention the supposed smell of Jews. 4 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 353. The Druses permit their children to be baptized if a Maronite monk or bishop wishes it. 5 Ibid,, p. 385. Cf, Fabri, i, 275 (Jerusalem Saracens). 6 T. W. Arnold, Preaching of Islam, p. 156, quoting the unpublished seventeenth century MS. of Bizzi, for which see Ranke, Servia, pp. 367 ff. In the acta of the Albanian council of 1703 it is stated that Mohammedan parents baptized their children 4 non ut Christianos 3295-1 D 34 Arrested Urban Transferences says that Turkish mothers generally considered baptism as a protection against the first,1 and another of 1585 says that Sultan Murad III was baptized, the cere- mony being held for a specific against the falling sickness.3 With regard to the superstitious use of Christian symbols and texts Thomas Smith writes of the seven- teenth century Turks : ‘ Some of them, notwithstanding their Zeal for Mahomet and the Religion by him establish’d, retain not only a favourable and honourable Opinion of our Blessed Saviour, but even place some kind of confidence in the usage of his Name, or of the words of the Gospel, though it may seem to be wholly in the way of Superstition. Thus in their Amulets, which they call Chaimaili, being little bits of Paper about two or three fingers breadth, roll’d up in pieces of Silk, containing several short Prayers or Sentences out of the Alcoran, with several Circles with other Figures, they usually inscribe the holy and venerable Name of Jesus or the figure of the Cross, or the first words of St. John*s'* Gospel and the like.’ 4 efficiant sedpro corporali salute, ut liberentur a foetore, comitiali morbo [epilepsy], maleficiorum periculo, et a lupis ’ (Von Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 38). Conversely, Christian children in Albania (Durazzo) are circumcised (Bérard, Turquie, p. 16) : cf. Pears, Turkey, p. 172. In the same way the conversion and baptism of the Arian tribe cured them of leprosy (Gregory of Tours, De Mir ас. S. Mart. 1, xi) : this idea probably depends on the prototypes of the Jordan baptism and the cure of the leprous Naaman in the Jordan (cf. Gregory, De Glor. Mart. i, xix). 1 Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ili, voi. iii, i, 455 : ‘ le mogli dei Turchi purché possano furtivamente battezzare i figlioli, non mancano, et molti Turchi ancora se ne contentano, siccome molti che hanno figliuoli di moglie turca li fanno battezzare, avendo essi credenza che il battesimo non lascierà venir loro la lebbra \ 2 Alberi, op. cit. ser. Ili, voi. iii, iii, 280 : ‘ una opinione . . . regna fra i Turchi, che i lor figliuoli quando sono battezzati abbiano miglior ventura e non sogliano patire di mal caduco \ 3 Thiers, Traité des Superstitions, i, 315, condemns amulets contain- ing the gospels and, quoting Augustine (Tract. 7 in cap. 1 S. Johan), says the gospel of S. John was placed on the head for headache : cf. S. John's Gospel as a Moslem Charm 35 Georgewicz, an Hungarian Croat, who lived thirteen years in captivity among the Turks, mentions this use much earlier and gives a hint of the thought which underlay it : ‘ Inveniuntur inter eos [sc. Turcos], qui eius sint superstitionis, vt in aciem prodituri, primum caput Evangelij Joannis Graece conscriptum de collo suspendunt, persuasum habentes, certum hoc aduersus hostilem impetum У insidias esse amuletum.5 5 At the time of which our author writes (the reign of Suleiman I, 1520-66), Turkish arms were turned chiefly against Christendom : it is hard to resist the conclusion that the Christian charm was here used expressly to nullify Christian opposition, magical or otherwise.6 Similarly, in the Jewish wars certain Maccabean soldiers killed in a skirmish were found to be wearing idolatrous charms 7 and were supposed to have lost their lives for their impiety. But we may well doubt whether the rest of the troops were so pious as their survival was held to imply. So, in Crete, as late as the revolution of 1897, Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âgey p. 357 (service of exorcism included reading this gospel and passing the priest’s stole round the patient’s neck). Collin de Plancy (Diet, des Reliques, ii, 34, s.v. Jean) says it was used to expel demons, to cure epilepsy, to find treasure, and to avert thunder : further, when Siberian Cossacks plunder a house, they place a key at this chapter of the Bible ; if the key turns, there is money about. Cf. also Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, ii, eh. xxxii, § vii. 4 In Ray’s Voyages, ii, 71. Père Pacifique (Voyage de Perse, p. 31) cites a case of a Turkish woman with a paralysed hand who was cured by having the latter passage read over her, the miracle taking place at the words Verbum caro factum est. For an example of the use of the latter charm against foul weather by a Greek seaman, see Cockerell’s Travels, P* I3°* 5 In Lonicerus, Chron. Turc. 1, iii, 208 (the italics are mine). The date of Georgewicz’ first published work is 1544. 6 Similarly, Mohammed II himself is said to have worn an amulet made of the seamless tunic of Christ and an enkolpion of the Virgin (Francesco Suriano, Trattato di Terra Santa (late fifteenth century), pp. 94 f.). Cf. also the case of Skanderbeg, above, p. 24. 7 'Ιερώμara των από Ίαμνβίας ειδώλων, άφ* ών 6 νόμος άπηργει τούς *Ιουδαίους (2 Масс, xii, 40)· Зб Arrested Urban Transferences we are told that the holy tables of churches in Christian villages sacked by the Turks were systematically broken in pieces : i the explanation given by persons of both creeds was always the same. When the church is consecrated, the bits of candle used are melted together into a lump, and the sacred relics placed in the middle ; the whole is then put into the hollow column which supports the altar-slab. The Moslems believe that if they wear a Christian relic Christian bullets cannot hurt them. What is more curious still is that the Mussulmans, believing that the spell only lasts a few years, actually take back the relics to the Christian priests, who are said, for backsheesh, to place them on the altar during Mass ; having thus regained their power, the charms are handed back to their possessors.’ 1 Much of this participation in Christian superstition certainly arises from the enforced intimacy of Christian and Moslem women, and especially from mixed mar- riages and the introduction of Christian women to harems.2 3 * It does not of necessity imply that the Mos- lem populations which use the Cross or even baptism as prophylactics are converts from Christianity, though in some districts (e. g. Albania and Crete) this is at least an important contributory cause of the anomaly. To sum up, all such miracles of ‘ Arrested Trans- ference 5 are thus seen to be really a subdivision of the theme of ‘ Punishment for Sacrilege \ The instrument is the foundation animal or negro з or the saint (by ap- parition) or relics. The ultimate cause of the fatal 1 Bickford Smith, Cretan Sketches, pp. 71 f. 2 Cf. de la Brocquière and the Venetian Relazioni cited above, and especially, for the form of mixed marriage known as cub in, de la Mot- traye, Travels, i, 335 ; Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ili, voi. ii, 454 f. ; and for an interesting and probably typical case Gédoyn, Journal, ed. Boppe, p. 130. 3 This is almost the same thing as guardian spirit, negro, or snake, the connexion being the guardianship functions commonly exercised by negroes (see below, p. 732). Edessa a Prototype 37 entry seems to be the presence of relics, and of this the Christian type may lie in Edessa. The letter of Christ to Abgarus was preserved there, and its presence was supposed to render the town uninhabitable for heretics and infidels.1 Edessa was in a good situation geogra- phically for the dissemination of its legends and the antiquity of its Christianity gave them considerable prestige. 1 Ludolf, De Itinere, ρ. Ó2. See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 172. IV SECULARIZED URBAN CHURCHES SECOND category of ‘ arrested * transferences is formed by the churches devoted by the Moslem conqueror to civil uses. This seems to have been done when a sufficient number of churches in a conquered city had been converted into mosques. Of the secular- ized churches, some lost their religious character per- manently, some retained a tradition of sanctity among the ousted Christians.1 Others, again, after an interval of secular use, became mosques and accumulated Mos- lem traditions, others, like certain churches in the last chapter, proved c unlucky 5 for Moslems and were in rare cases restored to Christian use. Examples are : 1. S. Irene, Constantinople, transformed at the conquest into an armoury. 2. S. Mark, Rhodes, converted into a bath.2 Other instances of the conversion of sacred buildings into baths are given below (Nos. 3, 4, 5,) : these may ex- plain 3 the Christian religious associations of other baths, where there is no further evidence of an original church. 3. A Bath exists at Marsovan where the Christians still celebrate S. Barbara.4 This bath is said, and prob- ably correctly according to my informant, to have been a church. On S. Barbara’s day the bath is always 1 e. g. the church of S. John at Ephesus was used by the Turks as a market-house, but remained intact and accessible to Christians (Ludolf, De Itinere y p. 24). 2 Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights y p. 153, cf. p. 156. 3 But cf. ch. ix, no. 10 (Kainarja), note. 4 Cumont, Stud. Pont. ii, 142 : the saint seems to be localized in Pontus as well as at Nicomedia, but the original legend, in which a bath figures, locates her in Egypt (at Heliopolis in her acta as set forth by Symeon Metaphrastes—see de la Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 130 : her body was preserved at Cairo according to Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 54)· Churches become Baths 39 accessible to Greeks who come there and light candles in honour of their saint. The bath is said in local legend to have been at one time the abode of Piri Baba, a Moslem (Shia) saint buried on the outskirts of the town.1 2 * 4 5 This legend is at least as early as Evliya Efendi, who records a tradition current in his day that Piri Baba frequented the bath in order to heal the women who resorted there, causing thereby some scandal.* 4. A Bath in Smyrna is called by the Christians after S. Catherine, whose day is still celebrated there by Greek women.3 5. Bath of Yildiz Dede, Constantinople. This bath is said by a Turkish authority to have been origin- ally a church transformed soon after the Conquest. It has to some extent acquired sanctity for Moslems by the burial in its immediate vicinity of the founder, Yildiz Dede (‘ S. Star ’).■» The history of this cult, which comes from a single (eighteenth-century) source, offers considerable oppor- tunity for speculation. ‘ Yildiz Dede ’ may have been (1) an historical personage (from his name a dervish) of the date indicated. But the ‘ time of the Conquest ’ is by the eighteenth century already for the Turks a mythical period to which ancient saints are readily attributed. Or (2) he may have been an imaginary person evolved from a translation of the name of the Greek saint Asterios,5 to whom a monastery at Con- 1 Information kindly supplied me by Professor White of Marsovan. 2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 213-14. A curious Christian parallel for this is recorded in Stephen Graham’s With the Russian pilgrims to Jerusalem, p. 254. 3 Fontrier in Rev. Ét. Anc. ix, 116. 4 Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 52 (489) : ‘ Le fondateur, Yildiz dédé, changea, au temps de la conquête, une église en un bain qui prit son nom ; son tombeau fut reconstruit lorsque le Sultan Mahmoud I monta sur le trône, et un cloître y fut établi en 1166 (1752) \ 5 For another possible connexion between Yildiz and Asterios see below, p. ιοί. 40 Secularized Urban Churches stantinople was dedicated.1 Or (3) he may have been a canonized bath-spirit 2 3 4 5 supposed to be attached to a hammam, whose name or sign was Tildiz Star ’). Of churches which, after an interlude of civil use, again became sacred buildings, probably owing mainly to their suitability for the purpose, we may cite : 6. The church of Pantokrator, Constantinople. It became a mosque after being used some twenty years as a store.3 7. S. Theodosia (Gul Jami), Constantinople, has a similar history, but is from a religious point of view more interesting. The reputation of the saint’s tomb as a place of healing in Byzantine times is brought out especially by Stephen of Novgorod (i35o).4 When the city was taken by the Turks, the tomb was desecrated and the remains of the saint scattered. The church was used as a naval store till the reign of Selim II (1566-74), when it became a mosque. In the seven- teenth century it was held by the Turks to be a founda- tion of the Arab invaders of Constantinople.5 The tomb of the saint, in the south-east pier of the dome, seems to have been rediscovered during repairs in 1832 and is now Turkish in form. The doorway leading to it bears the curiously inappropriate Turkish inscription ‘ Tomb of the Apostles, disciples of Jesus9 ; and it is regarded by some authorities as that of Constantine Palaiologos, but this tradition cannot be traced farther back than the restoration of 1832.6 * * 1 Du Cange, Constant. Christ, iv, 153 ; Siderides in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, κθ', 255· 2 Cf. below, eh. ix, no. io. 3 Van Millingen, Byz. Churches in Constantinople, p. 233. 4 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 125. 5 Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 24 : cf. below, p. 717. 6 Van Millingen, Byz. Churches in Constantinople, pp. 162 ff. : no one with any idea of the meaning of evidence will, I think, dispute van Millingen’s reasoned conclusions as against the fantastic assumptions on which the legend of the grave of Constantine rests. Only one point Fatal Consequences 41 The secularization, however, of a church might, like transformation, bring with it disastrous consequences. Thus : 8. A chapel of S. Nicolas at Emirghian on the Bosporus was desecrated and turned into a private house by a Turk during the Greek revolution. The owner, not content with this, threw down the eikon of the patron saint : he died the same night. Exorcism of the ‘ spirit ’ by a Greek priest proved in vain : suc- cessive tenants of the house were equally unlucky, and it was perforce abandoned. The story was firmly be- lieved by Greeks and Turks alike.1 The phenomena are not confined to Christian places of worship. It is recorded that a synagogue in Rhodes, transformed into a bath by Suleiman I, turned un- lucky on this account.2 In some cases the manifestations following the secula- remains unexplained : why do the Turks call the grave that of the Apostles ? I suspect that this comes from a misunderstanding or wilful perversion of the late Constantine legend, which insists that the re- mains of the Emperor were brought from the church of the Apostles, when the latter was destroyed, to the present Gul Jami (then a naval store). See further below, p. 354, n. 1. 1 J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, ii, 168. A very similar instance is recorded from Sylata by Pharasopoulos (7α Συλατα, p. 28). It is also said that Mustafa Beg in 1618 turned the Chapel of Flagellation at Jerusalem into a stable. In the morning he found his horses dead : each time he renewed the experiment the horses died. At last a c wise man of El Islam ’ told him the Christians venerated the site because of the Flagellation of Christ, so Mustafa Beg abandoned it as a stable, but would not give it back. It fell to ruins eventually, but Ibrahim Pasha gave it to the Franciscans, for whom Maximilian of Bavaria re- built it in 1838 (I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 346 : cf. Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 181). Tobler (Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 347) gives the above and other versions, Quaresmius (1616-26) being the first to tell the tale, with Laffi (1675) copying him, and Roger (1647) and Legrenzi (1673) following him : Legrenzi introduces an earthquake. The pedi- gree of the chapel seems very doubtful, and the site does not appear to have been recognized much, if at all, before the miracle. 2 Egmont and Heymann, Travels, i, 268 f. 42 Secularized Urban Churches rization of a sacred building led to its restoration to its original use. Of this a good instance is that of a church in Cyprus. 9. S. James of Persia, Nicosia, was desecrated, and for some time used by a fanatical janissary as a stable. The saint appeared to the janissary ‘ tout brillant de lumière, vestu d’habits sacerdotaux, tenant un baston pastoral en main ’ and threatened him and his house with disaster if he continued in his sacrilegious course. The janissary tried to treat his ‘ dream ’ lightly, but a second and more terrible vision, followed by the sud- den death of the camels kept in the church-stable, brought him to his senses, and he abandoned the stable and the adjoining house. As no one else dared purchase the property, it eventually came into the hands of the Capuchins at a nominal figure, and the church was re- stored to its original use. It was henceforward greatly reverenced by local Mohammedans, who anointed their sick with oil from the saint’s lamp.1 It is interesting to note that near the mother-church of S. James of Persia at Nisibin there exists, or existed, a small building once used as a granary by a Moham- medan. But S. James appearing to him in a dream and asking him why he profaned his temple, the proprietor abandoned his granary, which was in Niebuhr’s time used as a chapel by the Jacobites.2 3 The connexion is obvious,3 as is the superior handling of the theme in the 1 M. Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, pp. 7 f. : ‘ Il ne se passe pas jour qu’ils n’y viennent faire quelques prières & demander aux Religieux par devotion un peu de l’huile de la lampe qui brûle devant l’image du Saint pour en oindre leurs malades, en reconnoissance de quoy ils don- nent des cierges, ou une phiole d’huile pour entretenir toujours cette lampe allumée. J’en ay veu d’autres qui en passant devant l’Eglise, la saluoient avec une inclination de teste, & touchoient la muraille des deux mains comme pour en attirer la benediction ’. 2 C. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 308-9. 3 For a similar inheritance from the mother-church cf. the case of an Armenian convent at Dar Robat, near Mardin, which was regularly Mamasun Tekke 43 Cypriote version, where the church itself is in question, not an insignificant building in its vicinity. A particularly interesting and well-documented in- stance of similar development is afforded by the church- mosque at Mamasun. 10. Mamasun Tekke, near Nevshehr. Possibly the most extraordinary case of an ambiguous cult in Asia Minor is the worship of the Christian saint Mamas under his own name by Turks and Greeks in the wholly Turkish village of Mamasun. The sanctuary, called Ziaret Kilise (£ Pilgrimage Church ’), was discovered, apparently in the last century,1 by a series of ‘ miracu- lous ’ accidents. The site was apparently an outhouse and was formerly used as a barn,2 but it was found that hay kept in it caught fire. As a stable it proved equally unlucky, the horses kept in it dying one by one.3 These warnings finally induced the Turkish owner to excavate, very possibly in the hope of finding the ‘ talisman ’ which bewitched the building.·» A rock-cut Christian church and human bones were then discovered, the church being attributed to S. Mamas, probably on ac- count of the name of the village^ and later adapted for the modern cult. At the east end stands a Holy Table (at which itinerant Christian priests officiate), with a picture of S. Mamas, while in the south wall is a niche swept out by an exorcised devil (Niebuhr, op. cit. ii, 324, note). This miracle is borrowed from the great monastery of Echmiadzin (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 406). 1 It is not indicated in the map of the Archbishop Cyril (1812), which generally marks even Moslem tekkes of importance, nor is it noticed in his Περιγραφή (1815). 2 So Nicolaides (in Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 193), but from Rott’s account {Kleinas. Denkm., p. 263) it would appear that the tekke is one of a series of rock-cut churches, many of which are still used as barns. з Cf. above, no. 9. 4 For the procedure see the tale of the ‘ Priest and the Turkish Witch ’ in Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 839. 5 Mamasun would be near enough to the Turkish genitive from Mamas. 44 Secularized Urban Churches (mihrab) for the Turks. There is no partition between the Christian and Moslem worshippers, but the latter, while at their prayers, are allowed to turn the picture from them. The skull and other bones of the saint, discovered on the site, are shown in a box and work miracles for Christian and Turk alike : sick people are also cured by wearing a necklet preserved as a relic. The sanctuary is tended by a dervish.1 The bones of S. Mamas are of course not authentic. He was born at Gangra (Changri) in Paphlagonia 2 3 4 and suffered at Caesarea, near which are ruins of a church still associated with his cult.3 The bones at Mamasun were in all probability identified with the saint on ac- count of the name of the village, which is really derived from the ancient Momoassos.4 The accounts of the sanctuary and cult at Mamasun are given in full below.5 It will be noticed (i) that the Greek versions entirely ignore the miraculous circum- stances attending the discovery and (2) that they re- produce to some extent the ‘ haunted stable 5 motif used in the similar stories of the churches of S. James the 1 For the tradition of the haunted building and the origin of the cult see Carnoy and Nicolaides, loc. cit. : for the church-mosque see Levides, Moval της Καππαδοκίας, pp. 130 f., and Pharasopoulos, Та Σνλατα, ρρ. 74 f It is mentioned also by H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm., p. 163. I am indebted to Mr. Sirinides of Talas for first-hand information not contained in these authors. The church-mosque is mentioned as a place of pilgrimage of Greeks, Armenians, and T urks by H. Rott, loc. cit. Other churches frequented by both religions, who similarly par- tition the building, are S. John’s at Sebaste in Palestine (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 82) and S. George’s at Lydda (de Breves, Voyages, p. 100). 2 Here a turbe is still associated with his name by Christians (below, P· 95)· 3 Cuinet, Turquie cTAsie, i, 310. For the early cult of S. Mamas see Theodosius, de Situ Terrae Sanctae (c. 530), ed. Geyer, p. 144, and Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, pp. 203 f. 4 The equation Momoassos-Mamasun has Ramsay’s sanction (Hist. Geog., p. 285), and is readily parallelled in the local nomenclature of this district. 5 Pp. 759-61. Mamasun Tekke 45 Persian at Nicosia 1 and the chapel of the Flagellation at Jerusalem.2 It is, however, probable that some foundation for the tale, whether real, alleged, or artifi- cial, existed at Mamasun, since it is otherwise difficult to account for the discovery in a Turkish village and its exploitation by a Turk. A somewhat similar case is related by Lady Duff Gordon from Egypt, in which a Mohammedan mason in Cairo received spontaneously, or at least from no recorded suggestion, instructions in a dream from a Christian saint buried in a Coptic church at Bibbeh to come and repair his church. The instructions were acted on, the mason putting his ser- vices gratuitously at the disposal of the local Coptic community.3 My latest information 4 on the cult at Mamasun, derived from a Greek native of Urgub who has been recently exiled, seems to show that it has become of late years markedly more Mohammedan in type. Ac- cording to my informant, the custodian is no longer a dervish but a ‘ Turk ’—the antithesis is significant— who professes himself a dervish only to conciliate Chris- tian pilgrims. There are no longer pictures (εικόνες) in the church, only the remains of frescoes (αγιογραφίες, Ιστορίες) on the walls : nor are the relics shown or handled.5 The saint, now called Mamasun Baba, is buried in a turbe a short distance from the church, where his tomb is shown and pilgrims go through the common rag- tying ritual. The establishment is supported by the tithes of a neighbouring village called Tekke. 1 Above, p. 42. 2 Above, p. 41, η. I, from Tobler, Jerus. i, 347, and I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 346. The miracle, it will be remembered, is alleged to have occurred in 1618 and is recorded by a contemporary, Quaresmius. 3 Letters from Egypt (1902), p. 30. The saint appears to have been S. George. 4 April, 1916. 5 Turkish religious law insists on immediate burial {cf. d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 235, and the other references given below, p. 235, n. 1.) \6 Secularized Urban Churches The nearest parallel I can find for so amicable a juxta- position of religions is the sanctuary formerly frequented by sailors, Christian and Moslem, at Lampedusa,1 mid- way between Malta and the Barbary coast, where a single rock-cut chapel served by a Catholic priest and at times wholly untenanted, sheltered a Christian altar with a statue of the Virgin and the grave of a Moham- medan saint, receiving in consequence the veneration of both religions.2 Closer in some respects is the analogy between the tekke of Mamas and a Christian monastery of S. George situated in a Mohammedan village near Bethlehem and venerated by both religions.з But S. George is in Syria particularly susceptible to identifica- tion with the Moslem saint Khidr,4 whereas Mamas has no Moslem affinities. 1 See below, p. 757, n. 1. 2 A notice of this sanctuary is given by Ashby in Liverpool Ann. Arch, iv, 26-9. Some seventeenth- and eighteenth-century accounts of it are reprinted below, pp. 755-9. 3 Einsler, in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 49 ; Baldensperger, in P.E.F., Q.S for 1893, p. 208 ; cf. Chaplin, ibid. 1894, p. 36, n., and Hanauer, Folk- Lore of the Holy Landy p. 52. Cf. the similar phenomenon in the churches of S. George at Lydda (Fabri, Evagat. i, 219), Rama (Pococke, Voyages y iii, 15), Homs (La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 191-2) : in the chapel of the Ascension at Jerusalem (Pococke, Voyages, iii, 82), in the Cenaculum at Jerusalem (Robinson, Palestine, i, 356), and in the church of S. John at Sebaste (Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 683). 4 See below, pp. 326 fL V TRANSFERENCE OF RURAL SANCTUARIES WE have now to consider the case of churches out- side towns, where there is a priori no reason for Mohammedan intrusion, since there is no congregation at hand to worship in the converted church. The oc- cupation of such churches, i. e. monasteries or country chapels, was generally effected by the dervish orders, and seems usually actuated by the actual sanctity of the spot,1 especially as manifested by healing miracles. In certain of the cases cited below Christians, retaining their tradition, continue to frequent the converted sanctuaries and to participate in the cult. I set first a group of apparent or reputed instances of the imposition of Mohammedan on Christian cults, in which there is a considerable amount of evidence, historical, archaeological, or traditional, for the change of religion, and in a few cases suggestions of the manner in which it came about. I. Elwan Chelebi, a village fifteen miles east of Chorum (Paphlagonia), is named after a Turkish saint buried there in a now decayed tekke. The village has been identified with the medieval Euchaita,2 which seems to have owed its whole importance to its being the burial-place of S. Theodore.3 The church of S. 1 We arc for the present ignoring as of minor importance for our inquiry the practical considerations of site, &c., including the appro- priateness of buildings. A round or octagonal plan, for instance, in- evitably suggests the turbe of a Mohammedan saint, cf. chap, ii, no. 7. 2 So Anderson (Stud. Pont. i, 9 ff., cf. iii, 207 ff.), who is responsible for the discovery of the ‘ survival \ 3 Originally S. Theodore Stratelates, later S. Theodore Tiron. For the SS. Theodore, see Delehaye, Légendes des SS. Militaires, pp. uff.; 48 Ίταηί/ετύηοά of Rural Sanctuaries Theodore, who was said to have slain a dragon in the neighbourhood, was celebrated as a miracle-working shrine in the eleventh century. Euchaita is now placed at Avghat,1 but Elwan Chelebi is well within the area of S. Theodore’s popularity, and may represent, if not the great shrine, at least a subsidiary one of importance, perhaps the scene of the dragon-slaying.2 In the middle of the sixteenth century Busbecq з and Dernschwam 4 passed through the place, then called Tekke Keui, on their journey to Amasia. They found there a tekke of dervishes devoted to the cult of Khidr, a Mohammedan saint generally identified with S. George, whose horse and dragon-legend he shares.5 The der- vishes showed their visitors some traces of the dragon, a hoof-mark and spring made by Khidr’s horse, and the tomb not of the saint himself (who found the Water of Life and became immortal) 6 but of his groom and of his sister’s son, who accompanied him on his dragon- slaying expedition. Cures were performed at the site by the use of earth and scrapings of the wall which surrounded the place of the dragon. Finally, Haji Khalfa (1648) notices in this district the pilgrimage to the tomb of Sheikh Elwan; 7 the sheikh was an historical personage who died in the reign of Orkhan (1326-60) W. Hengstenberg in Oriens Christianus, N.S. ii (1912), pp. 78 if,. 241 if., and review by Ehrhard in Byz. Zeit, xxii, 179 ff. For another tomb of S. Theodore Tiron shown at Benderegli (Herakleia Pontica) see below, pp. 88-9. The tradition placing the passion of S. Theodore at Benderegli is early (Synaxaria, Feb. 8 ; Conybeare, Monuments of Early Christianity у p. 224), but seems no longer current there (cf. P. Makris, 'Ηρακλζία του Πόντου pp. 115 if.). 1 Grégoire in Byz. Zeit, xix, 59-61 ; cf. Jerphanion, ibid, xx, 492. 2 So in the local dragon-legend of Kruya in Albania, Kruya itself is regarded as the slaying-place, but Alessio is introduced as the place where the dragon fell (see my article in B.S.A. xix, 208, below, p. 436, n. 1). 3 Lettres y i, 166 if. 4 1553-5. See Kiepert in Globus, Hi, 186 if., 202 if., 214 ff., 230 if. 5 See below, pp. 321 ff. 6 Le Strange, E. Caliphate y p. 175. 7 Tr. Armain, p. 681. Kirklar 7ekke 49 and is chiefly known as the translator of a Persian mystic poem.1 From these indications we may reconstruct the his- tory of the sanctuary somewhat as follows. The site of the church of S. Theodore was at some time taken over by the Mohammedans, who identified the saint on the ground of his eikon-tyTpz 2 (he is generally represented on horseback) and dragon-legend, possibly helped by his name, with their own Khidr. After the transference the interment of Sheikh Elwan on the site gave it a new and more concrete sanctity.з 2. Kirklar Tekke, Zile. At three-quarters of an hour from Zile (Zela) in Pontus is the village of Tekke, formerly called Kirklar Tekke or Convent of the Forty. 1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 211 ; Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 178· 2 The ‘ nephew ’ of Khidr does not belong to the original Khidr story, and may be introduced here to explain an eikon depicting both S. Theodore Stratelates and S. Theodore Tiron. The importance of eikonography can scarcely be exaggerated. By it our ideas of the devil, fairies, and even saints are made precise. Carroll made the word 4 Jabberwock ’ and Tenniel drew the idea : but for the drawing, 4 Jab- berwock ’ would convey no precise mental idea. The lack of images is one reason of the fluidity of Turkish saints. Turks generally arrive only at the rough classification, warriors, dervishes, &c., whereas the Greeks, with their eikons, not only use this kind of classification but have their appropriate distinguishing marks. In the case of SS. George and Demetrius, for instance, S. George has a white horse and conquers a dragon, S. Demetrius has a red horse and conquers a pagan. Turks can in Khidr fuse the aged ascete Elias and the young soldier George, Greeks could scarcely do so. J. C. Lawson never could persuade a Greek child to draw his conception of a Kallikantzaros and so prove or disprove his Centaur theory : this is because there is no eikonography of Kallikantzari. For the curious similarity between the influence of oral literature on folk-lore and the influence of eikonography on popular hagiology see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 169-70. 3 There seems no reason to doubt the authenticity of the tomb of Sheikh Elwan. It was shown already, as Dernschwam’s plan of the tekke (Kiepert in Globus, Hi, 232) makes clear, in Busbecq’s time. But the tomb of Khidr’s companions occupies the place of honour right of the entrance. 3295.1 E 50 ‘Transference of Rural Sanctuaries The religious centre of the village is a tekke containing the mausoleum {turbe) of Sheikh Nusr-ed-din Evliya, a fourteenth-century saint of Bokhara. The turbe is of some antiquity and contains Byzantine fragments : parts of it seem to be of Byzantine construction. In it repose the sheikh and his children : a crypt beneath is looked upon as specially holy and is visited by Greek and Armenian as well as Turkish pilgrims. The site of Kirklar Tekke checks exactly with what we know of Sarin, the burial place of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste (Sivas).1 The name Kirklar (‘ the Forty ’) is indeed common in the district, but this is not to be wondered at, considering the vogue of the Forty Martyrs in their own country.2 3 4 In the case of the ‘ Convent of the Forty ’ the name could easily be explained to Moham- medans by supposing a convent originally containing forty dervishes or dedicated to one of the Mohammedan groups of forty saints.3 Both at Kirklar Tekke and at Sheikh Elwan it is to be noted that the transference from Christianity to Islam is made by way of an intermediate stage, in which the cult is directed to rather shadowy and non-commit- tal personages comparable to ‘ Plato ’ in Chapter II, no. 4, above. 3. Kirklar Tekke near Nicosia, Cyprus. This Cypriote tekke4 seems to be an example of a similar Moslem encroachment, though Mr. H. C. Luke informs me that he has had the local archives searched in vain for evidence of the time or process of the transference : 1 Grégoire, in B.C.H. 1909, pp. 25 ff. and Stud. Pont, iii, 243 ; Jerphanion, in Mél. F ac. Or. 1911, p. xxxviii. The latter considers the identification Sarin-Kirklar Tekke possible, but does not think it was the chief burial-place of the Forty Martyrs. 2 Grégoire and Jerphanion, locc. citt. 3 For the Forty in Near Eastern folk-lore and religion see below, pp. 391-402 ; at Zile, p. 574. 4 About ten miles ESE. of Nicosia. Kaliakra 51 there is no dervish establishment on the spot. The sanctuary is frequented not only by Mohammedans but by Christians, who recognize in the Moslem ‘ Kirklar 5 their own 4 Forty Saints V 4. Kirklar Tekke, Kirk Kilise. The precedents afforded by the Mohammedan ‘ Convents of the Forty ’ in Pontus and Cyprus go far towards substantiating the Christian origin of the outwardly modern Convent of the Forty (Kirklar Tekke) at Kirk Kilise in Thrace.2 The Christian cult of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste з flourishes in Thrace, and Kirk Kilise itself has a modern church of that dedication. The town may well take its name from the original church or monastery.4 5. Kaliakra, Bulgaria. A cave at Kaliakra, near Varna, was in the seventeenth century exploited by Bektashi dervishes as the tomb of a saint called Kilgra Sultan, identified with Sari Saltik 5 and the scene of his victory over a dragon. The Bektashi identified their saint with S. Nicolas, to whom probably the Kaliakra site was dedicated in Christian times.6 At the present day the site forms part of a Christian kingdom, but the population is still mixed. The ‘ tomb 5 was till recently visited by Christians as that of S. Nicolas and by Mohammedans as that of a saint called Haji Baba.7 1 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47. On the significance of the number c Forty ’ see the references given below, p. 393, n. 3. 2 F. W. H. The tekke is mentioned by M.Christodoulos, 'Η Θράκη, P-45· 3 At an earlier date the saints were probably identified with the local (Adrianople) group celebrated on 1 Sept. 4 This is one of the explanations put forward by Christodoulos (op, eit., pp. 196, 245). See further below, p. 397. 5 On Sari Saltik and his legend-cycle see below, pp. 429 fii. 6 For this see below, p. 578. 7 Jire£ek in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. 1886, p. 189. Professor Skorpil in- forms me (1913) that the tekke of Kaliakra no longer exists. The cave, which seems to be the seat of the present cult is mentioned by H. C. Barkley, Bulgaria before the War, p. 321. 52 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries 6. At Haidar-es-Sultan, a ‘Kizilbash ’ village south- east of Angora, Crowfoot found a tekke containing the tombs of the eponymous Haidar and his family, to- gether with a well emitting sulphurous fumes and used as an oracle.1 He was informed by the sheikh that the tekke occupied the site of a Christian monastery. In spite of a slight discrepancy as to position, the well is probably to be identified with the Madmen’s Well ’ near Angora mentioned as a ‘ kill-or-cure ’ remedy for lunatics by Haji Khalfa (1648) : the latter says nothing of a tekke but remarks that there was a ruined Christian church near the well.1* The legends of the buried saint as told to Crowfoot belong evidently to two strata : (a) Haidar is apparently identified with the father of Shah Ismail of Persia and the founder of the Haidari sect of Shias. But, in fact, this Haidar neither was, as Crowfoot was told, son of the King of Persia, nor did he die in Asia Minor. The real Haidar з is probably a local hero or tribal ancestor of a Shia clan and elsewhere unknown to fame. ( ) Whoever the buried Haidar may be, he is locally identi- fied with the sheikh Khoja Ahmed of Yasi in Turkestan. In local legend Khoja Ahmed is regarded as one of Haji Bektash’s disciples,4 who, having married a Chris- tian woman of Cæsarea named Mene, settled at the 1 In J. R. Anthr. Inst. XXX (1900), pp. 305-20. 2 Tr. Armain, p. 703 (‘ east of Angora on this side of the Kyzyl Irmak ’). Madmen were made to look into the well and either re- covered or died of this treatment. Sane people only noticed a sul- phurous smell. Near the well was a cemetery where unsuccessful patients were buried. A well, where exactly similar cures are practised at the present day, is cited by Halliday (in Folk-Lore, xxiii, 220) at Sipan Dere in the Taurus. The parallelism is so exact that the two wells can hardly be without connexion. 3 Haidar {lion) is a name specially connected with Ali, the ‘ lion of God \ Haidarli is the name of a tribe of Kizilbash Kurds in the Der- sim (Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv, 1914, p. 68). On such tribal heroes see below, chap. xxi. 4 This seems a local error : see below, p. 404, n. 2. Haidar-es-Sultan 53 village of Haidar-es-Sultan. The apocryphal connexion between Khoja Ahmed and Haji Bektash, discussed below,1 was confirmed by the sheikh of Hasan Dede, a neighbouring ‘ Kizilbash ’ village, and is acknowledged also by the Bektashi dervishes to whose influence the identification is probably due. The marriage of Khoja Ahmed with a Christian woman Mene may, as Crow- foot remarks, point to a connexion between this cult and a Christian predecessor.1 But the only evidence for the latter is (a) the local and Moslem tradition of a monastery on the site, backed by ( the somewhat equivocal testimony of Haji Khalfa and (r) the antece- dent probability of the sulphurous well having been adopted by Christianity. It is probable that in most of the cases cited above the transference of holy places to Islam was actuated to a greater or less degree by religious or superstitious, as op- posed to political or politico-religious motives. Though all religions may share the blessings of a holy place, its actual servants may be regarded as having a special claim on the good offices of its patron, and the revenues to be obtained by discreet exploitation of him must not be ignored as a contributory stimulus. 7. S. Nerses, Rum kale. It is in this spirit, as ap- pears from Christian evidence, that the ancient Arme- nian church of S. Nerses at Rumkale з on the Upper Euphrates was forcibly occupied by Mohammedans in the latter part of the seventeenth century.4 8. A well-documented modern instance of Moslem 1 Pp. 403 f. 2 S, Menas ? See below, p. 403, n. 3. 3 The church is mentioned as a place of Christian pilgrimage by Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, i, 157. Rumkale was the seat of the Armenian patriarchs from 1147 to 1298 (J. A. de Saint-Martin, Mémoires sur Г Arménie, i, 196 ; ii, 443), and was the birth-place of the patriarch Nerses IV Klaietsi. He died there in 1173. 4 Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, pp. 45-6 : ‘ il y a environ dix ans qu’ils prirent aux Arméniens l’Église d’Ouroumcala, dite Saint Nerses, qui est fort ancienne, illustre en miracles, & fameuse par la quantité des 54 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries intrusion on a Christian monastery is afforded by the case of Domuz Dere Tekke (near Keshan in Thrace). This (Bektashi) tekke occupies the site and buildings of a small Greek monastery of S. George. The usurpation by the Bektashi is said to have taken place ‘ about sixty years ago the depopulation of the neighbouring Christian village by an epidemic of plague 1 giving the dervishes an opportunity to intrude themselves without opposition. At the present day a fanegyris takes place at the tekke yearly on S. George’s day and is frequented by Turks and Greeks. The original monastery church has been divided by the dervishes into several compart- ments, including living-rooms and a tomb-chamber for the burial of their deceased abbots. The sanctuary end of the church still retains to some extent its original character : the upper part of the screen ( ) is preserved, and on the north wall of the church is hung an ancient eikon of S. George flanked by lighted lamps.1 It need hardly be pointed out that this example of a usurped Christian monastery throws important light on the circumstances in which other such sites were, or may have been, usurped.3 9. To a similar process may tentatively be assigned the transference to Islam of the tekke near Eski Baba (Thrace), which offers a similar example of an ambigu- ous cult. Eski Baba (‘ S. Old ’) is mentioned under that name, thus implying the existence of the Turkish cult, as early as 1553.4 The tekke itself is said by several authors to have been formerly a church of S. Nicolas 5 pèlerins qui y venoient de toutes parts, afin de donner à entendre par là qu'ils reverent les Saints, iff que celuy auquel cette Église est dediée, estoit de leur party, iff Musulman comme eux \ Here one is inclined to suspect dervish, especially Bektashi, influence. 1 For this see below, p. 520. 2 See further below, p. 521. 3 See especially the case of Eski Baba, below, no. 9. 4 Verantius, ap. Jireòek, Heerstrasse, p. 167. 5 Gerlach, Bargrave, and Covel (quoted below) : cf. Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, ii, 140. Eski Baba 55 and the saint buried in it was held by the Turks to be S. Nicolas himself, of whom sundry apocryphal relics were shown.1 The cult seems certainly to have been administered by Bektashi dervishes, who identify their own saint Sari Saltik with S. Nicolas.2 The ζ Baba ’ of Eski Baba was thus one of the usual Bektashi ambiguous saints.з The tekke was evidently an important pilgrimage in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in 1667 pro- voked the remonstrances of the strict Sunni preacher Vani Efendi, who would have abolished the cult as superstitious.4 It continued, however, in spite of op- position, as is seen by Covel’s account in 1675,5 and at the present day is admittedly frequented by Christians as well as Turks.6 It is a nice question whether S. Nicolas has come to his own through these vicissitudes, or whether he is a pure invention of the Bektashi oc- cupants of the sanctuary, devised to attract local Chris- tians of the humbler classes. The building seems quite certainly to have been a church originally, since my 1 Gerlach, quoted below, p. 761. 2 See below, p. 430. з Below, pp. 564 ff. 4 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xi, 250. The saint is here spoken of as Kanbur Dede (‘ S. Humpback ’), but the identification seems cer- tain from the location of the cult near Khavsa, which is half a day’s journey from Eski Baba. 5 Quoted below, p. 257 : cf. also the account of the Serbian patri- arch Arsenij Cernojeviò (a. d. 1683), in Glasnik, xxxiii, 189, quoted by Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 345 (‘ the tomb of a certain Nicolas, a warrior who had accompanied the fatal expedition of Nicephorus [809] and seen a strange warning dream. The Turks had shrouded the head of the corpse with a turban ’). 6 M. Christodoulos, Περιγραφή Σαράντα ' Εκκλησιών ,ρ. 47 (quoted in full below, p. 57^> n· 6) : the fact was confirmed to me in 1907, when
I was told that Christians incubated in the church, and that a round
stone on which patients sat gave oracles by turning under them, right
for recovery and left for death. The tekke-church has not yet fallen
into ruin, and down to the Balkan war was more or less occupied by
dervishes, according to one of my informants

/Ь3

56 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

informants insist on the existence in it of frescoes of
saints (άγιογpatsies’).

io. S. Chariton, Konia. A possible case of the
‘ arrested transference ’ of a rural sanctuary 1 is to be
found at the monastery of S. Chariton, an hour north
of Konia, where a small rock-cut mosque has been ex-
cavated beside the churches of S. Chariton, S. Amphi-
lochius, S. Sabbas, and the Virgin, inside the monastery
enclosure.2 * 4 The mosque is of the simplest possible
form, a small rectangular chamber with a plain rock-
cut prayer-niche. Legend has it that the son of Jelal-
ed-din, the first ‘ Chelebi ’, or General, of the Mevlevi
dervishes, falling from the cliff above the monastery,
was saved from injury by a mysterious old man, after-
wards identified from the eikon as S. Chariton himself.
This is the explanation given of the existence of the
mosque and of the still friendly relations between
the monastery and the tekke of the Mevlevi at Konia.3
There is no hint in the legend of aggression on the part of
the Mevlevi, nor do the local Christians of to-day appear
to resent so apparently unorthodox an intrusion. The
legends of the Mevlevi themselves speak of a great
friendship between the abbot of the ‘ Monastery of
Plato ’ (evidently by the description that of S. Chariton)
and their own founder, who convinced the abbot
of his sainthood by his miracles.4 In the Christian
version, therefore, the Moslem is half converted to
Christianity, in that of the Mevlevi the converse is the
case.

For the presence of a mosque within the monastery
enclosure some approach to a parallel may be found at

1 For another see chap, vi, no. 15 (S. Naum near Okhrida).

г It should be remarked that this enclosure is recent, dating from the
middle of the last century : but the monastery is much older, as is
shown by inscriptions of 1068 and 1290 (repairs) published by the Arch-

bishop Cyril : see below, pp 379-83. з See below, p. 374.

4 Redhouse, Mesnevi, pp. 72, 87 ; cf. chap, vii, below, p. 86.

Agents of Transference 57

the monastery of S. Catherine on Sinai,1 where a
mosque was built at an early date as a concession to
Mohammedans. A somewhat similar concession was
made by the Templars at Jerusalem, who voluntarily
made over to the use of a Saracen emir a chapel of the
mosque El Aksa.2

In the above examples it will be noted (a) that the
transference of cults and holy places of the 4 rural * class
is very often accomplished, not by the representatives
of the official religion, but by the dervish orders.
Dervishes are not only the natural successors to monks,
but are undoubtedly in Turkey the element in Islam
least hostile and most conciliatory to Christianity. As
in Pagan-Christian transferences^ nomenclature some-
times aids the identification,4 Thekla 5 becoming 4 Tok-
lu ’,4 Amphilotheos 4 Eflatun ’,5 and so on.

It will further be noted (b) that the transference, if
it is more than a mere matter of occupation, seems
generally effected by means of a rough identification of
the Christian saint with his Moslem successor, often
a remote or ambiguous figure (like Khidr, Plato, 4 the
Forty ’) who tends in turn to be supplanted by an
actual buried saint.6 In the same way S. Polycarp at
Smyrna, while his alleged tomb was in Turkish hands,
seems to have been frankly accepted as 4 an Evangelist

1 The mosque at Sinai, said by a Russian pilgrim of 1560 to have
been a chapel of S. Basil (Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 303), existed at
least as early as 1381, though traditionally attributed to the reign of
Selim I (1512-20) ; see R. Weil, Sinai, p. 242 ; Burckhardt, Syria,
pp. 543-4, cj\ pp. 546-7 ; Fabri, Evagat. ii, 501 ; Ludolf, on the con-
trary, who returned from his travels in 1341, does not mention the
mosque {De Itinere, p. 65), but says (p. 66) that the monastery was
already favoured by the ‘ soldan 4 qui dare consuevit eis maximas
eleemosynas \

2 Arnold, Preaching of Islam, p. 77 : but the orthodoxy of the Tem-
plars may well be called in question.

3 M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, chap, ii ; Saintyves, Saints Successeurs

des Dieux, pp. 303 ff. 4 Chap, ii, no. 6.

5 See below, p. 368, n. 4. 6 Chap, v, nos. 1, 2 ; cf. no. 5.

58 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

of God and a friend of the Prophet ’ ;1 but we do not
know what hazy identification underlies this statement.

As to the process by which sites of this class were
transferred from one religion to another, it is obviously
impossible to generalize, but, broadly speaking, there
are three possible processes :

(a) Occupation by force ;

(b) Gradual and peaceful intrusion ;

(ic) Re-occupation of an abandoned site.

{a) Forcible occupation may be said to be regular in the
case of town churches, so often converted into mosques,2 3 *
but exceptional in the case of rural sanctuaries. The
church of S. Nerses at Rumkale з and the tomb of S.
Polycarp at Smyrna 4 are our only proved instances.

(b) Gradual and peaceful intrusion seems rather the
rule than the exception in transferences of the ‘ rural ’
type of sanctuary, to judge from the evidence of tradi-
tion in the cases cited. The form of the transference is
not as in ancient mythology, ‘ reception ’,5 but rather
identification of the supplanter with the old occupier :
this is rendered particularly easy by vaguely current
ideas of metempsychosis. The mystic teaching, as well
as the religious tolerance, of the dervish orders should
be borne in mind throughout. The normal stages of
a peaceful intrusion may perhaps be tabulated hypo-
thetically as follows :

(i) Mohammedans frequent a Christian holy place
and are convinced by miracles of its sanctity and efficacy.6

(ii) The Christian saint is in consequence identified
by his new clientèle with a Mohammedan saint : or
considered to have been a crypto-Mussulman.7 Under

1 Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 12 (quoted below, p. 407) ; cf.
Stochove, Voyage, p. 18 ; and for a full treatment of the subject see

below, pp. 406 Ö. 2 Above, chap. ii.

3 Above, p. 53. « Below, pp. 411-12. 5 See below, pp. 59-60.

6 See below, chap, vi, ad init. 7 See below, pp. 442 ff.

Process of Transference 59

favourable conditions a tekke, turbe, or mosque may be
built in the neighbourhood.1 * * *

(iii) The Mohammedan establishment ousts the
Christians entirely, owing less, probably, to Moham-
medan intolerance than to accidental reasons such
as disappearance (by conversion or otherwise) of the
local Christian population or reluctance of a Christian
minority to mix with Turks at festivals, either from
instinctive social reasons1 or from fear of tampering
with black magic and incurring the wrath of the
Church.

When the process is complete, tradition and, possibly,
the internal evidence of building or continued fré-
quentation by Christians, would be the only traces of
the original religion of the site.

A comparative examination of the legends which re-
late to similar clashing of religions in ancient times and
in the Pagan-Christian transition period shows that such
legends fall into two main groups. The first includes the
legends of violent collision, implying a determined resis-
tance of the old god to the newcomer. This resistance
might result in the victory or the defeat and displacement
of the old god. In myth it takes the form of a physical
struggle ( e. g. Apollo and Python, Apollo and Herakles,
S. George and the Dragon), or of a competition (Posei-
don and Athena, Thekla and Sarpedon,3 cf. Elijah and
the Prophets of Baal) ; the story is of course told from
the winner’s side. The second group of legends records
compromise between the original god and the new-
comer, a compromise which the ancients generally
allegorize as the ‘reception ’ of the new god by the old

1 Cf. chap. V, no. 9.

J An interesting example of the potency of such motives as this is
afforded by a cult of Samson at Bethshemesh, which has been deserted

by its Moslem clientèle on account of its adoption by the inhabitants oi

a recently settled Jewish village (Vincent, in P.E.F., for 1911,

p. 147). 5 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 136.

6o Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

( e. g. Asklepios by Amynos).1 This scheme is in the
nature of things not overtly admissible in the Pagan-
Christian transition legends, owing to the exclusiveness
of Christianity : the limit of Christian concession is the
ante-dating type of legend.2 In Pagan-Christian transi-
tions, therefore, the occupation was generally peaceful.

In the legend-cycle of the Christian-Mohammedan
transition allegories representing the victory of Islam
after struggle or competition are hard to find,3 except
in the late and sophisticated legend of Sari Saltik, which
I have treated separately elsewhere.·» There are a cer-
tain number of ‘ drawn battles ’ commemorated in such
stories as those of the miraculous preservation of the
church of Sylata from Ala-ed-din,s of the monastery of
S. Panteleëmon at Nicomedia from Sultan Murad,6 and
of the monastery of Sumela from Selim I ; 7 in these the
hostile princes are so far converted that they desist from
their hostility and become benefactors of the churches
in question. Our ‘ arrested transferences ’ in Chapter
IV, nos. I to 5, where neither religion can claim a com-
plete victory, fall into a similar category.

(c) Re-occupation of an abandoned site seems to be
exemplified in Chapter V, nos. 6 and 8. In many cases,
probably, wholly deserted Christian sites were thus oc-
cupied either for practical reasons such as site, suitable

1 A. Koerte in Ath. Mitth. xxi, 307 ff. ; Kutsch, Attische Heilgötter
und Heroen, pp. 12 ff.

2 As in the well-known legend of Ara Coeli and in that of the Cyzi-
cene Dindymon, where the dedication of a temple to the ‘ Mother of
the Gods ’ is regarded as a mistake for ‘ Mother of God * (Hasluck,
Cyzicus, p. 161).

3 For a possible case in Asia Minor see Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 261
(Niksar).

4 Below, pp. 429 ff.

5 Pharasopoulos, Τα Σνλατα, p. 132 ; cf. above, chap, iv, no. 8.

6 Kleonymos and Papadopoulos, Βιθυνικά, p. 68 ; M. Walker, Old
Ίracks, pp. 34 f. (Murad IV is probably meant ; cf. below, p. 603).

7 Ioannides, *Ιστορία Τραπ€ζοΰντος, p. 127 ; Palgrave, Ulysses9ip.
4°, cf. p. 33, where a similar legend is related of Murad IV.

Process of Transference 61

buildings, &C.,1 or on account of ‘ revelations but
these can hardly be reckoned as more than ‘ material ’
transferences, since the new cult is spiritually inde-
pendent of its predecessor. To simple and devout
minds the discovery of ruins, especially if accompanied
by dreams2 or other accidental phenomena (cf. Chapter
IV, no. io), suggests the previous existence of a holy
place, generally of the finder’s religion, and anything
remotely resembling a sacred buildings a tomb,4 or a
cultus-object 5 readily evokes a suitable legend and
saint. So the recently ‘ revealed ’ church of S. Chara-
lambos in Pontus,6 though it actually occupies the site

1 The Khalveti order in Egypt systematically occupied the deserted
Christian monasteries (Sell, Relig. Orders of Islam, p. 55).

2 It is impossible to estimate the purely accidental influence of
dreams and visions on all departments of Oriental life, though its im-
portance cannot be denied. This influence, as also the fantastic and
arbitrary methods of interpreting dreams, is exemplified by the follow-
ing story, told me of himself by a Cypriote friend. Having been long
ill and under medical treatment, he was visited by an apparition which
bade him abstain from doctors’ stuff. He was convinced that the
apparition was Dr. D. G. Hogarth. His daughter, however, assured
him that it was S. Panteleëmon, as it had no beard, and to S. Pantele-
ëmon he went successfully for cure. But to himself the vision is still
Dr. Hogarth. A similar story from an ancient source would un-
doubtedly be accepted as evidence that in Cyprus the hero Hogarth
was identified with the god Panteleëmon. A confirmatory vision
proved the genuineness of the tradition that Hasan’s head was in the
mosque of Hasaneyn in Cairo (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 270).

3 See the unvarnished account by Hobhouse (an eyewitness) of the
discovery by a dream of a 4 church of S. Nicolas ’ at Athens {Albania,
Ü, 53°)·

4 The cult of Hülfet Ghazi at Amasia (Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 169)
is probably based on no more than the discovery of the (ancient) sar-
cophagus in which the hero is said to rest : similarly, in Karpathos two
ancient sarcophagi are supposed to be those of Digenes Akritas and his
wife (Polîtes, ΠαραΖόσζις, no. 122).

5 The acceptance by Greeks at Koron of a Hellenistic terra-cotta as
S. Luke (Wace, in Liverpool Ann. Arch. iii, 24) is an extreme case.

6 Th. Reinach, in Rev. Arch, xxi (1913), p. 42. The Moslem cult
occupying a site formerly sacred to Zeus Stratios in Pontus (Cumont,

6г Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

of a temple of Apollo, has no more than an accidental
connexion with the ancient cult ; nor have the cults,
Christian and Moslem, at pre-historic buildings in
Cyprus 1 any proved connexion with the ancient re-
ligious past of those buildings till the lacunae in their
history are satisfactorily bridged.

Stud. Pont, ii, 172) is probably another case of accidental superposi-
tion.

1 See below, p. 704.
VI

CHRISTIAN SANCTUARIES
FREQUENTED BY MOSLEMS

IN the preceding chapters we have touched incident-
ally on several points illustrating the popular Turkish
attitude towards the ‘ magic 5 side of Christianity, and
we have reached the following conclusions :

(i) Christian ritual is looked on as capable of setting
in motion a supernatural world which is harmful to
Mohammedans. For instance, a Christian building
may be rendered antagonistic to Moslems by Christian
spells, and the cross is a piece of pro-Christian magic,
the hostile potency of which must be taken into account
by Mohammedans.

(2) The supernatural powers set in motion by Chris-
tian ritual may, however, be conciliated by Moham-
medan : for instance, baptism may be regarded as giving
an additional security to Mohammedan children, or
Christian charms may be worn with salutary effect
by Mohammedans. Similarly, an outraged Christian
church-spirit, if properly approached, may become
beneficent, or at least neutral, in its action towards
Mohammedans.

We have next to consider the attitude of Turkish
peasants towards the God and the saints of the Chris-
tians.

In the face of a common disaster, such as a prolonged
drought or an epidemic, Christian and Moslem will
combine in supplication and even share the same pro-
cession. Such a combination of Mohammedans, Chris-
tians, and Jews is recorded at Aleppo during a plague
of locusts.1 At Athens, in Turkish times, a continued

1 Bousquet, Actes des Apôtres Modernes, ii, 95 ; cj. Rycaut, Greek
and Armenian Churches, pp. 375 ff., where there is a description of the

β\ Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems
drought occasioned a public supplication of Christians
and Turks together, which, failing of its effect, was
followed by a second of Turks alone. This likewise
proving without result, the negro quarter prayed and
obtained rain at once. The frank comment of Athenians,
Christian and Moslem, was, ‘ Why, the negroes have
more faith than we have ! ’1 A similar occurrence is
reported by a Jesuit missionary from Chios. At a time
of prolonged drought the Turks and Greeks in turn
made prayer for rain without success. Finally, the
Catholics organized a procession, in which an image of
the Virgin was carried, and were rewarded by a copious
shower. The Turks attributed the miracle directly to
the Catholic Virgin.1 One explanation of the friendli-
ness of the fanatical sultan, Selim I, to Christians is that
at a time of plague their intercessions had been success-
ful, when the Turks had prayed in vain.3 In the same
way the heads of all religions at Cairo, including Catho-
lics, Copts, Greeks, and Jews, meet at the mosque of
Amr to implore the mercy of God whenever an in-
sufficient inundation of the Nile is feared.4 The mosque
of the prophet Daniel at Alexandria is similarly vener-
ated for the same reason by Jews, Christians, and
Moslems.5

proceedings too long for insertion here, yet heartily recommended to
the curious.

* ‘Bpé, oi Άραπάδςς Ζχονν mò mari από μας ’ (Kambouroglous,
Μνημεία, i, 312)· At the tomb of the Virgin in Jerusalem, Greeks,
Armenians, Copts, and Abyssinians have each a chapel, while the Turks
have a mihrab (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 180). During a drought at
Saida, Greeks, Latins, and Jews prayed without result for rain, which
was, however, obtained by a Mussulman procession, ending in a ritual
ploughing by the Pasha (La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 7 ff.).

2 ‘ Les Turcs disoient que la Meriem des papas francs étoit la plus
puissante , (Carayon, Rei. Inéd. de la Compagnie de Jésus, p. 23).

3 Schepper, Missions Diplomatiques, p. 181. A similar story is re-
lated of the caliph Mamun (dOhsson, Tableau, i, 220).

4 De Vaujany, Caire, p. 297.

5 De Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 112. In Savary de Breves (Voyages,

Moslem Appeals to Christianity 65

A story still more remarkable than the above was
related to me in 1916 by a Greek native of Urgub in
Cappadocia. This town possesses the mummified body
of an Orthodox neo-saint, S. John * the Russian who
is supposed to have lived and died in the eighteenth
century.1 The body enjoys considerable respect both
from Christians and Mussulmans. On the occasion of
an epidemic of cholera in 1908 among the children of
the Turks, the latter begged and obtained as a favour
from the Greeks that the saint should be paraded
through their quarters. During the procession the
Turkish women threw costly embroidered handker-
chiefs on the bier as offerings to the saint, who in
answer to their faith immediately put an end to the
epidemic. In a strongly Moslem village in Albania
Miss Durham saw two men and four women, all Moham-
medans, and three of the women with ailing infants,
crawl under the altar during mass and stay there until
it was over. Afterwards the priest blessed them :

‘ Moslem charms had not succeeded, so they were try-
ing Christian ones ’ for their sickness.2

Again, the fréquentation of Christian healing-shrines

pp. 246 ft.) there is an interesting account of the inundation and at-
tendant ceremonies. In August and September the daily increase is
cried by small boys, inciting the people to praise God. Maillet (Descr.
de VÉgypte, i, 78-9) records the miraculous prediction of the height of
the Nile by means of a well, Bir-el-jernus, in a Coptic church in Upper
Egypt. On the night of the Drop the governor goes to this church,
a mass is celebrated on an altar placed over this well, and a cord is hung
and left to soak in the well : the prediction is made according to the
length of cord wetted during the mass (cf. also i, 81 for another such
church). Chastel (Hist, du Paganisme, p. 90) says paganism was un-
usually tenacious in Egypt on account of the importance of the Nile
flood ; Constantine removed to a Christian church the measure of the
flood kept in a temple at Memphis (ibid.,. p. 73), Julian replaced it
(ibid., p. 134). Analogous is the story of Omar’s letter to the Nile
(Savary, Lettres sur VÉgypte, i, 86-7 ; Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 230).
See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 57.

1 See below, pp. 440-I. 2 High Albania, p. 316.

66 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

by Turks is so common a phenomenon at the present
day that it would deserve no more than a passing men-
tion here but for the fact that it may have been an
important stage in the transference of many holy places
from Christianity to Islam. We therefore give a selec-
tion of cases showing that the practice was of early date
and common to the whole Turkish area from Bosnia to
Trebizond and Egypt.

(Λ) GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCHES.

I. ‘ Notre Dame du Plomb ’ (Kurshunlu Jami),
Sarajevo. This church, possessing a miracle-working
picture of the Virgin, was frequented for cures by
Greeks, Latins, and Turks.1

2 and 3. The churches of S. Michael at Syki 1 and
Tepejik 3 in Bithynia, both famous for cures of mad-
ness, are frequented by Turks as well as Greeks.

4. S. Photine, Smyrna. The holy well in the church
is frequented for the cure of eye-diseases by Turks.4

5. Virgin of Sumela, Trebizond. The picture,
painted by S. Luke, has special virtue against locusts
and is visited by the surrounding population, irrespec-
tive of religion, for relief from all kinds of misfortune.5

6. Assumption, Adrianople (Marash). Turks and
Jews participate in the mud-bath cure for rheumatism
associated with the Greek Church and Festival of the
Assumption.6

1 Des Hayes, Voiage, p. 57.

2 MacFarlane, Furkey and its Destiny, ii, 87.

3 Covel, cited by M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 222. Both here and
at Syki there are cells for raving patients, an unusual feature of such
places (Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 62).

4 M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, p. 64 ; cf. below, p. 409, n. 2.

5 Fallmerayer, Fragmente, p. 121.

6 Covel, Diaries y p. 247 ; cf, below, p. 680, n. I ; for Jewish par-
ticipation see Danon in Onzième Congrès d* Orientalistes, Paris, 1897,
sect, vii, p. 264. Similarly, Turks assisted at the yearly miracle of the
Sealed Earth at Lemnos, connected with the Festival of Transfiguration
(see below, p. 675 ; cf, Busbecq, cited above, p. 32, n. 2).

Moslem Appeals to Christianity 67

7. Annunciation, Tenos. Turks have come even
here successfully for cure, though the cult dates only
from 1821, is strongly pervaded by Greek national
ideals, and is comparatively inconveniently situated for
Turkish pilgrims.1

8. S. George, Cairo. Turks, having a great venera-
tion for S. George, frequently say their prayers on
Friday in this church, where mad people are cured with
certainty if detained three days in the church.2

(B) ARMENIAN CHURCHES.

9. A church at Angora, possessing a miracle-work-
ing cross of transparent marble, was a Turkish pilgrim-
age at least as early as the fifteenth century.3

* 10. The same is true of the church of S. John the
Baptist at Cæsarea in Cappadocia, which is famous
for its cures of animals.4

II. The church of S. Chrysostom, Bezirieh (Pontus)5
is frequented by Turks as by Christians of all three rites.

1 12. So also is the Monastery of Armasha near Ismid,
which is a comparatively modern holy place, its founda-
tion dating only from 1608.6

(C) A LATIN SAINT.

13. An instance of a Latin saint reverenced by Turks
is to be found in S. Anthony of Padua, Chios. A
picture of the saint in this church was famous for its
miracles and venerated both by Latin and Greek Chris-
tians. A Turkish bey, who was anxious for news of
a ship long overdue, abstracted the picture, placed it in

1 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 200.

2 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 28 ; cf. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie,
i, 100 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 439 ; Vaujany, Caire, pp. 293 f.

3 Schiitberger, Reisey ed. Penzel, p. 85 (ed. Hakluyt, p. 40). For the
church and miracles see Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, in ; Tourne-
fort. Voyage, Letter xxi ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, ii, 89 ; Walker,
Old Tracks, p. 71, cf. p. 65.

4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad. Pop. de Г Asie Mineure, p. 203.

5 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 735. 6 Ibid, iv, 365.

68 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

his house, and placated it with flowers and candles,
hoping by this means to bring his ship safely to port.
This treatment proving unsuccessful, he took away the
candles and flowers, beating the picture and threatening
the 6 infamous Christian ’ who dared to ‘ mock a Mus-
sulman ’ that he would cut him to pieces (i. e. the
picture), if he did not 4 give up 5 the ship. At this
juncture the ship came to port, and the picture was re-
turned to the church with a gift of a hundred piastres.1

The above instances suffice to show that throughout
Turkey the fréquentation of Christian holy places by
Moslems is not conditional on the antiquity of the
sanctuary in question or on any particular form of
Christianity being professed in it. Nor is it to be pi^t
off by any cult practices theoretically repugnant to
Moslems, such, e.g. as involve the use of the cross or of
pictures. Practically any of the religions of Turkey may
share the use of a sanctuary administered by another, if
this sanctuary has a sufficient reputation for beneficent

1 Dumont, Nouv. Voyage, pp. 221 ff. Moslems used to reverence
the tomb of the Sieur de Chateuil in the Lebanon (d’Arvieux, Mé-
moires, ii, 418). The naïveté of threatening an inanimate representa-
tion of a saint can be paralleled in the West : Sébillot (Folk-Lore de
France, iv, 166) gives examples from France. Lucius (.Anfänge des
Heiligenk., p. 287) gives others from early Christian times : for instance,
S. Dominus’ lamps were broken by a Syrian crowd because he had
healed a Jew and left a Christian unhealed. Gregory of Tours {De
Glor. Conf.y cap. lxxi, cited also by Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques,
ii, 202) records that a bishop of Aix, indignant at having one of his vil-
lages stolen, cut off the candles offered to S. Mitre of Aix until the
village should be restored, which it eventually was. The image of
S. George of Villeneuve was thrown into the Seine because frost on his
day damaged vines (Collin de Plancy, op. cit. i, 430) ; the same fate
threatened S. Peter in Navarre {ibid, ii, 434). His own monks threatened
S. Étienne de Grandmont with dismemberment if he did not cease to
work the miracles for whose sake pilgrims crowded to his tomb and so
disturbed the repose of the monks {ibid, iii, 225). A Jew entrusted his
house to an image of S. Nicolas, but the house was robbed notwith-
standing, so the Jew beat the image, whereupon S. Nicolas at once
ordered the robbers to return the spoil {ibid, ii, 217).

Fréquentation without Usurpation 69

miracles,1 among which miracles of healing play a pre-
dominant part.

14. Ruined Church, Philadelphia (Alashehr).
Particularly curious is the fréquentation by Turks of
a ruined and abandoned Christian church at Phila-
delphia (Alashehr), which was, moreover, reputed to be
haunted by Christian ghosts.2 The explanation is the
usual one : a candle lighted in the ruins ensured relief
from toothache.

The tendency to participation is of course strongest
where the level of culture is lowest and all sects meet on
a common basis of secular superstition. Consequently,
we may be fairly sure that what is true of to-day is true
also of the period of Turkish conquest. It is further
important to remark that this fréquentation of Christian
sanctuaries by Moslems does not seem to imply any
desire on the part of the Moslem population to usurp
the administration of the sanctuary in question. Parti-
cipation is in normal circumstances sufficient for them,
and they are perfectly content to leave Christian saints
in the hands of Christian priests. Usurpation comes
from the organized priesthood or the dervish orders,
who, in the event of successful aggression, stand to gain
both in prestige and materially. Where, as in many

1 Montct (Culte des Saints Musulmans, p. 24) gives a case where
Jewish women frequent a Moslem saint for sterility. Moors frequented
the synagogue of Bona at prayer-time on Friday evening ‘ pour obtenir
la guérison de leurs maladies, la fécondité, ou la réussite de leurs pro-
jets 9 (Poiret, Voyage en Barbarie, i, 132). A miracle, acknowledged
by both Moslems and Jews, justified this faith : when the Jews were
building the synagogue, the Book of the Law was seen floating on the
waves : no Moslem could seize it, but it came readily to a Jew, who de-
posited it in the synagogue. This miracle is noteworthy as being the
favourite Christian theme of a picture or image cast up by the sea, but
transferred to the sacred book, the ‘ Book of the Law ’ taking the place
in the estimation of Jews which images hold in the imagination of
Christians.

3 C. B. Elliott, Ίravels, ii, 90. The ruins are now built up among
Turkish houses (Lambakis, Επτά ‘Aarépcç, p. 375).

70 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems
rustic chapels, there was no permanent Christian organ-
ization or endowment, the intrusion of a dervish guardian
need make little or no immediate difference to Christian
worshippers. But in many cases such sanctuaries were
doubtless left throughout their history without this ad-
ministration and took their religious colouring simply
from the population which happened to use them.

In the following instance, probably not isolated,
Moslem pilgrimage to a Christian church seems to have
been attracted, not only by the material benefits of
healing to be obtained from it, but also by the direct
stimulus offered by a Mohammedan sect.

15. S. Naum, Okhrida. The tomb of the saint, one
of the ‘ Seven Apostles of the Slavs ’, has curative
powers especially for lunatics.1 2 * 4 It is frequented by
Bektashi Mohammedans from the surrounding district,
who identify the saint with their own Sari Saltik.1 Even
the orthodox Sunni recognize the saint as one of their own,
alleging (a) that he lived before the rise of the Bektashi
heresy and (b) that the Christians usurped his tomb.3

I have endeavoured in another place 4 to show that
the cult of S. Naum by Bektashi Mohammedans dates
from the propagation of their faith under, and with the
secret connivance of, Ali Pasha of Yannina, and is in all
probability to be regarded as a preliminary, checked by
the opportune revival of Christianity, to the occupation
of the church as a tekke by Bektashi dervishes. It is in
fact an arrested transference somewhat similar to our
examples in Chapter III.

All these Christian holy places, and numberless others,
are frequented by Moslems primarily on account of the

1 Spencer, Travels (1851), ii, 76 ; von Hahn, Drin und Wardar, p.
108. Walsh (Constantinople, ii, 376) says the Turks claim S. Naum as
a holy man of their religion.

2 From information collected on the spot : for Sari Saltik see below,

pp. 429 ff. 3 From an orthodox Mohammedan at Okhrida.

4 See below, pp. 586 ff.

Turkish Belief in Christian Saints 71

acknowledged power of the saints or relics in question
as manifested by beneficent miracles. There are also
cases where Turks have been led to believe in the power
of the Christian saints by the manifestation of their
hostility. Cantimir cites that of a Turkish bey in the
Dobruja who reverenced S. Phocas and kept his feast as
a holiday, since he had been convinced by a disaster to his
crops that neglect of this precaution brought upon him the
anger of the saint.1 * * 4 Similarly, Ali Pasha of Yannina,
having seized a plot of ground belonging to a church of
S. John, was visited by the saint in a dream ; he promptly
restored the land and contributed to the church.1

In the same category of hostile manifestations by Chris-
tian saints, often admitted (at least tacitly) by Turks,
may be ranged the protection of, churches by these
patrons against Turkish aggression з and the miracu-
lous working of transformed churches against their
new owners.4 It is clear that in the Turkish popular
mind Christian saints, like Christian magic, have power
and may be offended or placated. The sentiment with
which they are regarded depends simply on the nature,
beneficent or maleficent, of their manifestations, but,
as we have seen from the case of S. James at Nicosia,5
a manifestation of hostile power implies the possibility
of beneficence. A saint who has power to avenge an
insult has power also to reward an act of homage.

1 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 237. The reason given in some parts of Bosnia
for the observance of S. Procopius’ day by local Moslems is identical
(Ugljen, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, i, 488).

1 Aravantinos, Άλη Πασά, p. 418. Similarly, and probably for
similar reasons, the Moslems of Albania, many of whom are of course
converts of comparatively recent date, are said to reverence S. George
and S. Nicolas (Hecquard, Haute Albanie, pp. 153, 200). It is said that
a Catholic bishop of Skutari was desired from Rome to give less pro-
minence to the Feast of S. Nicolas, but he replied that he was powerless
in the matter, as the bulk of the people who attended the festival were

not his own parishioners but Moslems. з Chap, v, ad fin.

4 Chap, iii, ad init. 5 Chap, iv, no. 9.

72 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

This is an extremely simple rustic point of view,
little if at all removed from that which instigates the
placation of jinns and peris : it would probably be
reprobated as a vulgar error by most instructed Mus-
sulmans.1 A higher reading of the phenomena of mi-
raculous healings and other supernatural manifestations
by alien saints is quite easy for those imbued with the
teaching of the dervish orders, and is not impossible for
orthodox Mussulmans. By the latitudinarian Bektashi,
for instance, the religion professed during his lifetime
by a dead saint is a matter of indifference ; ‘ a saint ’,
as I have heard it put, ‘ is for all the world ’. In an
aphoristic story in the (Mevlevi) Acts of the Adepts ‘one
of the greatest of God’s cherished saints ’ is recognized
in a poor Frank, who had been insulted by a Mussulman.1
Identifications of Christian with Moslem saints are,
again, rendered possible by the theory of metem-
psychosis, which is current even in stricter circles : and
thoroughly orthodox Moslem divines have considered
Khidr and Elias, for example, as the same person rein-
carnated at different periods. Further, certain pro-
minent Christian saints, of whom the type is Christ
Himself,3 are regarded as pre-Islamic Mussulmans, just
as certain pre-Christian pagans, like ‘ Hermogenes the
Wise Man ’,4 Plato,5 Aristotle,6 and Virgil, were con-

1 Cf. Einsler in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 69, where a distinguished, sheikh asked
how it came about that Moslems who made vows to Khidr often paid
them in churches of S. George, did not dispute the fact, but was of
opinion that only very ignorant Moslems could so act.

3 In Redhouse’s Mesnevi, p. 34.

3 Also S. John : cf. the eighteenth-century pilgrim’s book (Menasik-
el-Haj, Kitab, tr. Bianchi, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 116) and Thévenot,
Voyages, ii, 445.

* Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 135 : this is probably an error for
‘ Hermes Trismegistus \ Gregory the Great got Trajan salvation in
consideration of his virtues (Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 135).

5 Cf. Cousin, Hist, de Г Église, ι, χ, 203. Michael Psellos (in Ram-
baud, Ét. Byz.y p. 145) interprets Homer in a Christian sense and calls
Plato a precursor of Christianity. 6 Cf. Comparetti, Virgilio, i, 287.

Secret Conversion to Islam 73

sidered by medieval Christendom to have been to some
extent Christians born out of due time. On some such
footing the tomb of 4 Hazret Shimun9 (S. Simeon) at
Antioch of Syria takes a place among the official pil-
grimages for Moslems,1 as did also ‘ S. John Polycarp ’
at Smyrna.2 3 4 5 6 7

More than this, it is held that even since the revela-
tion of Mohammed certain persons among the Christians
were recognized by Allah as of His Elect,з and after
their death were transported from their graves among
the Christians to the cemeteries of the Mussulmans 4
by 72,000 camels set apart for the purpose. This tradi-
tion is only a slightly wider and more liberal version of
others current in our own day. Two stories using the
theme were recently told to Gervais-Courtellemont at
Mecca itself. In one, the mysterious camels were seen
at their work in the famous Meccan cemetery of El
Maala ; in the other, the body of a Christian (Rumi)
princess,5 who, being in love with an enslaved Moorish
prince, had made the Profession of Faith in secret,6 was
substituted by the agency of the camels for that of a
professing but reprobate Mussulman buried in the same
cemetery.7

1 See above, p. 25, n. 5.

2 See above, p. 58 ; below, p. 408.

3 See below, p. 443.

4 De Brèves, Voyages, pp. 24 f. (quoted in full below, pp. 446-7).

5 Is this a story of North African origin connected with the 4 tomb
of the Christian Woman ’ near Algiers (Berbrugger, Tombeau de la
Chrétienne) ?

6 Cf. below, p. 448.

7 Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage à la Mecque, pp. 105 ff. ; the
writer’s informant was a sheikh of the strict Hanifite sect. Lady Duff-
Gordon heard a similar story told in Egypt as an actual occurrence of
Mohammed All’s time (Letters from Egypt, pp. 198 ff.). At Monastir
the favourite place for praying for rain in times of drought is a turbe
said to cover the remains of a non-Mohammedan princess, which were
miraculously substituted for those of a khoja ; see further below,
p. 360.

74 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

The same theory of secret believers 1 is used in the
following :

16. Chapel at Adalia. De Brèves found at Adalia
a cave-chapel, still retaining traces of Christian frescoes,
in which was shown the tomb of a Christian hermit. The
latter, according to the Turks, had on his deathbed
confessed himself a Mussulman, and on this account
received from Believers the honour due to one of their
own saints.3 This is an exact Moslem counterpart to
the Christian legend of Shems-ed-din at Konia.3

1 For the similar secret conversion of a Christian princess of Genoa
see Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 202.

3 De Breves, Voyages, p. 23 : ‘ Comme nous estions là, vn renié nous
mena voir vne grotte, qui est au pied des murailles de ce chasteau, sur
le bord d’vn haut et noir precipice, que la fente du roc fait en cest
endroit : Il y a dedans vn tombeau de pierre éleué enuiron de deux
pieds, où on dit qu’est inhumé le sainct homme qui y residoit. Ceste
grotte seruoit de Chapelle, du temps des Chrestiens, & s’y void encore
la peinture de la Vierge Marie, demy effacée : auiourd’huy les Turcs
s’en seruent de Mosquée, font voeu au Sainct, en leurs maladies, prient
Dieu sur son tombeau, & y bruslent de l’encens, disans auoir eu reue-
lation qu’encore qu’il eust vescu en la Religion des Iaours, qu’ils appel-
lent, ou Infidelles, (ainsi nôment-ils les Chrestiens) il estoit neantmoins
en son ame bon Musulman, & qu’en mourant il s’estoit déclaré tel.’

3 Below, chap, vii, no. 6.
VII

MOHAMMEDAN SANCTUARIES
FREQUENTED BY CHRISTIANS

IT seems then, in default of historical evidence, im-
possible to distinguish between the three classes of
occupation. The material evidence of building is com-
mon to all three and we are thus thrown back on (i)
tradition, which is more or less circumstantial but
generally ambiguous and unreliable, and (2) the in-
ference we may draw from the fréquentation by Chris-
tians of outwardly Mohammedan holy places. The
latter is a fairly constant phenomenon in the better-
documented transferred cults1 and at first sight appears
to be the last vestige and the most tangible evidence of
previous Christian occupation. May we then, in de-
fault of other evidence, regard the fréquentation of a
Mohammedan sanctuary by Christians as proof that the
sanctuary in question was originally Christian ? It is
true that the orthodox Christian peasant theoretically
regards the Mohammedan religion as unclean, whereas
the Turk has no such prejudice against Christianity :
even if Sunni and learned, he considers it less as bad in
itself than as imperfect,* as being based on an earlier
revelation than Islam, and degenerate as regards the
worship of ‘ idols \з An outward expression of this
point of view is the fact that in the reconquered coun-

1 Such as S. Sophia, Constantinople ; the Parthenon, Athens ; S.
Demetrius, Salonica ; Elwan Chelebi ; Kirklar Tekke, Zile.

* When a Christian marries a Jewess, Moslem law says the children
must be brought up in the Christian as ‘ the better faith ’ (Lane, Mod.
Egyptians, i, 123.)

3 On this subject see the answer given by the strict Sunni preacher

j6 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

tries a mosque, unless it has been (or is thought to have
been) a church is rarely, if ever, taken over as a church
by the Orthodox.1 On the other hand, when we come
to consider the popular Christian attitude towards
Moslem saints in Turkey, as manifested practically, i.e.
in the fréquentation of Mohammedan sanctuaries by
Christians, we shall find that it is little if at all different
from the Mohammedan attitude towards Christian
saints.

Of Syria it is said that Christian holy places are less
frequented by Mohammedans than Mohammedan by
Christians.2 In Turkey, probably owing to the superior
education of the Christian element, the reverse seems
to be the case at the present day. On the other hand,
despite the strong theoretical prejudices of Christians,
the popular religious thought, and still more the ritual
practice, of Oriental Christendom have much in com-
mon with those of Islam. In the case of saints the
attraction of healing miracles goes far to overcome all
scruples, and Greek no less than Turk admits the idea

Vani Efendi to Sir Thomas Baines (J. Covel, Diaries, p. 270). As to
the personal uncleanness of Christians, the Turks hold, and not without
reason, very decided views (cf. Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 21).

1 I know of no instance. The beautiful disused mosque at Sofia, like
those at Athens, Nauplia, Chalkis, and Monemvasia, is turned to civil
uses. At Nauplia one mosque is adapted as a church, but by Latins.
In the later Venetian period one mosque at Athens became a Catholic
and another a Lutheran church (Philadelpheus, *Ιστορία * Αθηνών, p.
178). A mosque at Theodosia (KafiFa) in the Crimea was taken over as a
church by the Armenians (Demidoff, Southern Russia, ii, 205). Doutté,
Marabouts, p. 70, states that the Catholic cathedral of Algiers was
formerly a mosque. The resources of the community concerned would
naturally count for much in such things. [This no doubt explains the
most exceptional conversion into a Greek church of the mosque at
Balchik in Thessaly, one hour from Mavrokhor station and two from
Tempe, though the villagers do not pretend that the mosque was
originally a church. I owe its discovery to the accident of being
trapped in Thessaly in the winter of 1922 by the flooded Peneios.
M. M. H.]

2 Einsler in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 42 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 21.

Christian Appeals to Islam ηη

that, if his own saints fail him, an alien ma y be invoked.
This unorthodox theory was enunciated to me in so
many words by a Cappadocian Greek, and is, as we shall
see, borne out in practice. An amusing instance of the
actual conversion of a Christian Albanian to Islam on
these lines is related by the renegade Ibrahim Manzur
Efendi. The Albanian in question, finding himself, as
he believed, pursued by a run of ill-luck, solicited in
vain the help of Christ, the Virgin, and S. Nicolas. As
these did nothing for him, he turned to Mohammed
with satisfactory results, especially, as he naively re-
marks, to his pocket, and on the strength of his experi-
ence he became a Mohammedan.1 2

1 If a common Turk hath a horse sick/ says an acute and ex-
perienced observer, Sir Dudley North, ‘ he will have the Al-
coran read over it, and, rather than fail, the law of Moses or the
Gospel of Christ. And there are poor Christians that will get
a holy man, though a Turk, to read over a sick child ; and the
poor Jews the like. It is the reading over that they value, to-
gether with the venerable phiz of the holy man that performs,
without much distinction what it is he reads.’3 *

Scarlatos Byzantios, writing in the fifties, says frankly
that in his own time Christians, and frequently even
priests, when ill, invited emirs and dervishes to 6 read
over ’ them, while Turks frequented Christian priests
for the same purpose.з Exorcism by ‘ reading over 5
being largely considered as a specific against witchcraft,

1 Mémoires, p. xxii.

2 R. North, Lives of the Norths, ii, 146 ; Père Pacifique, Voyage de
Perse, p. 31.

3 Κωνσταντινούπολης (1869), iii, 583. Cf. also Biliotti and Cottret,
p. 634 ; Pears, Turkey, p. 78 ; Dorys, Femme Turque, p. 76 ; Lane,

Mod. Egyptians, i, 297. Selim III being seriously ill, his mother called
in Procopius, the Greek patriarch of Jerusalem and much respected for

his goodness : bringing his deacons and apparatus, he came and prayed

successfully for the sultan’s recovery (Dorys, Femme Turque, p. 78 : he
gives no authority but great detail).

78 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

‘ overlooking &c., it is easy to understand that, just as
the Turkish soldiers ‘ in aciem prodituri ’ wore Christian
charms to render Christian weapons ineffectual,1 2 3 4 so
Christians, when they suspected the hostile working
against them of black arts, possibly or probably put in
motion by Moslems, resorted to Moslem incantations
to avert or overcome them. So in a Greek folk-story of
a priest whose wife was bewitched, the priest ‘ began
with prayers and readings, but when he found that
was no good, he went off to a Turkish witch ’, who
was eventually successful in removing the (Turkish)
spell.1

The following story is given on the excellent authority
of a French missionary priest working among the Uniate
Bulgarians of Thrace.3 In one of their villages an
epidemic of measles made its appearance. A child of
Bulgar-Uniate parentage, apparently healthy in the
first instance, was placed as a prophylactic measure in
an oven, a fire being lighted at the mouth.4 The child

1 See above, chap, iii, ad fin.

2 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 839 : ο παπάς την άρχισε με таîs εύχαΐς
καί τα διαβάσματα, άλλα σαν εΐδε πώς Scv εκανε τίποτα, ετρεξε σε
μια τουρκισσα μάγισσα ; cf. Durham, High Albania, p. 88.

3 They occupy a small group of hill-villages above Kirk Kilise.

4 The practice of putting children in ovens to cure fever is con-
demned as superstitious by Bede and others (see J. B. Thiers, Traité
des Superstitions, p* 433)· The oven motif recurs in the Êvang. de VEn-
fance (in Migne, Diet. des Apocryphes, i, 997), where a child protégé of
the Virgin is placed in an oven by his wicked stepmother, but escapes
unharmed. Migne (note ad loc.) says a similar tale was told by the
Arabs of Moses, who was hidden from the emissaries of Pharaoh in an
oven by his mother : though a fire was inadvertently lit underneath,
the child was unhurt : the story is also told by Spiro, Hist. de Joseph,
p. 61. Cf the tale of the Imam Bakir (Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ.
xliv (1914), p. 65 ; below, p. 147, where there is a play on the word
bakir (Tk. = copper) and a cauldron is substituted for the oven. The
same motif is found in a tale told by Greg. Turon. {de Glor. Mart. i, x)
after Evagr. iv, 36, and Niceph. xvii, 25. A Jewish child, who had
taken the sacrament with his Christian playmates, was put in an oven

Christian Appeals to Islam 79

was so frightened that it became epileptic. This was
put down to the evil eye, and a cousin was called in to
treat it : the treatment consisted in burning a lock of
the child’s hair and a candle before an eikon with appro-
priate incantation. This proving unsuccessful, a khoja
was consulted, who prescribed a written amulet. This
in turn failing, the parents, against the priest’s advice,
took the child secretly to a Greek Orthodox church of
the Archangels for a course of forty days’ incubation.1

Another story, illustrating a slightly more sophisti-
cated point of view, is told of Constantinople Greeks by
N. Basileiadou.* This, though put into literary form,
rings so true that one can hardly doubt its essential
authenticity. The theme is the dilemma of a Christian
mother who had tried in vain all the resources of
Christian pilgrimages for the cure of her sick daughter,
and was at length, against the advice of her own con-
fessor, induced by a (Christian) neighbour to go to the
Turkish sanctuary of Eyyub as a last resort.3 In the
course of the ceremony, which consisted in a ‘ reading
over ’ by the khoja of the mosque, the patient and her
mother suffered so severely from nervous strain that the
former died within three months and the latter lost her
reason. The comments of the neighbours on the double
tragedy are characteristic. Some said the guilty pair
had been punished for their sin against God : others
that the devil was irritated by their half-heartedness in
seeking his aid and then repenting : others that the
whole affair was due to witchcraft : and others, again,
that you should not mix religion and the black art, but

by his father as a punishment, but was preserved by the Virgin who
appeared to him in a vision : the same miracle is said to have taken
place at Bourges.

1 Marcelle Tinayre, Notes d’une Voyageuse, pp. 148 if.

2 ‘Ημερολ. Φ. Σκόκου, içi 3, pp. 288-95.

3 The neighbours’ words are : νΟλα της θρησκείας μας τα εκαμες.
Тора θά κάμουμε εξωτικά. *Ο κουντουρντισμενος [i.e. the devil, lit.
* the mad one ’], ας εϊνε καί εξω απ’ εδώ, παντού φθάνει.

8o Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

keep to one or the other.1 All thus agreed that Turkish
miracles were sorcery and nothing more.

From one point of view Christian priest and Moham-
medan khoja are medicine-men differentiated for their
respective sects ; side by side with them certain laymen
practise magic, black or white, for all indiscriminately.
Experience has shown that the help of the religious, as
of the lay, medicine-man can be enlisted on behalf of
a client of whatever religion he may be by the use of
a very concrete argument.2 The saints are in popular
thought similar intermediaries, though of a higher grade,
and are treated in exactly the same way. It must
further be remarked that the actual procedure at a
Mohammedan healing-shrine is familiar to Christians
through4 folk-lore5 usages common to the whole popula-
tion if not shared or countenanced by their own religion
as are knotting rags, driving nails, incubation, contact
with relics, propitiatory sacrifice (kurban),з the offering
of votive candles, and exorcism by 4 reading over \
Even ritual practices generally considered quite ex-
ceptional, such as ‘ walking over ’ ailing children by
the Rifai dervishes,4 are paralleled in the Orthodox

1 ‘Καλέ, η αμαρτία τονς εΰρε. Τούς τωπε к* 6 πνευματικός

‘Καλέ, τούς εβλαφε 6 εξω άπ* εδώ \i.e. the devil]. Πήγαν στα
πόδια τον και το μετάνοιωσαν.’

‘ Τίποτε. Τα μάγια έχουν τέτοιο θάνατο.’

19Από τ9 αγιάσματα στα ξωτικά. Αυτά θά πάθονν. Ή τό ενα ή
τό άλλο:

Εις ενα μόνον συμφωνούσαν όλες, πού έφτυναν τον κόρφο τους.

2 This is true even where great opposition exists officially between
the two religions ; cf. Saint Clair and Brophy, Residence in Bulgaria,

p. 68.

3 For this practice among Anatolian Christians see White, in Trans.

Viet. Inst. xxxix (1907), p. 154 ; cf. Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de
Г Asie Mineure, p. 196 (sacrifice of cocks by Armenians) ; Polîtes,
Παραδόσεις, no. 503 (sacrifice to S. George near Kalamata) ; Miller,
Greek Life, p. 196 (sacrifice of cock at Athens). For a sacrifice of bulls
in Thrace, at which an Orthodox priest presides, see G. Megas in
Λαογραφία> iii, 148-71. 4 W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 367.

Imam Baghevi 8i

Church1 as is the ceremony, apparently common among
the Shia Mussulmans,2 of the 6 selling ’ of them to the
saint.3

The difference between a Mohammedan and a Chris-
tian saint thus reduces itself largely to a matter of
names. The instances cited below of outwardly Moham-
medan holy places frequented by Christians exemplify
this point of view and tend to show that the alleged
Christian origin of such ‘ mixed cults 5, unless supported
by more tangible evidence, must be regarded as ‘ not
proven just as a tradition that a certain mosque was
once a church must not be accepted without scrutiny,
though churches have been changed into mosques often
enough.

Our first instance of a Moslem sanctuary frequented
by both religions has no vestige of a tradition linking it
with Christianity. It is an example of the thesis we
have put forward above that religious prejudice suc-
cumbs to the desire of healing.4

I. Imam Baghevi, Konia. Outside the humble turbe
of the Imam Baghevi in the station suburb at Konia are
two stones, popularly supposed to represent the horses
of the Imam turned to stone : the idea is easily ex-
plained by their rough resemblance to pack-saddles.5

1 At the Tenos festival. A similar ritual existed formerly in the
Latin church at Andros (La Mottraye, Travels, i, 277).

2 Haji Khan and Sparroy, With the Pilgrims to Mecca, p. 273
(children so sold are called 4 dogs of Abbas ’) ; cf, the Yuruk ceremonies
on Ida (Leaf in Geog. Journ. xl (1912), p. 37). For the same custom
in Syria see Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., p. 167.

3 It is done by the Orthodox at Balukli (Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Folklore de Cons tant., p. 64), Selymbria (Prodikos, in Θρςικική Έπζτηρίς,
i, 67), and elsewhere (M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp. 56 f.).

4 This example is selected only for its detail. 4 Folk-lore ’ practices

by Christians (especially women) at Mohammedan shrines could pro-
bably be found in any mixed town. In Rumeli at Lule Burgas a dede
named Tendern Baba is similarly frequented by Christians and placated
with candles, though he has no turbe or establishment whatever
(F. W. H.). 5 See further below, p. 196.

3*95·1

G

82 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

Cures are worked in two ways. If the patient is a child
who cannot walk or a woman who cannot conceive, he
or she sits astride the stones as if they were a horse.
Persons afflicted with pains in the belly prostrate them-
selves over the stones so as to touch them with the
afflicted part.1 The cure is used by Christian and
Turkish women indifferently.

A similar women’s cult is that of :

2. Esef Dai, Thyatira (Akhisar). The tomb of
Esef (Eshref?) Dai is visited by Christian as well as#
Moslem women, who light candles in his honour. The
adjoining mosque is held by the Christians to replace
a church of S. John, of which, however, no trace now
remains.1

3. Mosque of Eyyub, Constantinople. This his-
toric mosque has Christian traditions, but they are
demonstrably of small value. The mosque owes its
sanctity for Moslems to the supposed grave of the Arab
warrior Eyyub, which was discovered on the site shortly
after the conquest.3 But the reputation for healing of
its sacred well attracted to it a Greek clientèle who ex-
plained its virtues by the assumption that the Moslem
saint Eyyub, buried in the mosque, was identical with
the Job of the Old Testament 4 or with Samuel ! 5 A
third identification of the site with that of an earlier

1 The first procedure is evidently suggested by the form of the
saddle-like stones. The cure of belly-pains (tekke of the Mevlevi dervishes in Konia Lucas was told by an Armenian that a Christian bishop Efsepi (Eusebius ?) 6 was buried beside Jelal-ed-din, the founder of the 1 Talking animals are elsewhere recorded ; cf. Spiro, Hist. de Joseph, p. 39. 2 For this saint see further, below, pp. 290 f. 3 Told by an Anatolian to Mr. W. H. Peckham, formerly H. B. M/s consul at Uskub. It is to be noted that in the Christian legend of S. Eustathius the stag episode is merely picturesque. In the Moslem version it falls into place ; the stag which becomes a dervish, and the tree which cries out, alike symbolize the unity of nature, full comprehension of which is one aim of the dervish’s life of contemplation. Both Christian and Mohammedan legends probably come ultimately from a Buddhist source. On the connexion of deer with dervishes see further, below, pp.460 ff. 4 F. W. H. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21 ; cf, ii, 215. 6 No such bishop occurs in the Greek lists of Iconium bishops which have come down to us. 86 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians Mevlevi order, at the latter’s special request. The legend explaining this anomaly tells how the ‘ Chelebi ’ Jelal-ed-din, going on pilgrimage, charged his great friend the bishop with the care of his household and the government of the city during his absence. The bishop gave into his hands at his departure a small box, bidding him keep it closed till his return, and accepted the charge on this condition. On the return of Jelal-ed-din his wives and household slaves accused the bishop of evil conduct towards them, and the {Chelebi ’ in a fit of anger ordered his instant execution. The unfor- tunate bishop implored as a last favour an interview with the ‘ Chelebi ’, in the course of which he called on him to open the mysterious box committed to his charge. It was found of course to contain indisputable proof of the bishop’s innocence. The ‘ Chelebi ’ in his remorse insisted that, when the good bishop died, he should be buried beside his own tomb as a mark of their indissoluble friendship.1 2 3 This story was told me with the omission of the bishop’s name by Prodromos Petrides of Konia in 1913. In a variant story told by Levidesand, a hundred years ago, by the archbishop Cyril,з the hero is the abbot of S. Chariton. The Mevlevi dervishes them- selves acknowledge that there is truth in the legend, but in their version of it the ‘ bishop ’ or ‘ abbot ’ becomes a monk, who came from Constantinople and was con- verted by Jelal-ed-din to the Mevlevi doctrines. 6. Tekke of Shems-ed-din, Konia. Another in- stance from Konia of a similar ambiguous cult is given by Schiltberger (c. 1400). 1 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 151 ff. 2 Moral της Καππαδοκίας, p. 156 ; cj\ N. Rizos, Καππαδοκικά, p. 130, and above, chap, v, no. 10. 3 Περιγραφή, p. 42 (quoted below, p. 375, n. 2). The ‘ tomb of the monk ’ is mentioned in general terms by Macarius of Antioch (Travels (c. 1650), i, 8) and by Miss Pardoe (City of the Sultans, i, 52). Secret Conversion to Christianity 87 ‘ There is also,’ says he,6 in this country [Karaman] a city called Konia, in which lies the saint, Schenisis, who was first an Infidel priest, and was secretly baptised ; and when his end approached, received from an Armenian priest the body of God in an apple. He has worked great miracles.’1 This early legend refers of course to the tomb of Shems-ed-din of Tabriz, the friend and instructor of Jelal-ed-din, which is situated in Konia, but at some distance from the great tekke of the Mevlevi. It is naturally a tomb much revered by that order as being that of their founder’s master. The story is remarkable as the converse of the Mevlevi version of the ‘ Eusebius 9 legend ; here a Mohammedan is converted to Chris- tianity, there a Christian to Islam. In each case the sanc- tuary in question is made accessible to both religions.3 7. S. Arab, Larnaka (Cyprus). This is another ambiguous cult first mentioned by Mariti (eighteenth century).3 At the present day this sanctuary is still frequented both by Turks and Greeks. By the former it is known as Turabi Tekke, by the latter as S. Thera- pon.4 Turabi is the name of a wandering dervish from Kastamuni in northern Anatolia, who lived in the reign of Mohammed II and was noted for his liberal views as to religions outside Islam.5 S. Therapon is a well- known saint and healer in Cyprus, where he has several churches ; he is not, however, specially connected with Larnaka.6 As to the origins of a cult of this sort, it is impossible to be dogmatic. From the evidence we have it seems probable that it began as a secular cult of an 1 Hakluyt society’s edition (ed. Telfer), p. 40. 2 See below, p. 377. 3 Travels, tr. Cobham, p. 41 (quoted in full below, p. 735). 4 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47 : there is now, Mr. Luke tells me, no dervish establishment attached to the tomb. 5 Von Hammer, Osman. Dichtkunst, i, 214. 6 For the S. Therapon of Cyprus see Delehaye in Anal. Boll. xxvi, 247 я. 88 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians ‘ Arab ’ jinn,1 later identified with Turabi (perhaps through the Greek τ ονΆ 6 from which it is an easy step to the Christian Therapon. If this theory is correct, we have here a cult now shared by both religions, whose origins were neither Christian nor Mohammedan, but secular.1 3 * 5 8. ‘Tomb of S. Theodore,’ Benderegli (Herakleia Pontica). Herakleia on the south coast of the Black Sea has been celebrated for many centuries as the place of martyrdom of S. Theodore Stratelates (‘ the General ’), who, according to legend, suffered under Licinius and was buried at Euchaita, the scene of his conquest of a dragon which infested the country. His tomb at Euchaita was a famous pilgrimage in the early Middle Ages.3 It is possibly owing to his connexion with other localities besides Euchaita (Amasia and Herakleia) that his rather shadowy twin, S. Theodore Tiron (‘ the recruit ’),4 came into existence. In 1389, when the whole coast was already in Turkish hands, we hear from a Russian pilgrim of a church and tomb of S. Theodore Tiron at Herakleia.5 Halfway through the seventeenth century a reference to the martyrdom of a S. Theodore (this time the ‘ general ’) at Herakleia in the Travels of Macarius 6 shows that the tradition was not forgotten. At the present day a turbe in a cemetery on a hill above Arapli a few miles west of the town is visited yearly by 1 For the ‘ Arab ’ in folk-lore and cult see below, pp. 730-5, The cult of a ‘S. Arab’ could be reconciled to Greeks by the assump- tion of their conversion. Cf. the case of ‘ S. Barbarus ’ at Iveron on Athos (Smyrnakes, * Αγιον *Ορος, p. 471 ; Tozer, Highlands of Turkey, i, 83 ; Hasluck, Athos y p. 165, n. 1) and that of ‘ S. Schenisis9 above, p. 87. 2 Synaxariay 9 Feb. 3 For the legends of S. Theodore and their development see refer- ences above, p. 47, n. 3. 4 Synaxariay 17 Feb. 5 Ignatius of Smolensk in Khitrovo, I tin, Russes, p. 134 : ‘ il y a là [viz. à Pandoraklia] l’église de saint Théodore Tiron, bâtie sur le lieu même de son martyre & contenant son tombeau \ 6 Tr. Belfour, ii, 424. Stages of Fréquentation 89 Christians as containing the tomb of S. Theodore ‘ the general V The turbe seems to be no more than a wooden hut, and contains two outwardly Turkish tombs,1 2 3 4 5 * * * attributed by the Greeks to S. Theodore and his disciple Varrò, and by the Turks to a warrior-saint named Ghazi Shahid Mustafa and his son. These are tended by a Turkish woman, who receives offerings from pilgrims of both religions in money or candles. In view of this graduated series of compromises be- tween the competing religions it seems clear that, while some of the Moslem sanctuaries claimed by Christians as originally Christian may really be so, the development indicated above in Chapter V from Christianity to Islam is paralleled by a converse development from Islam towards Christianity, the stages being : (i) A Moslem sanctuary attracts by its miracles a clientèle of Christians (Chapter VII, no. 6).з (ii) These justify their participation in the cult by the assumption that the site, building, or saint in question was originally Christian 4 and by the fabrica- tion of a suitable legend 5 (Chapter VII, no. 4). 1 P. Makris, 9 Ηράκλειά του Πόντου, pp. I15 ff. 2 See below, p. 575, n. 2. 3 So a Turkish pasha, buried at Drivasto in Albania, works miracles for Christians, when he sees that their hearts are secretly inclined to Islam (Hecquard, Haute Albanie, p. 326) : the latter clause of course ‘ saves the face 9 of the saint in case of failure. 4 There is at least a possibility that a similar process of thought un- derlay the recognition by the Christians of the Holy Sepulchre beneath the temple of Venus, if we assume that, as is not unlikely in Syria (cj'. especially Frazer, Adonis,i, 13 ff.; Heisenberg, Grabeskirche, i, 197#.)» the death, burial, and resurrection of Adonis were there celebrated. 5 An extremely interesting illustration of the ‘ white 9 or ‘ black ’ interpretation of Moslem saints is afforded by two folk-stories from Greece cited by Polîtes (Παραδόσεις, nos. 209, 446), in which (1) a Turkish saint called Delikli Baba (‘ Old Man of the Hole 9) at Pylos is accepted as originally Christian, while (2) his namesake at Nauplia be- comes a specialized form of the ‘ guardian Arab 9 demon common in Greco-Turkish folk-lore. In all probability both ‘ saints9 were Turkish 90 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians (iii) It is quite possible to imagine a Christian poli- tical and ecclesiastical ascendency completing the pro- cess of conversion by the formal recognition as Christian of such indeterminate sanctuaries, for instance, as those of Haji Bektash and S. Mamas.1 9. At the Tekke of Akyazili Baba (Hafiz Khalil Baba near Balchik (now in Rumania) a transformation on the lines indicated seems in a fair way to be com- pleted. Of this sanctuary we have luckily three inde- pendent accounts written before and after the liberation of Bulgaria. (1) Kanitz, writing in 1872, describes the tekke as one of the most celebrated Mohammedan shrines in the Euxine district, in point of size probably unsurpassed in European Turkey, and still sheltering twenty-six dervishes. The magnificent turbe was built by Sulei- man II1 and contained various relics of the saint, in- cluding a Moslem pilgrim’s staff, a pair of shoes, besides a tomb of orthodox Mohammedan form. The tekke was burnt by the Russians in 1829, which looks as if the Ortho- dox at that date held it in no particular reverence.3 (2) Jirecek, writing apparently of the eighties, gives interesting particulars of the development of the cult in his day. The saint was then known as Akyazili Baba.4 ‘ pierced stone ’ or cave cults anthropomorphized ; one of them, and not the other, performed miracles for Christians. Cf. below, p. 223. 1 Professor White of Marsovan declares he has ‘ seen shrines now Christian once Mohammedan, and, conversely, shrines now Moham- medan which were once in Christian keeping ’ {Trans, Vid. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 156). For the transition to Islam from Christianity in Syria see Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., pp. 239 if. 2 It appears to have been dated : Jireciek’s account supports the idea that the turbe was purely Turkish. 3 Kanitz, Donau-Bulgarien, iii, 211 ff. (in the French translation, pp. 474 ff.) : the passage in Haji Khalfa {Rumeli und Bosna, tr. von Hammer, p. 27), cited by Kanitz as mentioning this tekke, really refers to that of Kilgra (see below, p. 431). 4 This may be designed to facilitate the identification with Athana- sius. Akyaztli Baba 91 His main function was the recovery of stolen cattle,1 but his powers, down to the period of the Crimean War, were available only for his co-religionists. After this, evidently under the pressure of a change in popula- tion, he began to exert himself in favour of Christians also as S. Athanasius. In 1883 (i. e. after the founda- tion of the Bulgarian principality) his two personalities were recognized. The gifts made by Moslems to Akyazili Baba were kept separate from those made by Christians to S. Athanasius, and the latter contributed to a Christian school, then in building at Balchik. The Moslem side of the saint was evidently on the wane. We now hear first of the development of the medical side of the cult (doubtless, however, older), fever patients making the circuit of the tomb in the saint’s slippers. A copy of the Koran was still kept on the tomb.2 (3) Nikolaos,3 a local Greek author of the ’nineties, speaks of the tekke as an undoubted Christian church, though tended by dervishes, and standing in a village of Circassian refugees. It holds festival on 2 May, the day of S. Athanasius of Alexandria, whose tomb it contains. Miracles of healing are frequently wrought at the place. Patients incubate all night, locked in the 4 church ’, inserting the ailing part, if possible, in a hole near the tomb of 4 Athanasius ’ ; on the tomb are placed a gospel, lamps, and a pair of shoes which the saint wears when he appears to patients.4 The 1 A refugee of 1878 from Varna, now resident at Beikoz, informed me that the herds of the saint went out and returned from pasture un- tended and unharmed, whereas strange animals sent out with them did not return. 2 Jireiek, Bulgarien (1891), p. 533 ; also in Arch. Epigr. Mitth.9 1886, p. 182. The former passage is given in full on p. 763 below. 3 J. Nikolaos, *08ησσός, pp. 248-50, quoted below, p. 764, at length. 4 Cf, the somewhat similar Christian superstition with regard to S. Michael at Syki (Bithynia) in B.S.A, xiii, 297 (Hasluck), and Polîtes, Παρα8όσ€ΐς9 no. 200, with notes. 92 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians incubation seems still to be supervised entirely by a dervish.1 According to information gleaned in 1914 from a resi- dent of Varna, the village by the tekke is now inhabited by Bulgarians, and a transference of the sanctuary to Christianity, such as has been suggested above, actually took place during the late Balkan War, when the Bul- garian priest of the village erected a cross on the turbe. The crescent was, however, shortly afterwards replaced by the invading Rumanian army. In such cases as this it is impossible to prove, except by the argument a silentio, that the Moslem cult had not ultimately a Christian predecessor. But at Balchik especially we have at least a strong presumption in favour of Moslem origin, since (1) there is no natural feature of the site which renders an antecedent cult probable ; (2) the buildings seem to be entirely Turkish ; (3) the tomb of Athanasius is obviously unauthentic ; (4) 2 May is only a secondary festival of S. Athanasius, his great day being 18 January. It is possible that the coincidence of the original feast-day ( mevlof Hafiz Khalil with 2 May has determined his Christian pseudonym. 10. Tekke Keui, near Uskub. The case of Balchik has an exact parallel in Serbian Macedonia. Before the Balkan War Evans found at Tekke Keui near Uskub a purely Mohammedan (Bektashi) sanctuary, with the grave of a Mohammedan saint, to which Christians also resorted on S. George’s day.2 A local Mohammedan informed me in 1914 that the place was now formally claimed for S. George by the erection of a cross, though the dervish in charge was not (as yet) evicted.3 11. Turbali Tekke, near Pharsala. The last re- 1 Professor Skorpil informs me (1913), through Mr. Gilliat Smith, H. B. M.’s consul at Varna, that the tekke is now ruined, only part of a kitchen of Turkish construction remaining besides the tomb. * In J.H.S. xxi, 202, and in Archaeologia, xlix, no: cj. below, pp. 274-7 ff· 3 [^e had g°ne by 1923. M. M. H.] Impending Transferences from Islam 93 maining Bektashi convent in Thessaly, near the village of Aivali in the district of Pharsala, seems to be a similar case. The mausoleum of the saint Turbe Ali, which is purely Turkish in form like all the buildings of the tekke, and probably dates from the sixteenth century, is visited by Christians as a sanctuary of S. George, and a £ tradition ’ is current that the tekke was once a monastery dedicated to that saint. When the Bektashi community follows the example of its once numerous neighbours and abandons the site, a church, as a local Christian admitted as a matter of course, will probably take its place on the strength of the tradition.1 12. Sersem Ali Tekke, Kalkandelen. Similarly, in Serbian Macedonia the once flourishing Bektashi just outside Kalkandelen, founded by a certain Riza Pasha less than a hundred and fifty years ago and now doomed to extinction under the pressure of Serbian taxation, is quite likely to be replaced by a church of S. Elias, with whom the Bektashi saint buried there (Sersem Ali) is identified by the local Christians. For this identification there seems to be no other warrant than the likeness between the names Ali and Elias : 1 the site is not an eminence, as are most of those dedi- cated by the Orthodox to Elias, and the buildings are perfectly in keeping with the date given on the founder’s tombstone (a.h. 12з8).з It thus seems clear that a certain number of Moslem holy places manage to perpetuate their sanctity through a period of Christian conquest and even Moslem emi- 1 F. W. H. See further details below, pp. 531-2. 2 A Christian from Premet, where the Bektashi sect is influential, told me, independently of the above example, that Ali and Elias were commonly identified in Bektashism. In Bosnia the Mohammedan (Bektashi ?) festival of S. Elias is known as Alijun (Lilek in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, viii, 273). It should be noted that the Albanian for S. Elias is Shen Li. It may be that the saint Abbas Ali, who haunts Mount Tomor in S. Albania, is also equated locally to S. Elias, see below, p. 548, n. 2. 3 Further below, pp. 524-5. 94 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians gration : this at first sight bears out the view that the religious traditions of a locality cannot be extinguished. But it is equally clear that such of these holy places as have come under our view owe their survival not to well- authenticated traditions of previous Christian sanc- tity but to adroit management (aided by good luck) on the part of their dervish administrators. We thus arrive at the negative result that, in default of more cogent evidence, it is not safe to accept that of ‘ tradi- tion ’ backed by Christian fréquentation, as proof of the antecedent occupation by Christians of a sanctuary now outwardly Mohammedan. In several of the ambiguous cults cited above the Christian version of the local religious legend is not only accepted but welcomed, and even, to judge by Gerlach’s account of the c of Eski Baba, promoted (for Christian consumption) by the Moham- medans in charge of the sanctuary in question. This tendency is specially prominent in the case of ambigu- ous sanctuaries administered by or connected with the Bektashi1 order. The two following sanctuaries, which are insufficiently known, are recommended for investi- gation on these lines. 13. SHAMASPURTEKKE,îALAjA(inPaphlagonia). This is a half-ruined sanctuary under Bektashi administra- tion. Sir Charles Wilson calls it a cruciform church,з but Hamilton’s description makes it clear that it was a tekke, probably of Seljuk date, planned like the Konia medresehs as a cross inscribed in a square.4 It is signifi- 1 See below, pp. 564 ff. 2 See below, pp. 710 f. 3 In Murray’s Asia Minor> p. 36.

4 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 402 f. : ‘ The building is square … on
the east side is a handsome marble entrance in Saraceno-Gothic style,
while within it is built in the form of a Greek cross, having one of the
four recesses facing the east ’. H. J. Ross (.Letters from the East, p. 243)
recognized the building as Mohammedan, as did Perrot (Souvenirs d’un
Voyage, p. 418), who found two or three Bektashi dervishes there in
1861.

Christian and Moslem Buried Together 95

cant that the Turks of Alaja ‘ said the building was an
old Greek monastery V The saint buried at this tekke
is Husain, the father of Sidi Battal. Its name, however,
connects it with Shamas, the Christian governor of a
castle near Kirshehr, who was converted after being
defeated in single combat by Sidi Battal himself.1 It
seems likely that the tomb of the converted Shamas was
shown beside that of the Moslem hero, just as that of
the Christian princess was shown beside the grave of
Sidi Battal,3 and that of the Christian monk beside
Jelal-ed-din’s at Konia,4 as an attraction to Christian
pilgrims.

14. The skeleton of a similar double legend is pro-
bably to be recognized 5 in two notices of a building
called Mejid Tash,outside Changri (Gangra) in Paphla-
gonia. Ainsworth speaks of this as a Mohammedan
monument, apparently a Seljuk turbe, containing several
tombs, which the local Christians vehemently claimed
as those of their own saints ; 6 Cuinet in his description
of Changri notices ‘ un turbe ou chapelle funéraire
musulmane, autrefois couvent grec orthodoxe dédié à
S. Mamas ’.7

15. Рлмвик Baba,8 Osmanjik. My account of the

1 Hamilton, loc. cit. 2 See below, p. 711, n. 3.

3 See below, pp. 705-8. * See above, p. 86.

5 The suggestion here made is, of course, subject to correction, and
is designed to stimulate further inquiry.

6 Travels, i, no : the monument was dated by an Arabic inscription
referring it to the reign of John Laskaris. Cf. Wilson (in Murray’s Asia
Minor, p. 10), who says it is the * reported site of a massacre of
Christians \

7 Turquie d’Asie, iv, 553. But S. Mamas, born at Gangra, was buried
at Caesarea (Theodosius, De Situ Terrae Sanctae, ed. Geyer, p. 144,
who mentions S. Galenicius at Gangra) : see above, p. 44.

8 Pambuk Baba (‘ Cotton Saint ’) seems to have succeeded, or to be
identical with, the Bektashi saint Koyun Baba (‘ Sheep saint ’), whose
convent at Osmanjik is mentioned by Evliya {Travels, ii, 96). The con-
vent is still of importance, though it seems to have passed into other
hands.

96 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

cult is derived from a single source, a Greek native of
Urgub, and is given for what it is worth. Pambuk Baba
is reputed the builder of the stone bridge 1 across the
river Halys which divides the two quarters of the town.
My informant told me that the saintly architect, ‘ being
unwilling to use the oxen of unbelievers ’ for the trans-
port of material, had cursed the townspeople, and to
this day the inhabitants of one quarter were one-eyed
and those of the other afflicted with ringworm. He
added that the stones for the bridge were eventually
brought by stags.

This outline has certainly to be filled in somewhat as
follows. Former bridges had been swept away by the
river ; the saint, not yet recognized as such, promised
to build a substantial structure if the inhabitants would
lend their draught animals : they, doubting his ability
and laughing at him for pretending to know about
bridges, refused : he then cursed them, manifesting his
supernatural power, not only by building the present
wonderful bridge, but by pressing wild deer (the
favourite animals or familiars of dervishes)2 into his
service for the transport of the stone required.

So far, we have no more than a naïve piece of local
mythology. The special interest of Pambuk Baba for
us is that he is said to have been a converted Christian
named S. Gerasimos. This may be read as an admission
that the site of Pambuk Baba’s convent was once
Christian and so dedicated : but (i) Osmanjik is a town
of purely Turkish origin and has probably never had
a Christian church ; з and (2) if it had, S. Gerasimos
is a very unlikely dedication. The latter consideration
renders it equally difficult to assume that the tradition
is one of those devised to attract Christians like that of

1 A photograph of this bridge, really the work of Bayezid II, is given
by Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 103. 2 See below, pp. 460 f.

3 It is, however, in a Kizilbash district : cf. v. Flottwell, Stromgebiet
des Qyzyl-Trmaq, ρ. il.

Pambuk Baba 97

Shems-ed-din at Konia.1 In the Greek Church the
Palestinian monk, S. Gerasimos, has no wide vogue, and
the importance of the neo-saint Gerasimos of Zante,
though great locally, is confined to that island and its
neighbourhood. On the other hand, in Russia S. Gera-
simos of Palestine is widely reverenced and Gerasimos
is a common name among the laity. We know that
after the Russo-Turkish war of 1807-8 Russian prisoners
were brought into this district as slaves, many of whom
turned Turk and settled in the country.2 Is S. Gera-
simos a reminiscence of one of these Russian renegades
turned dervish ? з

1 Above, p. 86-7.

2 Kinneir, Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88 : ‘ During my stay
[1813] at Ooscat [Yuzgat] I was frequently visited by several Russians
. . . who had been taken in the wars and brought here by this Pasha.
They had changed their religion, married Mahomedan women, and,
following their respective professions, enjoyed, as they said, a much
happier life than they had ever done before ’ (cj’. Oberhummer and
Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, ρ. zìi, note, for Russian renegades at Urgub).
Are these the real ancestors of the fair-haired ‘ survivals of the Gala-
tians ’ seen by several over-sanguine travellers in this district ? See
further below, p. 441, n. 6.

3 Some confirmation of this still hazardous theory exists in the
prestige enjoyed by renegade marabouts. The saint of Mogador, for
example, is Sidi Mogdul, Mogador being a Portuguese distortion of
Mogdul, but the saint’s real name was MacDonald (? MacDougall) :
see Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans, p. 15.
vin

TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL
SANCTUARIES—MOUNTAINS

WHEN we turn to consider the transference of cults
at holy places chosen primarily for their physical
peculiarities, that is, 6 natural5 as opposed to ‘ artificial ’
sanctuaries, we are confronted by serious difficulties,
material and psychological. The rustic nature of these
cults often deprives us of the evidence afforded by
buildings,1 and, further, the idea of the sanctity of
mountains and springs (to choose the commonest forms
of 4 natural’ holy places) is very widespread among
primitive peoples. Both mountains and springs are
held sacred by the nomad Yuruks, who can hardly have
been greatly influenced, like town-dwellers, by the be-
liefs of their Christian neighbours. Hence, even where
one religion is demonstrably superseded by another, it
must remain doubtful whether a site has been chosen
by the new-comers on account of its inherited sanctity
or independently, merely because it struck them as an
appropriate place for worship. Still less, where, as in
the majority of cases, no proof of pre-Mohammedan
religious occupation is obtainable, must the primitive
type of the cultus be held to prove its chronologically
ancient, and therefore inherited, origin.2 In dealing
with mountain cults, then, we have not only to consider
their inheritance of sanctity, proved or possible, but
also to take into account certain ideas predisposing men

1 Among the ancients also temples were rarely built on mountains,
a precinct and altar being held more appropriate.

2 For more adequate illustration I have admitted in this section
several cases of ‘ natural9 cults of which Christian origins have not
been suspected.

Types of Mountain Cults 99

in general, and especially Moslems, to their selection.
These include :

(. cit., p. 19. Vambéry (p. 391) found a subdivision
of a central Asian Turkoman tribe so named.

7 Tsakyroglous, p. 21.

Turuk Organization 129

The head of the tribe is called bey or sheikh.1 The
tribe is subdivided into kabilehs (‘ clans ’) or mahallas
(‘ quarters ’,‘ wards ’), the latter a word in common use
as a division of a town among the settled populations.
Divisions of the same tribe are found in widely separated
districts in Asia Minor : evidence of such splitting up
is to be found in the occurrence of certain tribal names
all over the map. On the other hand, some tribes have
a well defined area within which their settlements are
thickly planted. Of this the Afshar tribe of the Taurus
affords a notable instance.2 Similarly, the original home
of the Farsak tribe in Asia Minor seems to have been
the mountainous region north-west of Selefke which
bears their name.3 But scattered units of both tribes,
to judge by the evidence of the map, wandered
far.

The languages current among the Yuruks are varied.
They are mostly rough dialects of Turkish, among
which those of Azerbeijan and Jaghatai have been recog-
nized.4 Dr. Chasseaud of Smyrna tells me he has
found that Yuruks from different parts (presumably of
the Aidin vilayet), even when they acknowledge kinship,
are unable to understand each other. Tsakyroglous
says, further, that some tribes speak Kurdish, i. e. prob-
ably, that some nomads are Kurds, and that the Abdal
speak a language of their own.5

As to the religion of the Yuruks, on which subject
they are extremely reticent, very varied accounts have
been given. Humann speaks of them in western Asia
Minor as entirely without religion.6 Drs. Tsakyroglous

1 Tsakyroglous, p. 17.

2 Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 135 and map. See also Ramsay,
Impressions of Turkey, pp. 108 fF. ; Tschihatscheff, Reisen, p. 14 ; Skene,
Anadol, p. 184 ; van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, ii, 96.

3 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 665.

4 Tsakyroglous, op. cit., p. 23.

5 Tsakyroglous, p. 26, where samples are given.

6 Verb. Ges.f. Erdkunde, 1880, p. 248.

3295-1 К

130 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

and Chasseaud, with their more intimate knowledge,
concur in considering them (negatively) heretical. Some
nomad tribes are certainly Shia,1 while the Yuruks of
Lycia are reported by Bent to be good Sunni Moham-
medans.3 These discrepant accounts are intelligible
only when we realize that the Yuruks are not a homo-
geneous race, but a collection of tribes and sub-tribes
which, originally pagan, have fallen to a greater or less
degree under various missionary influences.

It is generally reported of Yuruks that circumcision
is not usually practised among them, and that, when
the operation is performed from motives of policy, they
prefer that it should not be done by a Sunni in orthodox
fashion. A similar prejudice is implied by the story
quoted by Tsakyroglous з from the Turkish newspaper
Hakikat to the effect that a Jew from the Dardanelles
is habitually invited by the Yuruks of Mount Ida to
perform for them some ritual act at marriages. This is
probably a confusion, the same word (duyun) being
commonly used by the Turks both for marriage and
circumcision (properly sunnet).* Dr. Chasseaud tells me
that, when he has operated on Yuruks, the feast was
made several days after, and a khoja duly invited. It
was then explained to the latter that the operation had
been already performed, and his scruples silenced by
a present of money. The object of this manoeuvre is
probably to ensure the proper disposal of the part
amputated in order that it may not come into the

1 С. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 107 (Turkomans near Akhisar) ; Haji
Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 656 (Turkomans near Trebizond) ; ibid. p. 683
(liva of Bozuk = Kirshehr). The Afshars are Sunni (Karolides, 7α
Κόμανα, p. 42) but do not veil women.

2 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX, 274 ; ef. von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 216.

3 77cpt Γιονρονκων, p. 33.

4 So apparently in India the Persian word for marriage (sbadì) is
used for both ceremonies (Hastings, Encycl. of Religion, s.v. Circum-
cision, p. 678). For the performance of the operation by non-Mussul-
mans, see the same article, p. 677.

Turuk Circumcision 131

wrong hands.1 Similarly, Dr. Chasseaud tells me both
Yuruk women and Turkish midwives in towns are ex-
ceedingly scrupulous that th & p should be properly

disposed of.2 Some Cappadocian Greeks hide the um-
bilical cord of new-born children in a chink in the wall
of church or school, which ensures that the child grows
up devout or learned.3 It is natural to compare the
similar superstitions about nail-parings and extracted
teeth.«

1 Hastings (Ettcycl. of Religion, s.v. Circumcision, p. 678) says ‘ the
exuviae seem generally to be burned or buried, sometimes in a mosque \
At an imperial circumcision in 1582 the part amputated was presented
in a golden box to the Queen Mother (de Vigenère, Illustr. sur Chai-
condile, p. 271, in de Mezeray’s Hist, des Turcs, ii). In the seventeenth
century the Turks burnt it (Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire, p. 47). Among
Persians of the same date aut gallinis edendum dabatur aut a feminis
sterilibus spe progeniei consumebatur (Raphael du Mans, Estât de Perse,
ed. Schefer, p. 77). Byzantios in the middle of the last century writes :
To άποτμηθέν μέρος θάπτεται η φέρεται ώς φυλακτηριον έπϊ της
κεφαλής υπό τοΰ νεοφώτιστου (Κωνσταντινούπολή, iii, 485) · Osman
Bey states that the part amputated is presented to the parents on
a plate, where they in return place the customary gifts (Les Imans et
les Derviches y p. 121). The magic power of the part in question is
thus proved : it might be used actively as a charm or merely put out
of harm’s way. The modern Turks in towns are said to be very careless
in the matter, doubtless regarding the superstitions concerned as old
wives’ tales : hence possibly the scruples of the Yuruks, who are still
punctilious in the matter.

2 On the importance attached to the placenta in Egypt and else-
where, see Seligman and Murray in Man, 1911, p. 168, and in Ridgeway
Essays, p. 451. For Turkey, cf Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 123.

3 Pharasopoulos, 7α Σύλατα, p. 41.

4 Frazer (Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 267 ff.) shows that
superstitious care in the disposal of nails and teeth is world-wide, the
original idea being to prevent their malicious use by sorcerers. In
Bosnia nail-parings are placed where contact with unclean things is not
likely, in fountains, in the earth, or in a mosque (Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien,
vii, 279). For the superstition in Asia Minor, see White, Trans. Viet.
Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 159 ; de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, p. 147 ; Aucher-
Eloy, Voyages, p. 71 (hole in mosque wall at Angora used for extracted
teeth and toothache so cured ) ; in Macedonia, Abbott, Macedonian

К 2

132 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

When a Sunni preacher visits the Yuruk villages of
Mount Ida during Ramazan, he is lodged in the best
tent and royally entertained, but induced by a present
of money to abstain from meddling with the Yuruks’
ceremonies and from preaching and teaching.1

All this merely shows that the tribes in question are
not Sunni. Little has been extracted from them as to
the positive side of their religion. According to Dr.
Chasseaud, the Yuruks have an initiation ceremony corre-
sponding to circumcision at which he has himself been
present, though he was unable to see what took place.
Further, their holy places—called, as all over Turkey,
dedes—are frequently trees or bushes, not remarkable
to the outside observer, which they hang with rags ;
certain springs, also not outwardly remarkable, are held
sacred. On two occasions Dr. Chasseaud, when in the
company of Yuruks, was prevented by them from draw-
ing water at such springs, though the tabu did not
extend to the Yuruks themselves. A Yuruk mountain-
cult with a festival on 15 August on the summit of Ida
and vaguely connected with two giants (male and
female), to whom small offerings of money are madè,
has come under my own observation.2 These hints, so
far as they go, point to a primitive animistic religion
slightly touched with anthropomorphism.

The Lycian Yuruks (as opposed to the heretical
Takhtaji) are regarded by both Bent з and von Lus-
chan 4 as good Sunni Mohammedans : they have khojas,
the Koran, and circumcision, say their five prayers,
eschew pork and wine, and make pilgrimage to Mecca.

Folklore y p. 214 ; in Lesbos, Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos y
Ρ· ЗЗ1·

* Hakikaty ap. Tsakyroglous, p. 33 ; cf. for Persian nomads Malcolm,
Hist, of Per sidy ii, 433.

2 Cf. Leaf, in Geog. Journ. xl, 1912, p. 37. The date seems at first
sight to be a link with Christianity, but see above, p. 100, n. 3.

3 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX, 274. 4 Lykieny ii, 216.

Turuk Religion 133

In villages they assimilate themselves to the settled
population, though intermarriage is rare.1 Sunni pro-
paganda, as we have seen, exists among the Yuruks of
Ida : it is said to have made great strides elsewhere*
especially in the Konia vilayet.2 The Yuruks of Lycia
are probably of comparatively recent conversion.

Of the Shia heresy there is little or no trace except
among the confessedly ‘ Kizilbash ’ tribes,з which we
shall discuss at length ; 4 we do not know whether Shia
missionaries are at work among the pagan nomads. Nor
are there among the Yuruks any positive traces of
Christianity, though the idea is widely, if vaguely, cur-
rent. The evidence we have points to the conclusion
that, except where they have been affected by Shia or
Sunni propaganda, the Yuruk tribes are ‘ primitive 5 in
religion; further, that by race and speech they are
largely Turkish, and may be regarded as still unsettled
fragments of the nomad hordes which strayed into Asia
Minor in the Middle Ages.

The Turks, before they left their home in Central
Asia, worshipped the sky-god (Tanri) 5 and spirits of

1 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 216.

2 Tsakyroglous, TIçpl Γιουρούκων, p. 35.

3 I here note the frequency of the name Haidar among Yuruks, per-
haps a link with the Kizilbash. The Yuruks are said by the writer of the
Hakikat article to drink wine, which is still negative evidence of
Shiism, and to be visited yearly by an itinerant holy man (? from
Syria), which is true of the Lycian Kizilbash and may be merely a con-
fusion.

4 Below, pp. 139 ff. Some include the Chepni in this category ;
see Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 393· Wilson, in
J.R.G.S. 1884, 314, calls them Nosairi by religion. See also von Diest,
Reisen und Forschungen, i, 27.

5 On the word see Vambéry, Prim. Cultur des Turko-Tatarischen
Volkes, pp. 240 ff. This seems to have been the current word for ‘ God ’
in Turkish till quite a late date, cf. Schiltberger, ed. Hakluyt, p. 74, ed.
Penzel, p. 149 ; Leunclavius, Pandectesy § 177 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist.
Emp. Ott. iv, 64. It occurs frequently in the modern folk-tales col-
lected by Kunos. [Among the Turkish-speaking Moslems of Mace-
donia it is still used as a synonym for Allah. Μ. Μ. H.]

134 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

earth and water ; they had no priestly caste.1 That
ancestor-worship developed early is clear from the
present comprehensive use of dede (lit. ‘ grandfather ’)
to describe any holy place :1 3 4 5 gaining ground, possibly
because more or less permitted in Islam, it seems to have
been fused with the original elements of their religion,
and especially with the cult of ‘ high places ’, originally
doubtless the places where the sky-god was worshipped,
especially for rain.3 We consequently find that moun-
tains in Turkey frequently bear human names, which
are, or are said to be, those of saints. When these
saints’ names are also those of tribes, it seems probable
that they are regarded as the eponymous ancestors of
the tribes concerned. In tribes still without a priestly
caste the tribal chief is the natural person to invoke the
sky-god on behalf of the tribe, and the eventual con-
fusion between the sky-god who sends rain and the
tribal chief whose prayers induce him to send it, is
merely the confusion between deity and intercessor
which is familiar enough in Christendom. The rain-
maker-sheikh and the magician or dervish are hardly
distinguishable, so that we are not surprised if Tur
Hasan Veli,4 the saint of the Hasan Dagh in Cappadocia,
and his tribesmen are said in folk-tales to have been
dervishes,5 or if Ibn Batuta 6 says of Baba Saltuk,7 the
tribal saint of a group of Crimean Tatars, that he was

1 Eliot, Turkey in Europe, p. 79. The latter is still true of the nomads.
The first Turkish ruler to embrace Islam is said to have been Satok
Bogra, Khan of Turkestan, died 1048 (Grenard in Journ. Asiat, xv,
1900, pp. s ff.).

2 See below, p. 256. For dede with the meaning of numen, cf. Ram-
say, Pauline Studies, p. 172.

3 This custom is preserved among the Shia Turks (Kizilbash) of Pon-
tus (White, in Trans. Viet. Inst. xxxix (1907), p. 154). They have also
a festival at the summer solstice held on mountain tops.

4 See below, p. 339.

5 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, pp. 212 ff.

6 Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445. 7 See below, p. 340.

Turkish Tribal Formations 135

‘ said to have been a diviner Haji Bektash himself,
before the usurpation of his tomb by the Hurufi sect,1
seems to have been no more than a tribal ancestor.*
Many of the ‘ seven hundred dervishes ’ of his cycle,
who came with him from Khorasan at the bidding of
Khoja Ahmed of Yasi for the conversion of Rum,з must
have been tribal heroes of the same kind.

This grouping round tribal leaders seems to be the
basis of the early Turkish polity : the tribal tie was not
always one of blood, since powerful tribes or leaders
included under their own name less important allies.
The tribe known from its leader as Osmanli was a poli-
tical combination of this sort, and is said to have been
composed of seven tribes, of which at least one (the
Farsak 4) still exists independently as a Yuruk tribe.
A similar political grouping in recent times is that of
the Shah Savand Kurds, which was formed artificially
and purely for political reasons by Shah Abbas of Persia
in the seventeenth century.5 Such probably was the
grouping of tribes round the Seljuk dynasty, which
succeeded in attaining to a considerable degree of
material civilization and political cohesion, dominating
the greater part of Asia Minor.

When the central power became weakened, however,
the combination disintegrated into smaller territorial
units, resting probably on similar tribal groupings,
which kept their names in some cases for many cen-
turies.6 The province of Tekke (Adalia) is a notable
instance. Tekke or Tekkeli is a ‘ Yuruk ’ tribe in Asia

1 See below, p. 160. 2 See below, pp. 488-9 ff.

3 Evliya, Travels, ii, 70 ff.

4 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 361.

5 Bent, Report Brit. Ass., 1889 (Newcastle), Sect. H, p. 3.

6 Kizil Ahmedli (in Paphlagonia) and Mentesh (in Lycia) are pro-
bable examples. In 1564 the Venetian Relazioni (Alberi, ser. Ill,
voi. ii, 19) mention as leading families in Asia Minor the Kizil Ahmedli
(Paphlagonia), Diercanli (Sarukhan ?), Durcadurli (Zulkadr), and
Ramadanli (Cilicia).

136 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

Minor to this day1—the name occurs also in central Asia
—and the Tekke-oglu, descendants or reputed descen-
dants of the tribal eponym, were still important derebeys
in the Adalia district asiate as the reforms of Mahmud II.2

Down to the reforms and centralization of the early
nineteenth century the nomad tribes were allowed a
great deal of liberty and were administered by their
own beys,3 only occasionally by strangers appointed from
Constantinople.4 They seem to have been turbulent
and easily excited to rebellion. Their risings were often
fomented by sheikhs, probably Persian emissaries sent
over the frontier to embarrass the Sultan.

In the wooded mountains of Anatolia and in the
steppe land of the central plateau, notably in the dis-
tricts of Bozuk (Kirshehr) and Haimaneh, where the
natural conditions—thin soil and lack of water—are
against permanent settlement, the Yuruks have been able
to maintain themselves in compact masses without aban-
doning their primitive social conditions : the moun-
taineers turn to wood-cutting and the men of the plains
to herding. Various attempts have been made to break
up their solidarity and wean them to settled life, the
first by the importation of Kurds,5 the second by the
formation of town-centres. Many towns of the dis-

1 Settled according to Tsakyroglous, IJepl Γωυρούκων, p. 15, about
Nazli in the Aidin vilayet : see below, p. 477.

2 Cuinet, Turquie (T Asie, i, 860 ; W. Turner, Tour in the Lev ant,
iii, 386 ; Beaufort, Karamaniay pp. 118 ff. ; Cockerell, Travels, p. 182.

3 Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 61 ; a 4 chief of the tribes ’, Durgut, is
mentioned as a feudatory of the Karamanoglu dynasty in the time of
Murad II (1421-51) by Hammer (Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 288). The
Yuruks of Rumeli in the eighteenth century supplied a contingent of
57,000 troops under their own leaders (Perry, View of the Levant, p. 48).

4 A Circassian, Abaza Hasan, was appointed Voivode of the Anatolian
Turkomans (see below, p. 138) in the seventeenth century (Hammer-
Heilert, op. cit. x, 300). Abaza Hasan’s palace at the modern Vizir
Kupru is mentioned by Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 683.

5 The Kurds of the Haimaneh district are Sunni (Cuinet, Turquie
PA sie y i, 253).

Yuruk Diversity 13 7

tricts mentioned seem to be of recent origin and arti-
ficial foundation. Ak Serai is a Seljuk foundation of

1171.1 Nevshehr was founded by Damad Ibrahim in

1720.2 3 and Yuzgat, the capital of the Chapanoglu, dates
from the eighteenth century.3 The two latter certainly
are not spontaneous growths but artificial settlements.4

The more backward tribes are still nomadic in the
restricted sense—that is, they have definite summer
pasturages and fixed winter quarters, between which
they alternate.5 The winter quarters tend gradually to
become fixed villages, and despite the mutual anti-
pathies of ‘ Turk ? and ‘ Yuruk ’, some tribes are said
to be absorbed by towns.6 7 But government pressure
has not yet succeeded in weaning the Yuruks from their
old life, and their conversion to Islam is also incomplete.

In view of all we have said, it would be surprising not
to find among these heterogeneous tribes great diversity
in physical type, as well as customs and religion, within
the restrictions imposed on them by their manner of
life, and future investigators will perhaps do best to
consider the tribes known as 4 Yuruk 5 more as separate
units than has been done hitherto. Their apparent and
obvious similarities, such as the absence of mosques,
relatively high status of women,7 and hospitality, are
probably due to the habits of life shared by the whole
group irrespective of race.

1 It was founded by Kilij Arslan in 1171 (Le Strange, E. Caliphate,
p. 149).

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiv, 190. Damad Ibrahim was
Vizir 1718-30 (Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xiii, 336, xiv, 225).

3 W. J. Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 387, speaks of Yuzgat as being

4 ninety years old \ There was another attempt in the fifties to settle
nomad Kurds near Yuzgat (H. J. Ross, Letters from the East, p. 248).

4 None of these towns is an important centre at the present day, and
in antiquity the districts in question contained no towns of great note.

5 Cf the nomads of Adana, who winter there and summer at Caesarea

(Langlois, Cilicie, p. 23). 6 Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 101.

7 Women are not veiled even among Sunni tribes : this is categori-

Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

138

§ 3. The Turkomans

The word Turkmen (Turkoman) seems properly ap-
plied to an important tribe of the Yuruk group. This
tribe is widely distributed, being found in the districts
of the Bithynian Olympus, Dineir, Konia, Sivas, and
even Cyprus.1 Dr. Chasseaud considers that the term
denotes a markedly Mongolian type and is synony-
mous with Tatar.2 The Turkmens with whom he is
acquainted are herdsmen by calling, not rich, and
frequently serving others.

This tallies with the account given by Burckhardt з
of the Turkomans he knew. He divides them into five
main tribes, namely, the ‘ Ryhanlu ’ with thirteen sub-
tribes, the * Jerid’ with six sub-tribes, the ‘Pehluvanlu’,
the ‘ Rishwans ’ with four sub-tribes, and the ‘ Kara-
shukli \ Of these, the{ Karashukli ’ are a mixed tribe of
Turkomans and Arabs, living near Bir on the Euphrates.
The Pehlivanli are the most numerous, while both the
Jerid and the Rishvans are more numerous than
the Rihanli, who have 3,000 tents, each containing two
to fifteen inmates, and muster 2,510 horsemen all
told. The Pehlivanli and the Rihanli are tributary to
the Chapanoglu, the Jerid to the governors of ‘ Bad-
jazze ’ (Baias ?) and Adana, between which they live.
The Rishvans also are now tributary to the Chapanoglu,
though formerly to the governor of Besna (Behesneh)
near Aintab. The Pehlivanli drive sheep as far as Con-
stantinople, and their camels form almost exclusively
the caravans of Smyrna and the interior of Anatolia.
The Rishvans are notorious liars. If Rihanli families

cally stated by Karolides of the Afshars (ΤάΚόμανa, p. 42) ; the veiling
of women is not an original Turkish usage.

1 Tsakyroglous, op. cit. p. 11.

2 So Tsakyroglous, p. 34, von Luschan, J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli, 227,
and van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 296.

3 Travels in Syria, App. I, pp. 633 ff.

Turkomans 139

dislike their chief, they join another tribe. Some of the
Pehlivanli have long been cultivators, but the Rihanli
employ fellahs to cultivate for them.

The word Turkmen, however, has for long had a
wider signification, exactly corresponding to the ordi-
nary use of the word Yuruk, i.e. it denotes nomadic as
opposed to settled Turks. It is found with this meaning
as early as Cinnamus1 and is still so used by the modern
Turks.2 In his correspondence with Bayezid, Tamer-
lane calls himself and his fellow Moguls ‘ Turks’, and
stigmatizes the Ottomans as 4 Turkmans \з

§4. The Kizilbash4

A. General

The word Kizilbash (lit. 4red-head5) is said by all
authorities to be of comparatively recent origin, dating
only from the establishment of the Safavi dynasty of
Persia by the Shah Ismail in 1499.5 4 Kizilbash 5 was
originally a nickname given to the new Shah’s supporters
on account of their having adopted as a distinguishing
mark a red cap : the name continued in Persia to desig-
nate a kind of warrior-caste or order of knighthood.6
The Persian change of dynasty brought with it a change
in the official religion, since the preceding monarchs

1 P. 12ip : cf. Ducange’s note ad loc. ; Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 61 ;
Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 213, and Cit. and Bish., p. 696.

2 Tsakyroglous (op. cit.9 p. 11) says that the words ‘Turkmen’,
‘ Yuruk,’ ‘ Geuchebeh ’ (Tk. geuch etmek — to move house ; Koche is
the Turkoman word for nomad according to Vambéry, op. cit.9 p. 385)
are used by the Turks indiscriminately for nomads, except that the last
implies a tribe on the move. Turks and Turkomans are distinguished
by Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 690.

3 Conder, Turkey, p. 11, n., a reference M. M. H. owes to Dr. Mal-
colm Burr.

4 This section was written up by M. M. H.

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 90 and iv, 94, n. ; cf.
Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 188 ; d’Herbelot, В ibi. Orientale s.v. Haidar ;
Knolles, Turk. Hist., p. 316. See below, p. 169.

6 P. della Valle, Viaggi9 ii, 46-7.

140 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

had been of Turkish origin and Sunni, whereas Shah
Ismail adhered to the Shia doctrines of his father. The
name ‘ Kizilbash \ therefore, is associated from the first
both with Persian nationality andPersian (Shia) religion,
but has no ethnological significance whatever. In
modern popular Turkish, owing to the long enmity
between the two nations and the two religions, and to
the suspicion and dislike with which the Turks regard
the ‘ Kizilbash ’ of their own country, the word is used
merely to designate a person of loose morals.1

As regards Anatolia, 4 Kizilbash 5 is a contemptuous
term used to denote the adherents of all sects of the
Shia religion, including, e. g., the Nosairi and Yezidi,
irrespective of race or language : the corresponding
inoffensive term, by which the Anatolian Kizilbash
designate themselves, is Alevi (‘ worshippers of Ali ’).
Both terms include the Shia tribes of northern Asia
Minor, who are said to be Iranian Turks2 * and speak
Turkish, and the so-called ‘ Western Kurds ’, whose
speech is a distinct dialect (‘ Zaza ’) of Kurdish or
Turkish, and whose race is generally thought to contain
a strong admixture of Armenian blood. This opinion,
based not only on the physical characteristics of the
tribes concerned but on tradition of various kinds, is of
some importance as bearing on the question of the
Christian element in the Kizilbash religion : we shall
return to it later.

In the west of Asia Minor the ‘ Kizilbash 5 are found
only sporadically. In the Smyrna vilayet they are
numerous in the sanjak of Tekke (Lycia), where they
are called ‘ Takhtaji ’,3 and are reported by Tsakyro-
glous to inhabit certain valleys of the Hermus 4 and

1 Similarly, dervish is used of a person lax in the performance of his
religious duties or suspected of free thought.

2 Vambéry, Das Türkenvolk, p. 607. з See below, p. 158.

4 On the slopes of Mounts Tmolus and Sipylus and in the districts

of Nymphi and Salikli.

Kizilbash Distribution 141

Maeander,1 where they are nomadic or semi-nomadic.2 * * *
The Kizilbash of Kaz Dagh (probably Ida, which other
considerations point out as a Kizilbash district) are
mentioned by Cantimir,3 and Oberhummer found Kizil-
bash villages in the neighbourhood of Afiun-Kara-Hisar,4
which forms a link on the main highway between the
eastern and western groups.

As to the eastern group of Kizilbash, they are known
to inhabit certain parts of the vilayet of Angora,5 and
are admitted even by Turkish statistics to be numerous
in those of Sivas (279,834),6 7 Diarbekr (6,000),7 and
Kharput (182,58ο).8 9 In the case of the Sivas vilayet the
official figures represent them as exactly half as numer-
ous as the Sunni Moslems, not only in the vilayet as a
whole but in every kaza composing it. The inference
is that they are in reality much more numerous than the
government is willing to admit. Grenard, the only
writer who has treated the eastern Kizilbash area as a
connected whole, estimates the total number of the
sect as upwards of a million.9 Of these, he places

1 At Denizli and Apa. 2 Tlepl Γίουρούκων, p. 29.

3 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 179. * Durch Syrien, p. 393.

5 Crowfoot, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx (1900), pp. 305-20 ; Perrot,
Souvenirs d’un Voyage, p. 423 ; Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie^ i, 253.

6 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 617 ; for further information on the

Kizilbash of this vilayet see van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 30
(cf. Jewett in Amer. Miss. Her. liv, 109 f., Nutting, ibid. Ivi, 345, Liv-
ingston, ibid, lxi, 246, Winchester, ibid, lvii, 71 ; Prof. G. White (of
Marsovan College), Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), pp. 225-36, and Con-

temp. Rev. Nov. 1913, pp. 690 ff.). Jerphanion’s Carte du Véchil lrmaq
is the first attempt to show the distribution of the Kizilbash villages.

7 Cuinet, op. cit.y ii, 322.

8 Ibid. ii, 412. Further information on the Kizilbash of Kurdistan
is given by Taylor in J.R.G.S. 1865, pp. 28 ff., 1868, pp. 304 ff. ;
Richardson, in Amer. Miss. Her. lii, 296 f., Perkins, ibid, liii, 304 ff. ;
Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, pp. [63] and 276 ; Bent, Report Brit.
Ass. 1889 ; Huntington in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), pp. 186 ff. ; Moly-
neux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), pp. 51 ff·

9 Journ. Asiat. 1904 (xe série, ili), p. 521.

142 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

365.000 in the vilayet of Sivas (kazas of Sivas, Divriji,
Tonus, Yildizili, Hafik, Zile, Mejid Euzu, Haji Keui),

300.000 in that of Kharput, and 107,000 in that of
Erzerum (sanjak of Erzinjian, especially kazas of Bai-
burt, Terjian, and part of Kighi). It is thus in the
4 Armenian 5 vilayets that the ‘ Kizilbash 5 are strongest.

The great importance of Grenard’s statistics consists
in the fact that they clearly show the close geographical
contact of the Kizilbash communities of western Kurdi-
stan with those of eastern Anatolia. We may probably
assume that the eastern Anatolian Kizilbash are similarly
connected with the more scattered communities of
western Anatolia.

The Kizilbash religion, if we make allowances for
variation due to locality and to the natural intelligence,
candour, and knowledge of different informants, is
similarly homogeneous, though fluid ; there are indica-
tions that the whole sect is linked together by its
alliance with the Bektashi dervishes. Thus, in Cilicia
the woodcutter caste has embraced a form of the Shia
faith and would be reckoned by the Turks as Kizilbash :
some have identified their religion with that of the
Syrian Nosairi.1 In the province of Tekke (Lycia) also
the Kizilbash are generally known as Takhtaji (‘ wood-
cutters ’) on account of their employment, but, like the
Kizilbash elsewhere, they call themselves Alevi2 3 4 and are
connected with the Bektashi order of dervishes,з whose
local centre is at Elmali.

Side by side with the Lycian Takhtaji von Luschan
found traces of what appeared to be a second heterodox
sect, the Bektashi.4 Similarly, Crowfoot, finding that
the Kizilbash of the Halys district (vilayet of Angora)

1 Tsakyroglous, op. cit., p. 18 ; but this identity is denied by F
Schaffer, Cilicia (Petermanns MitthErgänzungsheft cxli, p. 27).

2 On the Lycian Takhtaji see below, p. 158, n. 5.

3 See below, p. 158.

4 Von Luschan, Lykien,, ii, 203, n.

Kizilbash and Bektashi 143

hailed each other as ‘ Bektash ’, suspected that this was
the name of a local sect of Kizilbash.1 The real ex-
planation of the apparent second sect or subdivision
lies in the close association of many Kizilbash with the
Bektashi order of dervishes. Lycia has long been a field
of Bektashi propaganda, and the Kizilbash villages of
the Halys are not far from the central sanctuary of the
Bektashi, near Kirshehr,2 3 4 5 * which contains the tomb of
their titular founder, Haji Bektash, and is visited as a
pilgrimage even by the distant Kizilbash Kurds.з The
Bektashi-Kizilbash of Lycia are probably Kizilbash who
have become affiliated as lay adherents (muhib) of the
Bektashi order of dervishes. As to the ‘ Bektash 9 of the
Halys district, which are nearer the Bektashi centre,
they may either be inhabitants of villages forming part
of the endowments (vakuf) of the tekke of Haji Bektash,
or, if (as I have suggested elsewhere) 4 ‘ Haji Bektash 9
himself represents the original tribal-chief and medi-
cine-man eponymous of a tribe Bektashli, they may be
a portion of this tribe.

Kizilbash, in the Turkish sense at least, are to be
reckoned the inhabitants of certain heterodox villages
in the Hermus valley, regarding the population of which
Ramsay gleaned the following details. Like the nomads,
they do not conform to orthodox Mohammedan custom
in the details of veiling women, polygamy, abstention
from wine, and worship in mosques. They fast twelve
days in spring, their women are called by Christian
names, they have no aversion to Christian holy books, and
are visited by an itinerant holy man called a Karabash5
(Tk. ‘ black head ’). It happens that, among the Yezidi

1 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XXX (1900), p. 305 ; cf. Grothe, Vorderasien-

expedition,, ii, 148, n. 4. 2 See below, p. 502.

3 Molyneux-Seel, Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 66.

4 B.S.A. xxi (1914-16), p. 89 : cf. below, p. 341.

5 Ramsay, Pauline Studies, pp. 180 f. and Interm, of Races in Asia

Minor y p. 20.

144 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

of Syria (Jebel Siman),1 there is a tribe possessing a kind
of Levitical status and called Karabash.2 The Yezidi
religion is, of course, known to contain Christian ele-
ments, and the Yezidi view of Christianity and the
Bible is somewhat similar to that of the Kizilbash. It
would thus appear that the heterodox villages of the
Hermus valley are connected with the Yezidi, which
implies that they were converted or colonized from
Syria. But it will be observed that the whole argument
depends on the word ‘ Karabash ’, which is ambiguous,
having been applied, till recently, to Christian monks
and priests з (as wearing black caps) in general. It is
safer to suppose for the present that the story is a
garbled version of an annual visitation of Kizilbash
villages, which are known to exist in this district^ by
Bektashi sheikhs.

B. Religion

The following is a summary of the information at our
disposal on the religion of the Kizilbash, compiled from
several sources and referring chiefly to the Kizilbash of
the Kurdish and Armenian vilayets.

(i) Theology.

God is one and omnipotent, without son or companion.5

Ali is God incarnate, identical with Christ, and will
appear again.6

1 This is a colony of their main settlement, grouped round the shrine
of Sheikh Adi in the Mosul vilayet. For the Yezidi see Menzel in
Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, i, pp. lxxxix ff.

2 Jerphanion, in Mil. Fac. Or. (Beyrut), ii, 376. The Yezidi itinerant
preachers wear black turbans (Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia,
p. 288).

3 Cf. O. F. von Richter, W allfahr ten, p. 333 ; Fallmerayer, Frag-

mente, p. 125 ; also Schiitberger, Reise, ed. Penzel, p. 149, ed. Telfer,
p. 74. Hammer mentions a Khalveti called Karabash {Hist. Emp. Ott.
xviii, 97 (805)). 4 Above, p. 140.

5 Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 65.

6 Grenard in Journ. Asiat. 1904 (xe série, iii), pp. 514 ff.

Kizilbash Religion 145

Ali is identical with Christ and is the spirit of God.

‘ Ali is the best of men, excelling even Mohammed in
goodness ; if Ali had not existed, God could not have
created the world, but Ali is emphatically not divine.5 1

Ali is identical with Christ, but the Kizilbash call
him Ali to deceive the Turks.3

The Kizilbash Trinity is perhaps Ali, Jesus, and
Mohammed (Father, Son, and Holy Spirit respectively),
but the intrusion of Mohammed, for whom they have
no reverence, is to be suspected.з

Their prayers are directed chiefly to Allah, Ali, and
Husain.4

The Devil is a person and is re-incarnated to oppose
each incarnation of God : he is not worshipped.5

Intermediaries are the five archangels, twelve ministers
of God, and forty prophets, including ‘ Selman \ The
prophet Khidr is identified with S. Sergius.6

The twelve Imams are the twelve Apostles ; Hasan
and Husain are SS. Peter and Paul.7

The twelfth Imam is in hiding, and the Kizilbash
await his coming.8

The great prophets are Jesus, Mohammed, Moses,
Abraham, and Ali.9

The great prophets are Adam, Moses, David, and
Jesus.10

The great prophets are Adam, Noah, Abraham,
Moses, Christ, Mohammed, and Ali.11

Moses, David, Christ, and Ali are all incarnations of
the same person.13

I M. Sykes, Dar-ul-Islam, pp. 121-2.

3 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), p. 219.

3 Grenard, op. cit., p. 51$.

4 Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 153.

5 Grenard, p. 516.

6 Ibid., p. 515, and (for the last part) Molyneux-Seel, p. 66.

7 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 8 Sykes, p. 122. 9 Ibid., p. 121.

10 Ellsworth Huntington in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), p. 187.

II Molyneux-Seel, p. 65. 13 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 201.

3295*1

L

146 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

Jesus is the greatest of the prophets.1

The Virgin is regarded as the Mother of God and
much venerated.2

(ii) Mythology.

When the Mohammedans of Damascus killed Husain,
the son of Ali, they cut off his head and carried it away.
It was stolen from them by an Armenian priest, Akh
Murtaza Keshish, who substituted for it the head of his
eldest son, at the proposal of the latter. As the Turks
discovered the fraud, the priest cut off the heads of all
his seven sons and offered each in turn as the head of
Husain. In the case of the last head he received a
divine warning to smear it with the blood of Husain, and
by this means deceived the ‘ Turks 5 and kept the holy
relic for himself.3

He placed it in a special apartment, which he adorned
with gold and silver and silk. His only daughter, enter-
ing that apartment one day, saw not the head of Husain
but a plate of gold filled with honey. She tasted the
honey and became with child. ‘ One day the girl com-
plained of a cold, and on sneezing her father saw sud-
denly issue from her nose a bright flame, which changed
at the same instant into the form of a child. Thus did
Imam Bakir, son of Hussein, come into the world.’

‘ The fact that a descendant of Ali had been born imme-
diately became known to the sorcerers of the Turks, who there-

1 Huntington, p. 187. 2 Grenard, p. 515.

3 Molyneux-Seel, p. 64. A variation is related by White from the
Cappadocian Kizilbash country (Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 698)
as follows : ‘ There is a story that when the great Ali was put to death
by his enemies, his head by some chance was placed for safe keeping in
the hands of a Christian priest. Afterwards the persecutors wanted it
to gloat over it or abuse it, but the priest refused to deliver it up. On
being pressed, he cut off the head of his eldest son and offered that
instead, but it was refused. So he did with his second and other sons,
to the number of seven. Then his wife asked her husband to cut off
and offer her head. He did so, and this was accepted.’

Kizilbash Hierarchy 147

upon sent people to search for the child and slay it. They came
to the priest’s house. At this time the young mother was en-
gaged in washing the household linen, and, being told the reason
of the visit of the Turks, hastily put her child into a copper
cauldron which was on the fire and covered him with linen.
The Turks knew by their magic arts that the child was in a house
of copper, but unable to find any such house in the precincts of
the priest’s dwelling were baffled, and the child’s life was saved.
On account of this incident the child received the name of Bakir,
which in Turkish means copper.’ 1

Ali as a child went to Khubyar and was put into
a furnace for seven days as his enemies wished to kill
him.2

(iii) Hierarchy.

The priests are called Dede : above them are bishops
and patriarchs. Of the latter there are two, one of
whom resides in a tekke at Khubyar, fifty-five kilo-
metres north-east of Sivas. The patriarchs are descen-
dants of Ali and infallible in doctrine.3

The religious head of the Kizilbash resides in the
Dersim.4

Priests are called Said ; above them are bishops
{Murshid) and archbishops{Murshidun Murshidu). Saids
give religious instruction and receive tribute.5

The Kizilbash are visited once a year, but at no fixed
time, by a murshid, who holds a service, recites the law.
and gives definite readings and interpretations of the
sacred books. If he pays a second visit in the year he
holds no religious conversation.6

Priests are allowed to marry,7 but celibates enjoy
greater prestige.8

Once or twice a year every village is visited by a dede>

1 Molyneux-Seel, p. 65. 2 Grenard, p. 518. 3 Ibid.

4 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 394*

5 Molyneux-Seel, p. 64. 6 Ibid., p. 66.

7 Cf. the Takhtaji (below, p. 159).

8 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 236.

L 2

148 Heterodox Ίribes of Asia Minor

a kind of communion takes place, as also preaching,
prayers, and a religious dance in which both sexes
participate.1

The hierarchy is composed of ‘ Deydees ’ and ‘ Seyds ’ ;
the latter are hereditary, the former apostolically con-
secrated.2

Peripatetic dedes are mentioned by Grothe.3

(iv) Fasts and Feasts and Public Worship.

The twelve days’ fast and feast of Moharrem is
observed.4

They fast twelve days for the twelve Imams and three
days for Khidr.5

They fast before Khidr’s feast (9 February) and at
the Armenian Easter.6

< On the night of January ist (O.S.) 7 they meet at the house of the Seïds for a ceremony resembling the Communion. After prayers the Seid blesses the bread, which is called Haqq loqmase,8 and distributes it to the communicants, who approach two by two. The blessed bread is not distributed to any person who may be declared by the inhabitants of his village to be unworthy. The communicants are called Musseib9 The Kizilbash have neither mosque nor church, but both sexes meet for prayer at the house of the Said on Fridays.10 They have a perverted mass : the priest chants prayers in honour of Christ, Moses, and David. Water is consecrated by the priest dipping a stick into it. There is a public confession of sins, which are punished by 1 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 231. 2 Taylor, in J.R.G.S. xxxviii (1868), p. 319. 3 Grothe, ii, 155. 4 Grenard, p. 514 ; Sykes, p. 122. 5 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 6 Grenard, p. 518. 7 This is one of the days on which the Nosairi celebrate their com- munion, the others being Christmas, Epiphany, and the Persian New Year (Nevruz). For some notes on Nevruz see Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), pp. 308-9. 8 ‘ Morsel of the Just9 (t. e. God). 9 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 10 Ibid. Kizilbash Prayers 149 fines : lights are put out while the congregation mourns its sins.1 When they are re-lighted, the priest givesabsolu- tion,2 and, having blessed bread and wine, gives a sop to the congregation. Morsels (loqmd) of the flesh of a sacrificed lamb are given at the same time. Known evil livers are not admitted to the service.3 As to the consecrating of water the following is in- forming : 6 All the Seids keep with them a certain stick and a leather bag, about the uses of which there is some mystery, and which are said to be employed in the performance of certain pagan rites. However, the Seids say that the stick is a portion of the rod of Moses, and the bag an imitation of that carried by St. John the Baptist.’ 4 (v) Private Prayer. Private prayer is enjoined once a day. This prayer is secret, but contains reference to all the great prophets.5 They pray privately every morning.6 They never pray in private.7 They adore the sun rising and setting,8 reverence fire, and sacrifice at the sources of rivers, in particular that of the Mezur.9 (vi) Sacred Books. The Kizilbash have no sacred books, but recognize as 1 Cf. Grothe, ii, 155. 2 Cf. the Lycian Takhtaji (below, p. 159). 3 Grenard, p. 5 i 7. A ‘sort of sacrament’ is reported of the eastern Kizilbash by Huntington (loc. cit., p. 188), a communion of bread and wine by White (Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 696). 4 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 5 Sykes, p. 121. 6 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 7 Huntington, p. 187. 8 Cf. the similar custom of the Yezidi, mentioned by W. B. Heard in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli (1911), p. 213. 9 Taylor, J.R.G.S. xxxviii (1868), p. 320. A local legend connects the source of the Mezur with a shepherd saint of the same name, who is said to have disappeared there (Molyneux-Seel, loc. cit., p. 60). It is probably a nature cult anthropomorphized. 150 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor inspired the Pentateuch, the New Testament, and the Koran.1 They admit the five collections of Traditions, but do not recognize Jews or fire-worshippers as ‘ People of the Book \2 3 4 * They have four holy books, which are the Gospels.? They have two books, the Bovyourouk,* which con- tains selections from the Old Testament, and the Tusef Kitab,5 which contains extracts from the New Testa- ment.6 7 They have a book, which is only in the possession of the priesthood, but it does not seem to be a corpus of dogma.7 The Lycian Takhtaji claim to have a book.8 (vii) Pilgrimage. The Kizilbash do not make pilgrimage to Mecca but to the Shia sanctuaries of Bagdad, Kufa, and Kerbela, and to certain Anatolian holy places, the most impor- tant being Haji Bektash (near Kirshehr), the centre of the Bektashi dervishes, and a reputed tomb of Hasan at Sivas.9 1 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. Van Lennep says vaguely that they read the Christian scriptures ( Travels in Asia Minor, pp. 30 ff.). * Sykes, p. 122. Mills records an attempt in 1841 to convert the Samaritans forcibly on the plea that they had no book. The Jews got them off on the plea that they accept the Pentateuch ( Months, pp. 277 ff.). 3 Huntington, p. 187. This author recognizes that the Kizilbash, when questioned as to their religion by Christians, colour their answers to make its analogies to Christianity closer. This seems to be an ex- treme case. 4 [‘ Book of Commandments’ from buyurmak = to command.— M. M. H.] 5 [‘ Joseph’s book.’—M. M. H.] 6 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), p. 220· 7 Grothe, ii, 151, 154. 8 Von Luschan, ii, 200. 9 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. This is presumably the tomb of the Holy Children (Maksutn Pak), discovered in recent times in the town of Sivas. The Holy Children are not Hasan and Husain but the infant Kizilbash Marriage 151 (viii) Marriage. The Kizilbash may marry three wives ; divorce and temporary marriage are prohibited. An unfaithful wife may be killed.1 Divorce is prohibited. Armenians are accepted as parrains at marriages.1 Divorce is prohibited.3 Strictly the Kizilbash are only permitted to take one wife, but many have lapsed into polygamy. The peri- patetic dede presides at marriages when possible.4 Prostitution of virgins to guests, and especially to itinerant dedes, is recorded, on the authority of a bigoted Sunni by Grothe.5 It is fairly apparent that the predominating element in the Kizilbash religion is Shia Mohammedanism, and the secondary Christian, the whole having a substratum of pagan animistic elements,6 many of which might be found in slightly changed form among professedly ortho- dox Turks or oriental Christians. On the Shia side note the exalted position held by Ali, Hasan, and Husain, and the importance of their pilgrimages, as compared with the neglect of Mohammed and Mecca : note also the importance of the Imams and the Second Advent. The Christian elements, apart from the formal identi- fication of Shia with Christian sacred figures, reduce themselves to the celebration of certain Armenian feasts, and the ritual of the ‘ perverted mass ’. It should be noted that the ‘ ritual meal ’ is an idea by no means foreign to Islam,7 the Semitic element being, as in Christianity, partly responsible. Nor must it be over- sons of two of the Imams : the confusion in popular thought is natural (see below, pp. 511-2). 1 Sykes, p. 121. 2 Grenard, pp. 518, 521. з Taylor, p. 319. 4 Grothe, ii, 154. 5 Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 150. 6 Grenard, loc. cit., brings this out in detail. 7 G. Jacob, in Der biavi (ii, 232), for £ Bektashi ’ communion. 152 Heterodox Ίribes of Asia Minor looked that one of the prototypes of the Christian com- munion is found in Persian Mithraism. As regards the hierarchy it seems clear that the parish priest, who is generally called Said by our authorities, is normally married, his office being hereditary, and he himself, as his name implies, a descendant of the Pro- phet and therefore of Ali. A celibate monk can, how- ever, as in oriental Christianity, officiate, if in orders, as parish priest. The peripatetic ‘ bishop 5 or murshid 1 seems to be a (celibate ?) dervish of the Bektashi order. On this point Tsakyroglous, speaking of the Kizilbash in general but probably more particularly of those in his own vilayet of Aidin, is very explicit. He says that the communities are visited yearly by Bektashi sheikhs, who confess, catechize, and instruct their flocks.2 Pro- fessor White, speaking of Pontus, says that the Kizilbash villages there are organized in groups, each group hav- ing its tekke of dervishes.3 The ‘ patriarchs ’, of whom one resides at Khubyar (the other is probably the É Chelebi ’ of the Bektashi 4) are again hereditary (the ‘ Chelebi ’ certainly), their descent being important. The doubling of the office reminds us of the Armenian and Greek churches. Certain points in the Kizilbash system, mostly nega- 1 The word is in general use amongst dervishes for a 4 spiritual director 9 ; every sheikh of a convent, for instance, is a murshid in re- lation to his pupils (shagird). 2 Περί Γιουρούκων, p. 30 : Έκ τής μονής ταυτης (sc. του Χατζή Βεκτας) εξέρχονται έτησίως εις περιοδείαν Σειχαι έπισκε- 7ττόμενοι τάς κώμας και τα χωρία ένθα υπάρχουσι κοινότητες των Κιζίλ-μπας, έξομολογοΰσιν αυτούς, κατήχουσι καί ποδηγετοϋσιν αυτούς εις την οδόν τής αλήθειας και εχοντες συνάμα δικαστικήν ούτως είπειν δικαιοδοσίαν έξομαλύνουσι διηνέξεις και διαφοράς υφιστάμενος μεταξύ των κοινοτήτων. Ούτοι εν τελεί λαμβάνουσιν παρ αυτών καί το έτησίως ώρισμένον δηνάριον. 3 Trans. Viet. Inst. xl (1908), p. 231. 4 Cf. White, in Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 693. But Oberhummer speaks of a supreme religious head of the Kizilbash as resident in the Dersim (op. cit., p. 394)· Kizilbash and Sunnis 153 tive, sever them from, and form a stumbling-block to, their Sunni neighbours. Thus, they do not conform to Sunni practice in the matter of veiling women, the five prayers, circumcision, and other religious duties ; they are said to eat pork and drink wine, to marry within the prohibited degrees, and to indulge in immoral orgies, men and women being assembled in a great room in which the lights are suddenly extinguished. This is evidently a prejudiced version of the 4 perverted mass 5 ceremony described above. Impartial investigators have found that, while marriage between brother and sister is countenanced by the Takhtaji,1 the Kizilbash are very strict about divorce and monogamy, and the grave charge of promiscuity, which has been much exploited by (chiefly ignorant) Sunni partisans and has earned for the Kizilbash the opprobrious nicknames of 7communities to be ready to resist, and no steps were taken by the government.4 As regards the connexion between Christianity and the religion of the Kizilbash the latter claim that there is very little difference between the two faiths ; 5 they are certainly in their personal relations more sympa- thetic to Christians than to Sunni Mohammedans. An agha of Kizilbash Kurds was actually converted to 142 ; Fabri, Evagat. ii, 92 ; Maundrell, Travels, ed. Wright, p. 182. CJ. also what Lucius says of the festivals of martyrs in early times (Anfänge des Heiligenk., pp. 319-23). In the case of Jerusalem there is also an idea that a child begotten in such circumstances and surround- ings is particularly fortunate (Tobler, Bethlehem, pp. 75, 139 ; Tobler, Golgatha, p. 427). 1 Cf. Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 405. 2 See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 16. 3 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 228. 4 Ibid., p. 235 : too much stress will not be laid on this story by those who know the country. 5 Ibid., p. 231. Kizilbash änd Armenians 155 Christianity by American missionaries in the fifties.1 An obvious link between the two religions is the fact that both are regarded as inferiors, socially and poli- tically, by the dominant Sunni religion. Further, we have found that the Kizilbash celebrate certain Ar- menian feasts and are thickest in the ‘ Armenian * vila- yets. A number of traditions also connect the two. Thus, the Kurdish, and probably also the Anatolian, Kizilbash represent their Imam as born of the virgin daughter of an Armenian priest.2 The Armenians on their side claim the Kizilbash Kurds as perverted co- religionists.3 Other examples of traditions recording the conversion of Armenians en bloc to Islam are to be found in the cases (1) of a tribe classed as Turkoman and called Pehlivanli, settled between Sivas and Angora 4 (a ‘ Kizilbash ’ country, be it remarked), and (2) of the Mahalemi ‘ Kurds ’, who are said to have been con- verted ‘ two hundred years ago ’.5 According to Mrs. 1 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), pp. 219 f. 2 Above, p. 146. 3 Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), pp. 64-7 : cf. Hunting- ton, ibid. XX (1902), p. 186. 4 Niebuhr (who had it from Patrick Russell of Aleppo), Voyage en Arabie, ii, 341 : see below, pp. 479, 481. 5 Sir Mark Sykes in Geog. Journ. xxx (1907), p. 387. Both these and the Pehlivanli (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 341) are said to have turned Mussulman on account of the severity of Armenian fasts. The motif is a ‘ stock ’ one {cf. Pococke, Descr. of the East, ii, 133 ; G. Kam- mas, in Μίκρασ. 'Ημ€ρολ. 1915, ρ. 281), but the conversion may never- theless be a fact : on the other hand, it may be merely a reflection on the character of the tribes in question, put into currency by rivals or enemies. The Maronite villages are said to convert regularly to Pro- testantism when oppressed by their priests : when this pressure has gained them their point, they as regularly revert to Catholicism (Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 286). If it were as easy and safe to revert from Islam as from Protestantism, we should doubtless find fewer Mos- lems in Turkey at the present day : cf. the cases of the Presba villages (Bérard, Macédoine, p. 20), of the Karamuratadhes (Pouqueville, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 259-61), and of the Vallahadhes (Bérard, Macé- doine, p. no ; Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 29). 156 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor Scott-Stevenson the (Sunni) Afshars1 2 3 4 5 of the Anti- Taurus claim Armenian descent,* which though prob- ably false of the Afshars as a whole, may still be true of some sections of the tribe. TschihatschefPs picture of Pharasa (a Greek village of the Anti-Taurus) in the fifties, ruled by Afshar chiefs and taking part with them in their forays against the Turks,з may show a phase in such a developments As regards the Kizilbash, it is important to note that all traditions speak of them as converted Armenians, not Greeks. It must not, however, be imagined that the question of the ‘ Kizilbash ’ religion is finally disposed of by classing it as Shia, since the Shia religion is sub-divided into numerous sects and heresies. Sir Charles Wilson compares the religion of the Anatolian Kizilbash, not with that of orthodox Persian Shias, but rather with that of the Nosairi of Syria.5 Bent, speaking of the Takhtaji in particular, classes their religion with that of the Nosairi and Yezidi,6 7 and von Luschan 7 and Ober- hummer 8 are of the same opinion. It cannot be ex- pected that the religion practised by these scattered 1 For the Afshars see Grothe, Vor der asienexp edition, ii, 135 f. 2 Ride through Asia Minor, p. 218. Others have called them rene- gade Greeks (Tsakyroglous, Ilcpi Γιουρουκων, p. 13). 3 TschihatschefPs Reisen, ed. Kiepert, p. 14. We may compare the conditions noticed in the early years of the nineteenth century by Burckhardt in the Cilician plain (Barker, Lares and Penates, pp. 355 ff.). Here the Greek villages were subjected to Turkoman chiefs and had largely assimilated themselves to their protectors, from whom only de- tails of headgear distinguished them. This gives an idea how rural populations may have been gradually converted to Islam. 4 The recent (‘ fifty years ago,’ i.e. about 1830) conversion of Burun- guz, an Armenian village near Tomarza, in the district of Caesarea, noted by J. F. Skene (Anadol, p. 175), is worth putting on record in this connexion : both period and locality point to the Afshars as the ‘ missionaries ’ responsible for the change. 5 Geog. Journ. vi (1884), p. 313. 6 J, R. Anthr. Inst. XX (1890), p. 270. 7 Lykien, ii, 202. 8 Durch Syrien, p. 394. Bridge-Land Kizilbash 157 and possibly heterogeneous communities is identical. But in the present vague state of our knowledge it would be worse than useless to attempt a more exact classifi- cation. It is at least fairly clear that the Kizilbash religion from Mardin and Erzerum to Smyrna is identical in its main lines and an offshoot of Shia Islam containing considerable elements of Christianity, with an animistic basis, according to Grenard’s information, and that the Bektashi, the only dervish order in Turkey openly pro- fessing the Shia faith, form a sort of hierarchy among a large proportion of the Kizilbash populations. The inherence of the Bektashi, whatever its origin, is ex- plained by the fiction that the tribal saints of the vari- ous Kizilbash villages were ‘ brothers ’, * companions ’, or ‘ disciples ’ of Haji Bektash.1 Von Luschan has already established the important point1 that the similarities of religion between the ‘ Kizilbash ’ group (including ‘ Bektash ’ and ‘ Takh- taji ’) in Anatolia coincide with anthropological simi- larities which connect this group also with the North Syrian and North Mesopotamian heterodox sects (Yezi- di, Nosairi, &c.), with the Armenians, with certain types of Anatolian Greek, and with the Hittites. The locality in which this anthropological type is most fre- quent is the mountainous ‘ bridge-land ’ which lies between the fertile countries of Anatolia, Persia, Meso- potamia, and Syria. This ‘ bridge-land ’ has never been civilized, though it has been penetrated at various times by missionaries, religious, political, and military : in particular, being the old border-land between Turkey and Persia, it was naturally the resort of Persian emis- saries during the long wars of the two nations. The result of the presumed religious propaganda carried on from the side of Persia among still pagan nomads, 1 See below, pp. 339-41. 2 J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli (1911), pp. 241 f. 158 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor Kurdishand T urkish, possibly also among Armenian Chris- tians,1 is a patchwork of religious compromises, of which the outwardly predominating elements are Shia Islam and Armenian Christianity, among a people of marked physical homogeneity. A certain proportion of these peoples has migrated westwards, as probably in other directions, either from natural causes or under the pres- sure of the artificial transplantation, which was carried out in the sixteenth century by the Ottoman Govern- ment г as a means of breaking up the solidarity of border- tribes known to be Shia in religion and consequently in sympathy with Persia. The emigration process may have gone on for centuries, the emigrants from the mountainous ‘ bridge-land ’ sometimes amalgamating with the men of the plains under the influence of a prevalent civilization, sometimes keeping themselves aloof owing to religious or other differences. The ‘ bridge-land ’ type, when found in the west, may thus represent immigrations of widely different date, ranging from remote antiquity to comparatively modern times. § 5. TheTakhtaji 3 The Kizilbash of Lycia (the province of Tekke) are, as already stated,4 numerous and generally known as Takhtaji ( woodcutters)on account of their employment, but like the Kizilbash elsewhere they call themselves Alevi 5 and are connected with the Bektashi order of dervishes,6 whose local centre is at Elmali. They are said to owe their conversion to Shia Islam to missionary sheikhs dispatched from Konia in the fourteenth cen- 1 Or the conversion of the latter may be attributed to the persecu- tion of already converted Kurds and Turks. 2 Cf. Belon, Observations de Plusieurs Singularitézf iii, cap. xii. 3 This section has been put together by M. M. H. 4 Above, p. 142. 5 On the Lycian Takhtaji see Bent, J. R. Anthr. Inst. xx (1890), pp. 269-76; von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 198-213; Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 855. 6 See above, p. 142. Takhtaji 159 tury.1 This woodcutter caste of Takhtaji exists in Cilicia also, where it has embraced a form of the Shia faith and therefore would be reckoned Kizilbash by the Turks. Although we have little exact information on the religion of the Lycian Takhtaji, what we have confirms the idea of their close religious connexion with the Kizilbash farther east. Thus, every Lycian Takhtaji tribe, however small, has a or Dede, whose office is hereditary.2 3 4 Again, confession and absolution cere- monies exist among them з as among the Kizilbash,4 while Kizilbash and Takhtaji alike claim to have a sacred book.5 Marriage between brother and sister is permitted to the Takhtaji6 but not recorded of the Kizilbash.7 These indications are vague enough but sufficient to make authorities like Bent,8 von Luschan,9 and Ober- hummer10 class the religion of the Takhtaji with that of the Nosairi11 and Yezidi. More cannot be said in the present state of our knowledge. § 6. The Bektashi 12 The Bektashi sect is reputed to have been founded by Haji Bektash, who is represented as a fourteenth-cen- tury Anatolian saint, mainly famous as having conse- crated the original corps of Janissaries,^ but the latest 1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 91 (from the sixteenth century Turkish historian Jenabi). 2 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 201 : cf. the Kizilbash, above, p. 147. 3 Ibid, ii, 202. 4 Above, pp. 148-9. 5 Above, pp. 149-50. 6 Von Luschan, op. cit. ii, 199. 7 Cf. above, p. 153. 8 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX (1890), p. 270. 9 Lykien, ii, 202. 10 Durch Syrien, p. 394. 11 Tsakyroglous similarly identified the religion of the Cilician Takh- taji with that of the Nosairi (ilepl Γιουρονκων, p. 18), but F. Schaffer denied this identity (Petermanns Mitth., Ergänzungsheft cxli, p. 27). 12 This section has been put together by Μ. Μ. H. 4 See below, pp. 483 ff. i6o Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor authorities are agreed that he is no more than a figure- head. The real founder of the Bektashi was a Persian mystic named Fadlullah, and the original name of the sect Hurufi. The traditional date—a very doubtful one—of Haji Bektash’s death is 1337-8, whereas Fadl- ullah died in 1393-4, a martyr to his own gospel, at the hands of one of Timur’s sons. Shortly after his death his disciples introduced the Hurufi doctrines to the inmates of the convent of Haji Bektash (near Kirshehr in Asia Minor) as the hidden learning of Haji Bektash himself, under the shelter of whose name the Hurufi henceforth disseminated their doctrines, which to ortho- dox Moslems are heretical and blasphemous.1 The heresy continued to spread more or less unnoticed, and the sect acquired considerable political power by its combination with the Janissaries, which was officially recognized at the end of the sixteenth century. Hence- forward the Bektashi became more and more suspected of heresy and disloyalty, till at last Mahmud II in 1826 made an attempt to destroy at one blow the Janissaries and their dervish backers. By his action the Janissaries were permanently broken, the Bektashi only crippled : by the fifties of the last century they had largely re- covered,2 and at the present day they exercise a con- siderable secret influence over the laymen affiliated to 1 Browne in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, pp. 535 ff. ; G. Jacob, Bekta- schijje, p. 19 ; cf. Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 228 ff. for current le- gends on the subject of the encroachment of the Hurufi on the convent of Haji Bektash. The Bektashi deny that the Hurufi doctrines are an essential part of their system, but admit that many Hurufi disguised themselves as Bektashi and Mevlevi at the time of their persecution under Timur. 2 Byzantios (Κωνσταντινούπολή, iii, 494) says that one-fifth of the Turkish population of Constantinople was supposed in his time to be Bektashi. For the influence of the sect in western Asia Minor about the same time see MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, i, 497 ff. The Bektashi seem to attribute their expansion to the tolerance shown them by Sultan Abdul Mejid (1839-61). Bektashi Distribution i6i them, especially in Albania 1 and out of the way parts of Asia Minor (Cappadocia, Lycia, and Kurdistan). In Albania the Bektashi are said to number as many as 80,000 adherents,2 3 4 and Albanian dervishes are fre- quently found in convents outside their own country. A recent visitor reports that even at the central tekke of Haji Bektash in the heart of Asia Minor the majority of the dervishes are Albanian : з many of these would doubtless be qualifying themselves for the presidency of a tekke in their own country. As to Asia Minor, our available evidence indicates that there the Bektashi establishments are grouped most thickly in the Kizilbash districts, but the nature of the connexion between them is still obscure. We know only that both profess adherence to the Shia form of Islam, and that widely scattered Shia communities acknowledge the spiritual supremacy of the Chelebi4 of the Bektashi. Together with his rival, the Akhi Dede, the Chelebi lives at the central convent 5 of the order near Nevshehr in Cappadocia, where Haji Bektashlies buried. The Akhi Dede, who is known also as Dede Baba, claims to be the spiritual or ‘ apostolic 5 successor of Haji Bektash. He resides in the convent of Haji Bek- tash and exercises authority over it and over one part of the Bektashi organization. The Albanian and Cretan Bektashi, for example, recognize him as their supreme head, and the appointments of their sheikhs must be ratified by him. This branch of the order seems to be entirely in the hands of the Albanians : the abbots are generally from Albania. 1 For Bektashism in Albania see Leake, N. Greece, iv, 284 ; Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 230 ff. ; Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 207 ; Brailsford, Macedonia, pp. 243 ff. 2 [Blunt], People of Turkey, ii, 277, confirmed to me in Epirus. The whole number of Bektashis is assessed by themselves at 3,000,000. 3 Prof. White, in Contemporary Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 694. 4 See below, pp. 162-3. 5 See below, pp. $02 ff. 3^95.1 M IÓ2 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor The Chelebi (in 1914 Jemal Efendi) claims to be the actual descendant of Haji Bektash and de jure the su- preme head of the order. His office is hereditary in his family though the succession is not from father to son, the senior surviving brother of a deceased Chelebi tak- ing precedence of his eldest son. He lives outside the convent and is employed in the administration of the property of the foundation. His genealogy is disputed by the party of the Dede Baba, who, holding that Haji Bektash had no children, regard him as an impostor. They explain his alleged descent by an intermediate legend of his ancestor’s miraculous birth from a woman fertilized by drinking the blood of Haji Bektash.1 2 So recently as 1909, at the proclamation of the Turkish Constitution, the Chelebi asserted his claim to be re- garded as supreme head of the order by a petition to the new government to restore him his ancient rights. At present his position is recognized by the Kizilbash populations of Asia Minor, and the sheikhs of tekkes ministering to these populations are consecrated by him. These sheikhs, who appear to be hereditary,* and their flocks are looked upon with some contempt by the other branch of the Bektashi, who call them and regard their organization as lax and their doctrines as superstitious. The son of the sheikh of the tekke at Rumeli Hisar explained to me the difference between 1 Cuinet, Jurquie d'Asie, i, 342. The legend admitted by the celi- bate branch makes the woman the wife of a khoja and gives her name as Khatun Jikana. Another variant makes Haji Bektash a nefes oglu or ‘ son of the breath [sc. of God] ’ (for which see George of Hungary’s tract De Moribus Pur corum, xv, ad fin). Miraculous birth is alleged of many Turkish saints, especially by the Kizilbash Kurds of their Imam Bakir (see above, p. 146). For other examples see Grenard in Journ. Asiat, xv (1900), p. li, and Skene, Anadol, p. 285. 2 Crowfoot in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, pp. 308, 312 (Haidar-es-Sultan and Hasan Dede). This is the rule also at the tekke of Sidi Battal (Ouvré, Un Mois en Phrygie> p. 94 ; Radet, Arch, des Miss. vi (1895),
pp. 446-7).

Bektashi Chelebi 163

them by saying that the Kizilbash were * Catholics \
the true Bektashi ‘ Protestants5 ; this, coming from an
old pupil of Robert College, is probably to be inter-
preted as meaning that the Bektashi represent a ‘ re-
formation 5 and have discarded what they regard as the
superstitious doctrinal accretions in the faith of their
backward Anatolian co-religionists.

The earliest mention of the Chelebi of the Bektashi
seems to be in connexion with a rising of dervishes and
Turkomans which began in 1526-7.1 The district

affected was that of Angora ; 2 3 the leader of the rising,
generally known as Kalenderoglu, is said by some
authors to have borne the title of Zelebi [Chelebi], and
all are agreed that he pretended to be a descendant of
Haji Bektash. In view of the later connexion between
the Bektashi and Janissaries, it is worth noting that on
this occasion Janissaries seem to have had no scruples
about marching against the Chelebi.

As regards theology, the Bektashi, as opposed to the
Kizilbash, claim the sixth Imam (Jafer Sadik) as their
patron, while the Kizilbash hold that their priesthood
descends from the fifth (Mohammed Bakir). There is
also a very important distinction between the two sects
as regards the religious life. The Bektashi dervishes,
who form the priestly caste of their branch, are nearly
without exception celibate (mujerred!).з The Kizilbash,

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 95 ; Leunclavius, Annales,
343p, s.a. 1526 and Pandectes, § 222 ; de Mezeray, Hist, des Turcs,
i, 502.

* Four tribes are mentioned by name as having taken part in the
rising, the Chichekli, Akje Koyunlu, Massdlu, and Bozoklu : there is a
Chichek Dagh north of the convent of Haji Bektash, and Bozuk is the
name of the district in which it stands, so that two at least of the tribes
mentioned seem to be connected with the district.

3 As such the Bektashi dervishes have a special veneration for Balum
Sultan, a reforming saint who lived some two generations after Haji
Bektash and is buried in Pir-evi. Though Haji Bektash is regarded by
them as having lived unmarried, Balum Sultan is considered as the

μ 2

164 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

on the other hand, have a hereditary priesthood, and
their sheikhs are consequently of necessity married
(mutehhil).1

Now if, as there seems some reason to believe, the
Bektashi represent an original tribal grouping under a
chief with temporal and spiritual powers,1 it is probable
that the Chelebi represents the original hereditary chief
of the tribe, who has been ousted by the superimposed
celibate dervish organization, in which the succession is
‘ apostolic The hereditary sheikhs or babas conse-
crated by him, again, represent the hereditary chiefs of
sub-tribes or affiliated tribes ; as hereditary they must
of necessity be married, and this is the chief distinction
between them and the mainly celibate dervishes of the
other branch.

Professed dervishes, however, form only the hierarchy
of the Bektashi organization. The rank and file are
laymen (called muhib ъ—friend), who openly or secretly
subscribe to Bektashi doctrines. All candidates for ad-
mission to the order must be believers in God and of
good moral character : this latter must be guaranteed
by a satisfactory sponsor. Bektashism is not hereditary,
the son of a Bektashi father being perfectly at liberty to
choose at years of discretion whether or not he will
enter the Bektashi order or another.4

peculiar patron of the celibate branch. It is interesting to find that
a recent war-map marks a mountain in north Albania as Aekke Balim
Sultan. In von Hahn’s map (in Alban. Studien) seventy years earlier the
mountain is marked simply Balle, which is the Albanian word for peak
according to von Hahn. It would thus appear that the Bektashi have
here foisted one of their own saints on another as they have done on
Mount Tomor (see below, pp. 548 ff.) and elsewhere.

1 The relations between the Chelebi and the Dede Baba are naturally
strained, but dervishes of the celibate branch are treated with respect
by the married sheikhs. 2 Cf. above, p. 135.

3 This, the ordinary name for lay adherents of a dervish order, is
variously explained as ‘ Friends of the Family of the Prophet * or
4 Friends of the Order ’.

♦ Fadil Bey Klissura, when aged twenty, informed me that his

Bektashi Religion 165

Each local congregation finds its normal rallying-
point and place of common worship in the nearest
Bektashi tekke. A tekke may, according to circum-
stances, be a convent containing a number of professed
dervishes under a baba or abbot, or a kind of * lodge ’
inhabited only by the baba, as the spiritual head of the
local community, and his attendants. It often contains
the grave of a saint of the order (generally the founder of
the tekke), and always has a room ( ibadet bane)

for common worship. The Bektashi sect is identified
with no nation or race, and is widely spread over the
old Turkish Empire from Mesopotamia to Albania :
its geographical distribution has been discussed else-
where.1

Orthodox Sunni Moslems are scandalized not only by
the Shia beliefs of the Bektashi, but also by their every-
day practice. They are notoriously careless of the
Prophet’s injunctions with regard to circumcision, veil-
ing of women, regular prayer, and abstention from
strong drink ; the latter freedom undoubtedly tends to
swell their ranks with undesirables. Further, their
peculiar worship is performed not in a mosque but in
the ibadet bane, and with closed doors ; both sexes take
part in the worship. This gives rise to the scandalous
suspicions usually entertained of secret religions.1

The religious doctrines of the Bektashi are devised to
cater for all intellects and all temperaments : their
system includes, like other mystic religions, a gradual
initiation to secret knowledge by a number of grades :
these form a series of steps between a crude and popular
religion, in which saint-worship plays an important
part, to a very emancipated, and in some respects en-
lightened, philosophy. The theology of Bektashism

mother and aunts were Bektashis. His uncle joined late, but neither he
nor his elder brother had so far joined.

1 In B.S.A. xxi, 84-124 (reprinted with additions and corrections
below, pp. 500 fh). 2 See above, p. 153.

166 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

ranges from pantheism to atheism. Its doctrine and
ritual, so far as the latter is known, have numerous
points of contact with Shia Mohammedanism,1 of which
it is confessedly an offshoot, and with Christianity2, to
which it acknowledges itself akin. In theory, at least,
abstinence from violence and charity to all men are
inculcated : the good Bektashi should make no distinc-
tion in his conduct between Mussulmans and non-Mus-
sulmans, and members of non-Mussulman religions may
be admitted to the order. These tenets are so far
carried into practice that in the fifties of the last cen-
tury a Greek, by name Antonaki Varsamis, even be-
came president of a local ‘ lodge 9 in the Brusa vilayet :
he owed his position to the purchase of lands of which
the former proprietor (who, from the description given
of him, may well have been an Albanian) was a Bektashi
of great local importance.3 The subject is treated in
detail below.4

1 e. g. they avowedly place Ali before Mohammed. For their doc-
trines see Naim Bey Frasheri’s Bektashi Pagesy below, pp. 552 ff.

2 Jacob has set out the points of contact in Bektaschijjey pp. 29 ff.
On the use of this relationship by the Bektashi see cap. xliv.

3 MacFarlane, Purkey and its Destiny, i, 496 f. : the same person,
evidently, is mentioned in Lady Blunt’s People of Turkey, ii, 278. In
our own day, on the authority of the learned Sami Bey Frasheri, an
Albanian from a Bektashi district, Monseigneur Petit writes (Con-
f réries Musulmanes, p. 17) that in each Albanian convent are found
some dervishes who are really Christian still, but are admitted to Bek-
tashi membership. [Our personal investigations, conducted inde-
pendently among the Albanian tekkesy discovered exaggerations in
Mgr. Petit’s information. Μ. Μ. H.]

4 Pp. 564 ff.
XIII

SHIA MOVEMENTS AND PROPAGANDA
IN ASIA MINOR

THE two main periods when Asia Minor was affected
by Shia ideas are (i) that of the Seljuk empire of
Rum, and (2) that of the Safavi dynasty of Persia.
During the former, Persian philosophic and mystic
ideas became, so to speak, acclimatized, penetratingfrom
the court of Konia downwards ; during the latter,
definitely Shia doctrines were propagated in many
country districts of Asia Minor, by missionaries half
religious, half political, the effect of whose work, as we
shall see, persists down to our own day.

During the first period Konia 1 is of course the dis-
tributing centre. Especially during the reign of Ala-ed-
din I (1219-1236) it was a focus of Persian ideas and of
a culture wholly derived from Persia, and the repair of
numerous philosophers and holy men from Bokhara,
Khorasan, and Persia, who were driven by Mongol pres-
sure from their homes. Best known of these are Jelal-
ed-din Rumi, the mystic poet of Bokhara, and his
friend and master in philosophy, Shems-ed-din of Ta-
briz. Jelal-ed-din, the founder of the Mevlevi dervish
order, which has exercised, and to some extent exercises
to-day, considerable religious and even political influ-
ence in the district, was especially favoured by Ala-ed-
din. The Mevlevi order was never openly accused of
the Shia heresy, and has been throughout its history
politically loyal and morally untainted by the excesses
which have brought other dervish orders into disrepute,
but its liberal and philosophic principles render its
members suspect to strait-laced Sunni Mohammedans.
In the same way the neighbouring Mohammedan
1 See more fully below, p. 370.

168 Shia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

princes looked askance on the Persian culture of the
sultans of Konia.1 2 3 4

Of direct propaganda by the holy men who made
Konia their centre we have little trace. One significant
passage quoted by von Hammer from Jenabi tells us
that in the districts of Tekke (Adalia) and Diarbekr,
which were later (and still are) strongholds of the Shia
movement, the inhabitants were devoted to the Persian
sheikhs and doctrine, the former having been spared
from the fury of Timur by the intercession of the sheikh
Sadr-ed-din of Konia.* If this refers to the celebrated
sheikh of that name who died in 1274,3 the connexion
with Timur is chronologically impossible. It is much
more likely that the Shia faith, which is particularly
adapted for missionary propaganda among simple folk,
was preached in those districts already under the Sel-
juks by sheikhs from Konia. The populations subjected
to Shia influences are represented by the modern Takh-
taji of Lycia and the Alevi Kurds of Diarbekr vilayet.
Similarly in the north, Sunusa, a fanatical Shia town
near Amasia, is mentioned already by Mustawfi (1340).4

The Shia propaganda of the second period is closely
connected with the history of Persia. IJzun Hasan, the
last ruler of the (Turkish) White-Sheep dynasty of
Persia, married his daughter to Haidar, son of Juneid,

1 4 Dans le voisinage, on se demandait si les Seljoukides n’étaient pas
devenus païens, mages ou guèbres, et Noureddin Zenghi, prince d’Alep,
un musulman convaincu, exigea que Kylydj Arslan II [1192-1204] re-
nouvelât, entre les mains de son ambassadeur, la profession de foi de
l’Islamisme, parce qu’il ne le croyait pas un vrai fidèle ’ (Huart, Koniay
PP· 214 f.)

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 91, from Jenabi (sixteenth
century). Similarly, Sheikh Baba saved Egerdir from Timur (ibid.
ii, 118).

3 Huart, Konia, pp. 170 f. : this Sadr-ed-din was a close friend of
Jelal-ed-din. But Malcolm (Hist, of Persia, i, 321) refers the incident
to Sadr-ed-din, the ancestor of Shah Ismail.

4 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 146.

Shahkuli9 s Campaign 169

a distinguished sheikh from Erdebil. Of the marriage
was born Ismail, the future founder of the Safavi
dynasty of Persia. Haidar’s family claimed descent
from Ali, and Haidar himself was the founder of the
Haidari sect, to which the majority of Persian Shias
belong. He is also credited with the invention of the red
cap or ‘ crown ’ (taf) with twelve folds, commemorating
the twelve Imams, which eventually became the badge
of Ismail’s followers1 and gained for the Shia sect in
general the nickname of ‘ Kizilbash ’.2 Haidar of Erde-
bil was killed in battle (1488). Ismail, his only surviving
son, succeeded, after a struggle, to the throne of Persia.

Even under the Turkish dynasty the Persians and the
Turks had been enemies, and Ismail followed the policy
of his predecessor. The followers of the Persian sheikhs
in the Turkish provinces of Tekke and Diarbekr had
helped to put him on the throne and were still true to
their faith. Ismail made use of them to embarrass the
Sultan in his own country. His emissaries were a
certain Hasan Chelife (Khalife) з and another, in some
accounts the son of Hasan, who passed under the names
of Karabeyik, Tekkeli, Shahkuli (‘ slave of the Shah ’),
and, in derisive parody, Sheitankuli (‘ slave of Satan ’).
Hasan and Shahkuli took up their abode in the district
of Tekke and for six or seven years lived in caves as
hermits, acquiring a great reputation for sanctity : the
pious Bayezid II is said to have sent Hasan a yearly
pension. The political part of the propaganda matured
in 1509.4

The adherents of Shahkuli, who seems to have been

1 Testa rossa {red cap) = Persian, verde=Usbek, bianca =Turk, nera =
Georgian, according to Hammer-Hallert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 94, who
says the different races in the Turkish Empire were thus nicknamed
from their head-dress.

2 i. e. red head. See especially d’Herbelot, s.v. Haidar (above, p. 139).

3 Hasan Khalife is the name of a Bektashi leader of the Janissaries in
1632 (Assad Effendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 342).

4 i. e. after the disastrous earthquake which occurred in that year at

170 Skia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

more of a fighter than Hasan, mustered at a place called
Tascia, and, marching on Adalia, took it by surprise on
a Sunday during the yearly fair. They then advanced
on Konia, receiving a reinforcement of Persian cavalry
and adding to their adherents on the way. Before
Konia they were again victorious, but, having no guns,
could not venture an assault on a walled city. They
then marched north-west, defeated the viceroy of Ana-
tolia on the Sangarius, took Kutahia by assault, and
retired eastwards. An engagement followed near An-
gora, in which Hasan was killed, as was the Turkish
general. The rebels seem to have had the worst of the
fight and retired, some crossing the Halys and making
off to Tekke, whither they were pursued by the Im-
perial troops, while others, after some fighting on the
way, escaped into Persia.1 The partisans of the rebels
and their doctrines were transported from Asia to the
Peloponnese, Macedonia, and Epirus.2 The heretics of
Tekke are said to have been planted in’the recent
Turkish conquests of Koron and Modon.3

The topographical details of this campaign are hard
to follow, owing to (1) the historians’ ignorance of the

Constantinople and which the Turks considered ominous (Leunclavius,
Annales, 335 p., s.a. 1509).

1 For accounts of this campaign (1509-11) see Hammer-Hellert,
Hist, Emp. Ott. iv, 90 ff. ; Giovio, ‘ Fatti Illustri di Selim/ in Cose de
Turchi ; Spandugino in Sansovino, Origine de9 Turchi, p. 136;
Knolles, Turk. Hist., pp. 316-24; Historia Politica, ap. Crusius,
Turco-Graecia, p. 34; Leunclavius, Annales, 335 ρ·> 5·α· Ι5°9 i ibid.,
Pandectes, § 179 ff· ; Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth., pp. 134 ff.

2 Knolles, op. eit., p. 324 : remnants of this transplantation may sur-

vive in the obscure people called Erghne in the Rhodope mountains,
who are said by Baker (Turkey in Europe, p. 382) to have become Mo-
hammedan (Sunni ?) about a hundred years ago. The reproach
brought against them of having wives in common and holding great
assemblies several times in the year, both sexes together, is the regular
charge made against the Kizilbash by the Sunni : cf. above, p. 153.
For transportations of populations in general see Hasluck, Letters,
p. 166. î Hammer-Hellert, iv, 93.

Sites in Shahkuli’s Campaign 171

localities in default of maps, (2) the mutilation of names
in the Italian (probably Venetian) sources, and (3) the
nature of the rebellion. The propaganda seems to have
infected a wide area1 and the rebels evidently scattered
to their homes, various bodies of troops being detached
to follow them. Everything points to Tekke as the
focus. Giovio’s ‘ Sassi Rossi ’, the place of Hasan’s
retirement, is evidently the modern Kizil Kaya [‘ Red
Rock ’] district north of Adalia.2 3 The ‘ city of Tascia
at the foot of Monte Nero ’ seems to represent the
modern Kash Kasaba, near which is still a village named
Kara Dagh, while Elmali, the other chief town of the
district, is also mentioned. The site of the battle by
Angora, ‘ near Mount Olyga ’ (Giovio) is placed by one
account 3 in the plain of Chibuk Ovasi, the scene of the
victories of Cn. Manlius over the Gauls and of Timur
over Bayezid I. A turbe shown in the Kizilbash village
of Hasan Dede near Denek Maden may be the historical
resting-place of the Shia leader.

After the battle of Angora, Hammer seems to con-
fuse two series of operations, one against the rebels
remaining in the province of Tekke, centring round
Shahkuli’s old haunt of Kizil Kaya, and another against
the main body retiring from the neighbourhood of
Angora via Sivas, Caesarea, and the province of Zulkadr
to Persia. This confusion comes direct from Giovio,
who describes the operations near Kizil Kaya as having
taken place not far from Celenis (Celaenae) and Maras
(Marash), the seat of Aladolo (Ala-ed-Devlet), prince
of Zulkadr. The name of Celaenae (Dineir) can be
ignored as based merely on the similarity between the
names of the town Marash and the (ancient) river

1 See below, p. 173, n. 8.

* Kizil Kaya was a kadilik in the seventeenth century (Haji Khalfa,
p. 697), and till recently a nahiyeh.

3 Leunclavius, Annales, 336 p., s.a. 1509. Leunclavius is based on the
Turkish historian Jemali (c. 1550).

172 Shia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

Marsyas near Celaenae.1 The Turkish historians Ali
and Saadeddin 1 confuse with the battle near Angora
an engagement which they place at Sarimsaklik or on
the Gueuk-chai, and they mention Caesarea on the
eastward retreat of the rebels. Sarimsaklik is in all
probability the village of that name north of Caesarea
and the Gueuk-chai the upper waters (not of the Caly-
cadnus, as Hammer, but) of the Sihun. Leaving aside
the operations in Tekke, we have thus a consistent line
of march from Angora via Sivas, Sarimsaklik, and the
Gueuk-chai to Marash, the capital of Zulkadr.

We have at least established that the districts devoted
to the Persian sheikhs in the Seljuk period—Tekke and
Zulkadr—were still in the early sixteenth century Shia.
The only town in the north mentioned as a centre of
Persian propaganda at this time is Beybazar near An-
gora.3 It is probable that many other districts were
infected at the same time with the Shia heresy, and
that these districts were inhabited by nomad Turko-
mans. For later, in spite of the measures taken to
break up the solidarity of the nomad tribes and remove
the heterodox element, we find the same combination
of Persian sheikhs and Turkoman nomads giving con-
stant trouble to the government, especially in the fron-
tier provinces. Thus, the principality of Zulkadr,
founded in 1378 in the Antitaurus about Albistan and
Marash, and later including a wide extent of country
between the Ottoman empire and the Persian dominions,
intrigued alternately with either power till its final
absorption in the Ottoman empire under Selim I in

1 Giovio’s Cose de Turchi (or the Venetian reports on which it is

based) seems to have been the basis of the fictitious travels in Asia
Minor of Leonardo da Vinci. 2 3 Hammer-Heilert, iv, 113.

3 Cantimir, p. 134. The 4 Historia Politica’ (in Crusius, Turco-
Graecia), p. 34, mentions as followers of Shahkuli the inhabitants of

Karamania in general, the Farsak (Βαρσάκώςς), a tribe settled in the
Taurus (see p. 129 above), and the Zulkadr (Τονρκατήρλώ€ς).

Shia Colonies in Western Asia Minor 173

1515, after a successful war with Persia : 1 the same
monarch reduced the Cilician principate of the Rama-
zanoglu (Ich-ili) on the Syrian frontier.2

It is to the reduction of Zulkadr, according to Sir
Charles Wilson,з that the settlement of Shia Turks in
western Asia Minor must be referred. We have seen
that certain districts were Shia before this date, but
that such a transplantation did take place is shown by
the fact that the once important derebeys of Boghaz-
Keui descend from Ala-ed-Devlet of Zulkadr and still
administer the revenues of the turbe of Shahruf, son of
Ala-ed-Devlet, at Gemerek.4 To about the same date,
when Kurdistan was reorganized as a Turkish province^
are to be referred the Kurdish colonies in western Asia
Minor. Their westernmost districts are the Haimaneh,
an imperial estate 6 west and south of Angora, and the
Bozuk district (capital Kirshehr) south-east of it.7 The
Kurds in this vilayet are Sunni.8 Bozuk was known
later as a Shia district.

The process of transplantation is a regular policy
devised to break up the strong tribal ties of the tur-
bulent nomad populations ; the mixture both of
races and religions in the newly settled districts is pro-
bably intentional. But the districts of Cilicia (Ich-
ili) and Zulkadr remained turbulent and tribal till

1 Hammer-Hellert, iii, 253 ff. ; iv, 213. Zulkadr included at one
time Caesarea (ibid, iii, 255) and Kirshehr (ibid, iv, 29).

2 Ibid, iv, 213.

3 Crowfoot in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx (1900), p. 319 : cf. Vambéry,
Das Türkenvolk, p. 607.

4 Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 20 : cf. Warkworth, Diary,

p. 21. 5 Hammer-Hellert, iv, 253.

6 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 704 : cf. the modern railway station
Beylik Akhor (‘ imperial stud farm ’).

7 Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. [63].

8 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 253. But Wilson (J.R.G.S., 1884, p.
313) speaks of the Haimaneh Kurds as partly Shia by religion, and
Tsakyroglous suspects it of others in the vilayet of Aidin (Tlepl Γιου-
ρούκων, p. 32).

174 ShiaMovements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

much later, and seem to have had their racial differ-
ences and political grievances accentuated, evidently
at the instance of Persia, by religious emissaries. Thus,
in 1526, the Turkomans of Ich-ili revolted, osten-
sibly on economic grounds, led by a certain Suklun
Shah Veli, evidently by his name a saint or dervish. At
the same time there was a rebellion in the Adana dis-
trict headed by a Persian, Veli Khalife. In 1528 a re-
puted descendant of Haji Bektash, called Kalenderoglu,
headed a revolt in the province of Zulkadr, enlisting
thousands of dervishes, and was eventually defeated
near Albistan.1 Whether his namesake in the seven-
teenth century was a similar sectary we do not know.1

Despite the heavy hand with which such rebellions
were put down, and in particular the barbarous attempt
to exterminate the Shias by the fanatical Selim,з we
find that even in the latter half of the sixteenth century
Venetian reports recognize the prevalence of Shiism in
Asia Minor as a whole and its political import. ‘ Many
provinces of the Ottoman empire’, says Barbaro in 1573,
‘ recognize themselves as of the same faith as the Per-
sians, though their inhabitants keep their opinions to
themselves for fear of the Turks : the latter again dare
not openly prosecute them for fear of a rebellion.’ 4 In
the seventeenth century Haji Khalfa (1648) notes as
specially heretic districts the neighbourhood of Trebi-
zond, where there were Shia Turkomans, and the Uva
of Bozuk. The latter is of course the Cappadocian Kizil-
bash district of our own day.

1 For references see above, p. 163, n. 1.

1 He is said to have been in Persian pay and to have retreated, after
the failure of his rebellion, to Persia {Ambassade de Gontaut-Biron,
pp. 15, 24 f., 231).

3 Hammer-Heilert, iv, 173 ff. and 425 : forty thousand Shias in
Europe and Asia were massacred on this occasion.

4 Relazione, quoted by Zinkeisen, Geschichte, iii, 367 ; cf. Albert’s
Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ш, vol. iii, p. 201 (1362) ; vol. iiî,
p. 406 (1594).
XIV

NATURAL CULTS

§ I. Tree Cults

THE simplest form of tree cult results from the con-
ception of a tree as the abode of a spirit. Certain
trees are thus conceived of to-day by the primitive and
half pagan nomads of Asia Minor,1 who bind their ill-
nesses with knots of rag to the sacred branches, as long
ago by the pre-Islamic Semites at Mecca itself.2

The primitive conception of the haunted tree sur-
vives also among much more developed communities.
Some of these trees are held to be haunted by dangerous
spirits, which must be placated, others by beneficent
demons capable of exerting a healing power. An ex-
ample of a tree possessed with a dangerous spirit is
recorded by Mrs. Walker from Mytilene. An ancient
cypress near the town was regarded with considerable
reverence and none dared cut it. Two hardy souls had
ventured to do so. One lopped off a bough, ostensibly
for building a church, and afterwards used the wood
for his own house : he was pursued by ill-luck for the
rest of his life.3 The other, whose subsequent history
is not recorded, was horrified to find that the tree bled
when cut.4 Haunted trees of this description are re-
corded also from free Greece.5 Modern instances of

1 See above, p. 132.

2 Robertson-Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 169 ; cf. Goldziher in
Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 319 ; Ouseley, Travels, i, 369.

3 Cf. Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 349.

4 Walker, Old Tracks, pp. 193 f. Mrs. Bishop (journeys in Persia,
i, 309) mentions a similar bleeding tree.

5 Cf. Polites, /7αραδόσα?, nos. 322-6 and note on pp. 916-18. For a
circumstantial account of a haunted tree near Messene see Polites in
Λαογραφία, i, 658. The late Mr. Archie Charnaud told me in 1916 that
a tree which obstructed one of the newly planned streets at Brusa was

176 Natural Cults

tree spirits which are so far gods as to be credited with
powers of healing can be cited from Balukisr and the
Dardanelles. The former cures boils by sympathetic
magic, an onion, obviously representing the affliction,
being nailed to the tree.1 The latter tree was hung
with small coins by the sick, irrespective of religion.2
These cults belong strictly to folk-lore : both the trees
in question stand in cemeteries and doubtless owe some
of their importance to the fact.

The 4 secular ’ sacred tree passes by easy transitions
into the sphere of popular religion. A tree already
venerated may be connected by a tradition with a saint.
In this case legend generally represents the tree as the
staff of the holy man miraculously endowed with life.3
In one case his hut becomes a tree.4 The custom of
planting trees, especially cypresses, on graves, and the
superstitions connected with such trees,5 have led to
the assumption that a tree possessing magical virtue, or
even a well-grown tree, marks the grave of a saint : this

allowed, after solemn deliberation on the part of the authorities, to
retain its position because it4 bled * at the first attempt to cut it down.
For the superstition in France see Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iii,
430. For bleeding trees in general see Frazer, Magic Art (1911), ii, 18,
20, 33·

1 F. W. Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 208.

2 Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 804 : ‘ In a pleasant shady green near the
burying-ground, I remember to have remarked a low stunted tree, en-
closed within a wall, the boughs of which were hung round with little
shreds or bags of cloth and cotton, enclosing each a single para. On
inquiry, it appeared that the tree was considered sacred to some demon,
the inflictor of diseases ; that the appendages were either votive offer-
ings, or charms by which the malady was transferred from the patient
to the shrub ; and that Turks, Jews, Armenians, and Greeks alike re-
sorted to this magical remedy.’

3 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 244 (Zem Zem Baba at Kruya) : cf.
on the Christian side the staff of S. Polycarp at Smyrna (F. W. H. :
see below, p. 417). In Polîtes, 77αραδόσ€ΐ$, no. 327, we have a secular
counterpart to this : the venerated tree is held to represent a spit with
which a man was murdered.

4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 243. 5 Below, p. 226-7.

Tree Cult at Passa 177

is of course especially the case with cypresses.1 Often,
doubtless, the grave of a saint has been built on this
assumption beside a remarkable tree,2 3 and after a cer-
tain lapse of time it is obviously impossible to say with
certainty whether the tree developed the grave or vice
versa.

Della Valle’s account of Moslem veneration for a
gigantic cypress at Passa з is so interesting as to be worth
quoting in full. Five men, he says, could scarcely em-
brace it.

c Sa grandeur est un témoignage de son antiquité, et un motif
de la dévotion que les Mahométans lui portent. Il découle une
certaine humeur, qui est une espèce de gomme d’un petit tronc
d’une de ses basses branches, que les Perses, et sur-tout les igno-
rans, regardent comme un sang miraculeux, qui coule tous
les vendredis, qui est leur jour saint et sacré. Et dans un grand
trou, capable de contenir deux personnes, qui est au milieu du
tronc, ils ont coûtume d’y allumer des chandelles, comme dans
un lieu auguste et vénérable, suivant leur coûtume, qui leur
fait avoir de la vénération pour tous les grands et anciens arbres,
croians que ce soit la retraite des âmes bienheureuses, et que
pour cette considération ils nomment Pir, qui signifie en Per-
san un vieillard, ou Sceich en Arabe ; c’est à dire, plus ancien ;
ou bien encor Iman, qui veut dire Prêtre ou Pontife, parce que
ce sont les noms ordinaires qu’ils donnent à ceux de leur secte
qui sont morts dans une fausse opinion de sainteté. C’est pour-
quoi quand ils disent, qu’un tel arbre ou un tel lieu est Pir ;
ils veulent dire que l’ame de quelque Pir, c’est à dire, d’un
bienheureux, y fait sa demeure et s’y plaît.’ 4

1 The supposed graves of S. Barbara at Nicomedia (Lucas, Voyage
dans la Grèce, i, 52 ; de la Mottraye, Travels, i, 214) and of S. Athana-
sius at Triglia (Herges in Bessarione, v, 15) are probable instances on
the Christian side, as is the bark of a tree of S. Paul in the same district
(P. G. Makris, To Κατφλί, p. 47).

2 Cf. the case of Sheikh Abu Zeitun in Syria (Tyrwhitt Drake in
P.E.F., Q.S. for 1872, p. 179 : cf. Conder, ibid., Q.S. for 1877, p. 101),
where a dream and a fine olive tree started the cult of the saint ; cf.
Goldziher, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 316.

3 The ancient Pasargadae. 4 P. della Valle, Voyages, v, 355 f.

3*95*1

N

178 Natural Cults

Other trees are reverenced ostensibly for their sup-
posed connexion with historical events. Typical of these
is the c Fortunate Plane Tree ’ of Apollonia Pontica,
which, according to von Hammer, enjoyed consider-
able veneration among the Turks on the ground that
Murad I stood under it when he received the news
of the fall of the city (1372).1 Another plane, which
stood till recently at Brusa, was held to be bound up
with the luck of the Turkish empire, having been
planted as such in the court of Orkhan’s palace by the
dervish Geyikli Baba.2 3 4 5 In both cases we are justified
in considering the explanatory story as of later origin
than the veneration of the trees in question ; the prac-
tice of planting commemorative trees, especially planes,
at the birth of a child з has helped to gain acceptance
for the aetiological legends which were devised in the
first place, probably, to explain the consideration in
which the planes in question were held. We shall prob-
ably be safe in assuming that saints’ tombs in juxta-
position with venerated plane-trees like those at Kos 4
and at Yanobasa 5 in Bulgaria are to be classed as ceno-
taphs, since the plane is naturally associated with birth 6
and happy events rather than with death.

Such worship of trees comes easy to Orientals who
regard nature as alive and a tree as a living creature.
Thus, ‘ le feu Sultan Osman vit vn iour vn arbre qui luy
sembla auoir la forme de Pvn de leurs Demis, ou Reli-
gieux : & sur ceste imagination, il luy assigna vne aspre
de paye tous les iours par aumosne, & choisit vn homme
pour receuoir Y aspre, qui a le soin de l’arroser, & de le

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott., i, 239.

2 Ibid, i, 155. The plane planted by Mohammed II at Eyyub cures
fevers (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 157).

3 R. Walsh, Constantinople, i, 350 ; Andréossi, Constantinople, p. 360.

4 Wittman, Travels, p. 114 ; Sonnini, Voyage, i, 249.

5 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 261.

6 A cypress for a tomb, a plane for a birth (Andréossi, loc. cit.).

Distribution of Stone Cults 179

cultiuer pour son argent.’ 1 Osman here did not dif-
ferentiate tree spirit from tree, except in the sense that
we differentiate the soul of a man from his body. Nor
did Xerxes, who ‘ found … a plane tree so beautiful
that he presented it with golden ornaments and put it
under the care of one of his Immortals \2

§ 2. Stone Cults з
Introductory

The veneration of stones seems to have been world-
wide at an early stage in religious development, and
has left traces everywhere in the magical and folk-lore
practices of civilized peoples. Over the Semitic area
stone worship, as such, survived later and more generally
than among peoples more prone to anthropomorphism ;
and Islam, so far from being able to displace it, tacitly
sanctioned it by allowing the reverence paid already by
pagan Arabs to the Black Stone of the Kaaba to be
perpetuated on the rather far-fetched hypothesis that
the angel Gabriel had brought it to Mecca.4 Chris-
tianity, somewhat in the same way, has permitted or
encouraged the paying of reverence to stones associated
by tradition with saintly personages, the Stone of Unc-
tion at Jerusalem being a typical example. In both the
great religions of the Near East the arbitrary association
of certain stones with sacred persons and events has

1 Des Hayes, V oiage, p. 265.

2 Herod, vii, 31; cf also iv, 91 (‘ the fountains of the Tearus afford
the best and most beautiful water of all rivers : they were visited . . .
by the best and most beautiful of men, Darius ’). The beating of the
Hellespont by Xerxes will also be recollected (see Reinach, Rev. Arch.
1905, pp. I ff.), as will the incident of the sea marriage (Reinach, Cultes,
Mythes, et Religions, ii, 206). See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 69.

3 [An early draft of this section appeared in the B.S.A. xxi, pp. 62-83 :
the writing up of my husband’s new material is my work.—Μ. Μ. H.]

4 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 297 ; cf. Burton, Pilgrimage to El-Medinah
and Meccah, London, 1855-6, iii, 158 n., 176 n. (ii, 300 n., 312 n. in the
1906 edition) ; cf. also Ray’s Voyages, ii, 163.

N 2

i8o Natural Cults

been allowed to replace or mask the more primitive
idea of worshipping stones as fetishes with independent
power. Side by side with cults so masked by orthodoxy
exist others of a purely secular sort, not necessarily more
ancient chronologically, though more openly primitive
in spirit, as magic and witchcraft are more primitive
than religion.

The present paper is an attempt to bring together,
from what may be called roughly the Greco-Turkish
area, some instances of stones venerated independently
of religion and often indiscriminately by Christians and
Mohammedans in common, and of others brought to
a greater or less degree within the pale of Islam or of
Christianity : those of the second category, it will be
noted, have frequently a more or less exact prototype,
which to some extent sanctions their veneration, in the
important holy places of the religion concerned. Whether
from contamination, i.e. from the interaction of Chris-
tian and Mohammedan ideas over the area in question,
or independently, i.e.from the original prevalence of
similar ideas among the populations concerned, the
developments of these stone-cults in both religions will
be found closely parallel.

Venerated stones fall into two main groups, which to
some extent overlap : those of the first class are selected
for their natural qualities, especially their material,
those of the second for their shape or for work upon
them. An intermediate link is formed by stones bearing
‘ miraculous ’ marks or imprints, presumably natural
and accidental, which are generally accounted for by
legends bringing them into connexion with venerated
personages.1 * *

1 The extraordinary ease with which any peculiarity of a stone may

be so construed as to bring it into relation with a local saint is exempli-

fied by the case of a stone seen by Wheler at the door of a church at
Patras, which 4 being struck by another stone ’ sent out 4 a stinking

Bituminous Savour This was attributed to its having been the seat

Stones with Natural Qualities 181

(i) Natural Stones

A.—Stones selected for their Natural Qualities.

To the first class apparently belongs what we may
consider the prototype of venerated stones in Islam, the
Black Stone of the Kaaba ; this seems to be an aerolith,
and is built into the Holy House in fragments. Though
it is supposed, and with every probability, to be the
cultus-object of the idolatrous pre-Islamic Arabs at
Mecca, all hajis piously kiss it as part of the pilgrimage.1
Another sacred stone, on which the Prophet is supposed
to have sat, exists in a mosque at Medina. It is reputed
to cure sterility.*

For instances of stones venerated by eastern Christen-
dom for their material, we may cite the miraculous
alabaster stone seen at Angora by Schiltberger (c. 1400) з
and mentioned also by later travellers.·* This stone was
cut in the shape of a cross and built into a church, the
miracle being that it ‘ burnt ’, i. e. was translucent in
sunlight ; 5 it was credited also with healing powers. In

of the judge who condemned S. Andrew (Journey into Greece, p. 294).
In the West 4 pierres puantes * are recorded at Paris (Collin de Plancy,
Diet. des Reliques, ii, 439, s.v. pierre), and at Poitiers (Collin de Plancy,
loc. cit. : better in Millin, Midi de la France, iv, 722). CJ. the aetio-
logical legend which connects with the saint a certain stone built into
the church of S. David at Tiflis (Gulbenkian, Frans caucasie, pp. 114 ff.).

1 It would be interesting to know whether the 4 stone from Mecca ’
built into the mosque at Hasan Dede in Cappadocia received similar
reverence (Crowfoot, in^. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, 308).

2 Goldziher in Archiv/. Religionsw. xiv, 308.

3 Ed. Penzel, p. 85 ; ed. Telfer, p. 40.

4 See above, p. 67, n. 3.

5 The 4 Yanar Tash ’ near Caesarea and the thin, semitransparent
marble of the bishop’s tomb at Nicaea are 4 miracles ’ of the same un-
exciting kind, apparently not exploited as cures. Another 4 burning
stone ’ was shown in the Parthenon at Athens, both before and after
the Turkish occupation, with an appropriately varied legend (Martoni,
in Ath. Mitth. xxii, 429 ; Galland, Journal, i, 38 ; La Guilletière,
Athènes, p. 196).

182 Natural Cults

spite of its shape it was the centre of a pilgrimage in
which Moslems participated.

The selection of these stones for veneration evidently
depends primarily on their unusual material. In other
cases colour plays a part. Yellow stones preserved in
two mosques at Constantinople (the Ahmediyyeh 1 and
the Yeni Valideh 2 3 4 5) are held to be charms against jaun-
diced Analogous is the use of white stones as milk-
charms^ of which the semi-opaque prehistoric gems of
Melos and Crete offer an excellent example.5 A plain
white marble slab built into a church on the Cyzicene
Peninsula is credited with the same property, scrapings
of it being drunk in water by anxious mothers.6 7

B.—Pierced Stones.

Natural pierced stones and rocks are used supersti-
tiously all over the Near East. In the Taurus, near a
medicinal hot spring traditionally connected with S.
Helena, is a natural pierced rock bearing, at a distance,
a strong resemblance to the figure of a man leaning on
a stick. This is supposed to represent a shepherd turned
to stone by the curse of S. Helena, and Greeks and
Turks, who make use of the healing powers of the
spring, pass through the hole in the rock as part of their
cured Near Caesarea Mrs. Scott-Stevenson was shown
‘a large circular stone with a hole in its centre ’ to

1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 99 f.

2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 83 : it must be touched by the patient three
times on a Saturday.

3 The connexion between the yellow colour and the yellow disease
is obvious (cj. V. de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, pp. 156 f. ; W. G. Browne,
Nouveau Voyage, ii, 164). Similarly in Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 155,
yellow is symbolic of (malarial) fever, red of chicken-pox (κόκκινη).

4 Also blue objects, on account of the relation between the words for
blue (γαλάζιος) and milk (γάλα).

5 R. M. Dawkins in Ridgeway Essays, p. 167.

6 Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 27 ; cf. below, pp. 205-6.

7 I. Valavanis, Μικρασιατικά, pp. 102 f.

Pierced Stones 183

which ‘ the natives bring their children soon after they
are born, and pass them through the hole in order that
they may learn to speak early V Near Everek in the
same district is a natural pierced rock which is traversed
by persons suffering from coughs,1 and barren women
make similar use of a natural arch near the summit of
Parnassus.3 At Gallipoli fever-patients pass through a
natural hole in the rock beneath the lighthouse.4 At Ar ta
in western Greece a pierced stone called is

similarly used, with the familiar rag-tying rite, by Turks
and Jews.5 In Naxos, mothers of thin children passed
them, to make them fatter,6 through a holed stone
connected with Saint Pachys.7 In Turkish Athens an

1 Ride through Asia Minor, p. 206. Is this a (giants’) millstone
(μυλόπετρα) promoted to a ‘ Stone of Speech ’ (ομιλώ = speak) ? Sillier
things have happened.

2 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 338.

3 From Mr. Cole of the Lake Copais Company : cf. Niya Salima,
Harems d’Égypte, pp. 331-2 (sterility cured by crawling through a fork
like an inverted V formed by a bough of a curious tree ; Mrs. Lee
Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 324, mentions the tree but says nothing
of the cult).

4 Constantinides, Καλλίπολις, p. 76.

5 Byzantios, Δοκίμιον τής “Αρτης, p. 3^7 : *v αύτή φεροντες

διαβιβάζουσι, χάριν ίάσεως, τούς ασθενείς αυτών, εγκαταλιμπά-
νοϊ>τες(!) παν αυτών εΐδος φορέματος εν ταυτη τή Θεσει. The
nature of the aperture (natural or artificial) in this stone is not stated.
The stone itself is 2-00 m. high, and i-oo m. broad.

6 W. Miller, Latins in the Levant, p. 581 fi, from Sauger, Ducs de
VArchipel, p. 65.

7 S. Fort at Bordeaux has similar powers (Sainéan, Bordeaux, p. 20).
Saint Pachys (‘S. Fat’).is probably S. Pachomios, his name being
punned with παχύς ; S. Isidore (‘Ισίδωρος), who patronizes weakly
children, is in the same way called d σιδηρενιος άγιος. Punning on
saints’ names is common in Greece (see M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp.
24 ü.),cf. Στυλιανός, Σταματιος, Όνουφριος,Εύστράτιος(ίοτ walking),
Αίμυλιανός (for speech ομιλώ). Both in Greece and in the West (cf.
for France Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, ii, 269) the majority of such
saints are for children’s diseases. In Greece the * finders ’ Μηνάς and
Φανούριος are exceptions ; Georgeakis and Pineau report that in Lesbos
incautious touching of her face on S. Simon’s (Simeon’s ?) day by a

184 Natural Cults

artificial passage in the rock (called τρύπιο λιθάρι) above the
Stadium was similarly used for superstitious purposes,
various offerings being made to the presiding spirit.1
Similar pierced-stone cults are cited from Bosnia.2 All
these examples, including the Cyprian cults discussed
below, depend on the supposed magic virtue of pierced
objects, which seems to be world-wide. The reputed
virtue of holed stones, as of other traversable pierced
objects, is probably bound up with the conception of
holes as 6 entrances5 or ‘ new starts \ All entrances,
qua beginnings, are regarded as critical points for good
or evil. A sick person may be thought to 6 change his
luck ’ by the act of passage alone. In the case of sacred
objects which are acknowledged to possess beneficent
influence, it is obvious that the c change of luck ’ will be
a change for the better. Moreover, the patient at the
moment of passing through is exposed to the beneficent
influence from all sides. It is therefore comprehensible
that, in passing through pierced objects such as stones,
contact is often desirable.3 In the fragment of an
ancient roadway near Damascus, which is reputed the
spot where S. Paul fell to the earth, pilgrims in all ages
have sought pebbles to preserve as relics. This practice
has produced a 6 wide, arch-like excavation through the
centre of the causeway 9 and pilgrims now, as a supple-
mentary act of devotion, frequently pass through this

pregnant woman may cause the child to have a mole on its face {Folk-
Lore de Lesbos^ p. 329) : the sequence is Σιμών, σήμα, σημάδι. Other
cases of such punning are given by Sébillot, op. cit. iv, 159 ; Millin,
Midi de la France, i, 479 ; and by Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote,
§ vii, p. 241 ; whose list provides excellent illustrations of etymology
deciding the functions of saints. See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 82.

1 Hobhouse, Albania, i, 325 ; Dupré, Voyage à Athènes, p. 36 ;
Kambouroglous, Ίστορία> i, 222 : ef. below, p. 222.

3 Lilek, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, iv, 434 f.

3 Cf. Loretto, where pilgrims circumambulate the Holy House on
their knees, trying to touch the walls (Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Re-
liques, ii, 294).

» Pierced Stones 185

aperture, rubbing their shoulders against its pebbly
sides.1 Similarly, at Nazareth, Turks, Arabs, and Chris-
tians alike come for healing to the two columns which
mark where the Virgin and the Angel stood at the An-
nunciation, passing and re-passing between them, at
the same time rubbing against them the part affected.2 * 4 *

* Passing through ’ having once become familiar as
a form of ritual in connexion with objects admittedly
sacred, a natural, if illogical, confusion leads to the
assumption that ‘ going through holes is lucky ’, and
rocks and stones or other objects capable of being so
traversed tend to become respected and often to ac-
cumulate sacred traditions. In cases where the hole is
not large enough to admit a person, a smaller object
may be passed through, and, having absorbed the virtue
of the sacred object, transfer it by close juxtaposition to
the supplicant. The procedure at the grave of Chetim
Tess Baba, an abdal or ‘ fool-saint ’ buried at Monastir,
fully illustrates this point.3

C.—Stones with Natural Markings.

Stones bearing miraculous markings, especially foot-
prints^ find prototypes for Islam in the footprints of
Abraham at Mecca,5 of the Prophet at Constantinople 6

1 Kelly, Syria, p. 195.

2 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 270 : ‘ Les Turcs, les Maures, & les

Chrétiens du Pais ont une grande vénération pour ces colonnes. Dès
qu’ils sont malades, ils viennent passer & repasser entre elles, s’y frottent
le dos, le ventre, les bras, les cuisses, les jambes, la tête, le visage, la
barbe, en un mot, toutes les parties où ils sentent de la douleur, & s’en
retournent guéris de leurs maladies.’ 3 See below, p. 359.

4 These are exceedingly common elsewhere : see Sébillot, Folk-Lore

de France, passim ; Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 24 (xxii) ; Oli-
phant, Haifa, p. 146 ; Korten, Reise, p. 286 ; Maury, Croy. du Moyen
Âge, pp. 301 ff. ; Millin, Midi de la France, iv, 720; Hahn, Alban.
Studien, p. 85. 5 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 267.

6 Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 57.
It was deposited in the Mosque of Eyyub by Sultan Mahmud I (1730-54).

186 Natural Cults

and Jerusalem,1 of the Prophet’s camel on Sinai,2 and of
his mule at Medina.3 The imprints of the foot of Sari
Saltik at Kruya and Bazaar Shiakh in Albania^ of Haji
‘Bektash’s hand at Sidi Ghazi,5 of Sheikh Joban’s at his
tekke near Caesarea,6 and of Demir Baba’s in Bulgaria 7
are local relics of the same sort. The hoofprint of the
prophet Khidr’s horse was formerly shown at a tekke in
Pontus.8 The well-known imprint of the hand of
Mohammed II in S. Sophia is perhaps the best-known
instance. This, according to Elworthy, has attained to
a cult among the vulgar by a confusion of Mohammed
the Conqueror with Mohammed the Prophet, and is
invoked for protection against the Evil Eye.9 The

‘ sweating column ’ in the same mosque owes its cura-
tive powers to the hole made in it by the finger of the
Prophet Khidr.10

In eastern Christianity we may perhaps regard the
4 Footprint of Christ V1 formerly shown to pilgrims in
the Dome of the Rock at Jerusalem12 as the prototype of

1 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 136; Conder, Jerusalem, p. 11. Another
occurs at Cairo (Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 85).

2 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 146 ; Lenoir, Le Fayoum, pp. 249 f. ;
Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 536.

3 Goldziher, in Arch.f. Religionsw. xiv, 308.

4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 240 ; Ippen, Skutari, p. 77.

5 Mordtmann in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, Παραρτ. του Θ/ τόμου, ρ. χν.

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad. de Г Asie Mineure, p. 215.

7 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 536. Between Jerusalem and Bethlehem
della Valle was shown a stone with the imprint of S. Elias’ body
(Voyagesy ii, 88).

8 Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 10. Similar 4 hoof-prints ’ are shown as
those of the horse of the saint Ali Baba at Tomoritza in Albania (Bal-
dacci, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. 1914, p. 978).

9 Elworthy, Evil Eye, p. 251 : cf. the confusion about the Sword of
the Girding (see below, p. 609-10). There is another at Cairo (Browne,
Nouveau Voyage, i, 119).

10 Guthe in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303. See above, p. 10, n. 5.

11 At Paimpol in Brittany footprints of Christ appeared as late as the
6th of January 1771 (Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, p. 318).

12 Petrus Diaconus, in Geyer, Itin. Hieros., pp. 107 f. : 4 Super saxum

Naturally Marked Stones 187

this class of venerated stones. In modern Greece a
reputed hoofmark in the rock at Philiatra (in Triphylia)
is attributed to the mule of the Virgin, who appeared
there,1 and in Crete a similar mark is pointed out as the
imprint of S. Nicetas’ winged horse,* another as that
of the horse of the secular hero Digenes.3

The imperishable nature and obvious interpretation
of such stones,4 if characteristically marked, tend to
secure their local veneration regardless of changes in the
religion of their clientele. The footprint in the Dome
of the Rock at Jerusalem, earlier attributed to Christ, is
obviously the same as that held under Mussulman ad-
ministration to be that of the Prophet, and probably
served in Jewish times as that of Abraham.5 A ‘ foot-
print ’ in Georgia is held by various parties at one and
the same time to be that of the legendary queen Tamar,
of a Christian priest flying from persecution, and of a
Mohammedan saint who converted the district to Is-
lam. It is thus venerated by all, irrespective of their
creed.6

posuit dominus Iesus pedem suum, quando eum Symeon accepit in
ulnis, et ita rcmansit pes sculptus, ac si in cera positus esset ’. Cf. Con-
der, Jerusalem, p. io : Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 26 (xxiii).
Another footprint of Christ was shown on the Mount of Olives (Di-
dron, Iconographie Chrétienne, ii, 217).

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 192.

2 Ibid., no. 199 : cf. Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 171 (knee-marks of S.
Peter).

3 Ibid., no. 120 : cf. Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 126 (hoof-
print of Marko Kraljevich’s winged horse shown near Lake Presba).

4 Cf. Moses’ rock on Sinai (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 580).

5 A pre-Crusading Moslem account (1047) of the Rock says that the
footprint was then said to be that of Abraham (Le Strange, Palestine,
p. 128) : see also below, p. 195, n. 5. In the twelfth century a
sacred stone at Aleppo was worshipped as the tomb of a prophet by
Moslems, Jews, and Christians (Yakut, Lexicon Geographicum, ii, 308).

6 Paigrave, Ulysses, p. 74.

ι88

Natural Cults

(ii) Worked Stones

Stones venerated on account of work upon them are
divided into two main categories, shaped stones and
inscribed stones.

A.—Statues and Reliefs.

Stones carved with figures, i.e. statues and reliefs,
need hardly be considered on the Mohammedan side,
since the prohibition of images by Islam has taken deep
root in the popular mind. Exceptional, if not unique,
is the cult formerly attaching to a headless Roman
statue still preserved in a fountain outside the Valideh
Mosque at Candia, which was supposed to represent
a Moslem warrior saint turned to stone by Christian
magic.1 Popular feeling among Mussulmans is, as a
rule, against images ; there is a tradition that angels

1 Pashley, Crete (1837), i, 194 : ‘ In this city the devout Moham-
medan women burn incense every Friday, and some of them suspend
bits of rag, and similar votive offerings, to honour an ancient statue.
. . . The tradition current among them is that the saint was an Arab, to
whose dress the ancient robe of the statue bears some resemblance, and
that he greatly distinguished himself during the famous siege of the
Kistron [i.e. Candia].’ The statue is figured on p. 186 of Pashley’s
work. Cf. also Spratt, Crete (1865), i, 44 : ‘ The bust [!] of a Roman
statue, at a fountain within the town . . . is . . . decorated and paid
reverence to by some Turkish devotees every Friday,… besides having
a lamp with oil or incense set before it also. … I was informed that it
[ì. e. this worship] is due to a belief amongst the superstitious, that it is
thé petrified remnant of the body of a sainted Ethiopian Mussulman
who was killed in the war, and whose head and lower members were
cut off by the Christians, but who is destined to rise to life when the
Ghiaour are to be exterminated from the island.’ The statue is still
(1915) as Pashley saw it, except that the flesh parts and lower dra-
peries have been fainted black, evidently to show that the saint was
an ‘ Arab ’ : the cult is discontinued, though the lighting of lamps and
candles at the place by negro women is still remembered (F. W. H.).
Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, ii, 765, cites also Chourmouzes, Κρητικά, p. 57, in
this connexion.

Statues 189

will not enter where there is a semblance of a man,1 and
another to the effect that complete statues are the abode
of devils.2 This leads to their mutilation, sometimes
even against the owner’s interest.3 At the same time
it is not uncommon to find statues or reliefs held in
considerable superstitious respect by Moslems as the
abode of j inns possessed of power ; 4 but this, power is

evoked by secular magic. The Arabian Nights admir-
ably illustrate these different points of view. Statues
there fall into four classes. There are, first, talismans
like the horseman in the City of Brassy which are
susceptible of use by those who know the trick : this
horseman’s magic powers are enhanced by the inscrip-
tion engraved on it. Secondly, there are ‘ idols ’ in-
habited intermittently b yjinns,who give oracles through

them to deceive the idolatrous.6 Others, again, like the

1 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth., i, 184. Angels will not enter a house
containing a picture, a dog, or a bell (E. Abela, in Z.D.P.V., vii, 93).
Bells attract evil spirits, and Moslems fear them accordingly (Jessup,
Women of the Arabs, p. 304 : cf. Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 31).

2 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, i, 45 : 4 Us prétendent que les statues des
hommes et des femmes sont en droit de contraindre les ouvriers qui les
ont faites de leur donner une ame, & que cela ne se pouvant pas faire,
… les diables se nichent & se servent de ces corps pour molester les
hommes, mais que pour les empêcher, il n’y a qu’à les mutiler & les
défigurer, & que les diables les voyant en cet état, les méprisent, les
ont en horreur & vont chercher à se loger autre part.’ At the day of
Judgement makers of images will be required to put a soul into them
(Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 120). In France, at S. Martial’s command, the
devil quitted a statue of Jupiter in the form of 4 un petit enfant noir
comme un Egiptien 9 (Collin, Hist. Sacr. de Limoges, p. 231). Cf. the
Abbé Caret’s letter from the Gambard Islands, dated the 6th of Octo-
ber 1834 (quoted by Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 198).

3 Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 82.

4 For instances see Le Strange, Palestine, p. 500 ; Garstang, Land of
the Hittites, p. 95, η. 3.

5 Lane’s ed., pp. 304, 309 : cf. the talisman of the Loadstone Island
in the story of the Third Royal Mendica?it, p. 51 (the talisman is again
a horseman). Cf. also, p. 228, the eagle on a pillar in Abou Mohammed
the Luzy, which effects its results by means of efrits.

6 City of Brass, p. 305.

190 Natural Cults

jinn in the City of Brass, imprisoned to his armpits in
a pillar for having opposed Solomon,1 represent persons
turned to stone by divine agency for sin. To a Moslem
the greatest sin is unbelief : because of it the King,
Queen, and inhabitants of the Magian city in the First
Lady’s Fale were petrified.3 A fourth class consists of
virtuous .persons petrified by the magic artifice of mali-
cious persons, like the young King of the Black Islands,
whose faithless wife half turned him into stone : з the
motif also recurs not infrequently in folk-lore. It is
this last category into which the Candia ‘ Arab 5 falls,
with the consequence that he is just as worthy of wor-
ship as if he had been buried in the ordinary way.

The Moslem or, rather, Semitic view of 4 graven
images ’ has not been without its influence on the
eastern churches, which officially prohibit statues and
reliefs of sacred persons. In practice, however, ancient
reliefs are occasionally objects of Christian cult, even
inside the church, as for example the fairly numerous
reliefs of the Thracian horseman used as eikons of S.
George in Thrace.4 At the village church of Luzani,
in lower Macedonia, Mr. Wace tells me, a horseman-
relief is built into the low wall dividing the women’s
gallery from the main building. The top of the relief
is covered with the grease of votive candles, as the relief
has a reputation for curing earache, neuralgia, &c., in
children : the face of the horseman is washed, and the
water used (άπόνυμμα) applied to the ailing part. It is
significant that the church is dedicated to S. Demetrius,
a cavalier like S. George. But reliefs of purely secular
sub jects may be consecrated by their position in churches.
Such is the white marble relief of a nude woman, pow-
dered fragments of which, drunk in water, are used as

1 City of Brass, p. 304. 2 Ibid., p. 57.

3 Ibid., p. 30.

4 Dumont, Mélanges dl Archéologie et dIÉpigraphie, p. 219; Mert-
zides, Al χώραυ του παρελθόντος, p. 41.

Reliefs 191

a milk-charm at the monastery of Ardenitza in Albania.1
The virtue of a relief is not dependent on such a posi-
tion, but only enhanced or consecrated by it, and a
secular relief placed in no relation to a church may be
thought to have power, among Christians as among
Moslems. Thus a relief of the Dioscuri by the village
spring at Levetzova (Laconia), which was supposed to
represent local spirits, was venerated by Christian vil-
lagers almost in our own day without coming into the
sphere of the church at all.2 The same is true of the
so-called c Demeter 5 statue worshipped by the peasants
at Eleusis for good crops.з Clarke, the discoverer of
this reputed survival of Demeter worship, rightly ob-
serves that the connexion with the crops is based on the
supposition that certain ornaments on the polos head-
dress of the figure represented ears of corn ; the statue
is, in fact, no longer thought to be a Demeter.4 In all
probability the finding of the statue chanced to coin-
cide with an abundant harvest and the inference was
(post hoc, ergo propter hoc) that the talisman was ‘ white 5
or favourable. A somewhat similar case is related from
Byzantine Constantinople. In the course of building
operations for a palace of Romanus I a marble bull’s
head was discovered, which was burnt for lime. The
destruction of the talisman (as the event proved the
bull’s head to be) resulted in recurrent epidemics among
cattle all over the empire.5

In all these secular cults of statues and reliefs the
underlying idea is that the figures represent spirits

1 Patsch, Berat, p. 154; cf. p. 124 ; cf. above, p. 182.

2 L. Ross, Wanderungen in Griechenland, ii, 242.

3 E. D. Clarke, Travels, vi, 601 f. ; Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐς, no. 139,

and note. 4 Michaelis, Ancient Marbles, p. 242.

5 M. Glycas, Annales, 304 p : των θεμελίων καταβαλομόνων, βοός,
φασίν, ζύρζθήναι μαρμάρινου κζφαλήν ήν tvpóvres καί συντρί-
φαντ€ς εις τον τοΰ τιτάνου κάμινον βάλλονσιν. il; Ìkclvov και μ^χρι
των TÌj8e χρόνων ονκ όπαυσατο πανταχοΰ τής γης οποσην η των
* Ρωμαίων περιόχςι δυναστβία, τα των βοών διαφθείρεσθαι γ€νη.

192 Natural Cults

enchanted for a purpose, good or evil, who have power,
within the limits of their enchanter’s intentions, and
may be placated by a certain ritual. On the Moslem
side, as we have seen, owing to the religious ban on
representations of the human form, their activity is
normally conceived of as maleficent, and their cult is
placation.

B.— Columns, t$c.

An important and interesting group of worked stones
which owe their superstitious veneration to their shape
is formed by the upright pierced monoliths used for
superstitious purposes by the inhabitants in various
parts of Cyprus.1 Of these some are used by women
desirous of children, who seat themselves on top of the
stone ; others by fever patients· with the usual rag-
tying ceremony ; in other cases sick children and barren
women are passed through the holes in the stones. So
far as these practices have a connexion with religion,
this is due to the proximity of the stones to churches.
One stone is unofficially canonized as Άγια Τρυττημίνη
(* S. Bored ’).* When these pierced monoliths were first
discovered at Paphos, the usual extravagant hypotheses
of ‘ survivals ’ were put forward.3 Subsequent researches
by Guillemard and Hogarth have made it clear that
they are parts of ancient oil-presses,4 and that as many

1 Hogarth, Devia Cypria, pp. 46 ff. ; cf. p. 41. With the veneration
of these monoliths may be compared the cult of certain dolmens in
Brittany. In neither case is a survival probable. For the confusion in
thought about survivals which is due to the ambiguity of meaning in
the word ‘ pagan 5 see Hasluck, Letters, p. 57.

2 This is interesting as an example of popular canonization by

Christians exactly on Turkish lines. The Turks frequently anthropo-
morphise haunted places and objects they venerate in the same way,
and 4Αγία Τρυττημ,Ινη is exactly paralleled by Delikli Baba (see above,
p. 89, n. 5). The sex in the present case is due to the gender of
7Γ€τρα. з Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 189.

4 Some light is shed on the method of working these by Macalister’s
discovery at Gezer (P.E.F., O.S. for 1909, p. 188).

Columns 193

as fifty of them exist in various parts of the island ; of
these only a very small proportion are used for any
superstitious purpose. ‘ The belief in the mysterious
virtues of these monoliths Hogarth concludes, ‘ exists
in so few cases, and is so weak even in those few, that it
may fairly be argued that it is only of modern origin and
has not had time even yet to develop into a universal
tenet.’ 1

The arbitrary selection of certain stones of this kind
for superstitious purposes, and the variation in the
ritual attaching to them is probably due to local dealers
in magic. All have a certain a priori eligibility, both as
pierced stones (see above) and also, to a certain extent,
as columnar stones. Any isolated upright stone or
column, if at all conspicuous, is apt to attract super-
stitious reverence.2 3 4 The underlying idea is doubtless
that such isolated columns mark places where talismans
or objects enchanted for a definite purpose, generally
prophylactic, are buried. Most of the talismans of
Constantinople cited by Evliya з are connected with
columns. The Column of Constantine was supposed
already in Byzantine times to cover the Palladium and
other relics 4 and to be on this account in a special sense

1 Devia Cypria, p. 52. The stones at Paphos are figured by Magda
Ohnefalsch-Richter (Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Су pern, pi. 17),
who adheres to the old theory of their ancient religious use (p. 40).

2 A column is also the symbol of stability. The name Stylianos is
given like Stamatios to children born after several children have died
in infancy.

3 Travels, 1, i, 16 ff. ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constanti-
nople, pp. I ff. ; for the serpent column and its connexions with ser-
pents see Chalcondyles, p. 329 p. ; Clavijo in Mérimée, Études, p. 320 ;
Quiclet, Voyages, p. 177 ; Savary de Brèves, Voyages, p. 33. An ex-
ception is the talisman made by Plato against the gnats of Constanti-
nople (Evliya, I, i, 17). The serpent talisman in S. Ambrogio, MÜan,
is said to have come from Constantinople (Gauthiez, Milan, p. 18).

4 See Du Cange, Constant. Christ., i, 76 p, and the same author’s
notes to Anna Comnena (382-3 p). A prophylactic service at the column,

3-95*1

О

194 Natural Cults

the Luck of the city.1 A solemn burying of the talis-
mans against plague in honour of S. Charalambos under
a column in Athens little more than a century ago is
recorded by Kambouroglous.2 Similarly, when a place
in Zante was discovered accidentally to be haunted, the
remedy was to set up there a column marked with a
cross.3 The same connexion between column and talis-
man is probably to be discerned in the account of an
inscribed porphyry column discovered at Constantinople
in 1563 and deposited as a precious thing in the treasury
of the Grand Signior.4

Another superstition is that columns mark, possibly
protect, hidden treasure. At Urfa (Edessa) there are
two giant columns, one of which performs this function,
while the other is a talisman against floods.5 As no one
knows which is which, the treasure remains undisturbed
since the removal of the wrong column would flood the
town.

A column of a sacred building, if conspicuous for any

in which the Emperor and Patriarch took part, was performed ‘ accord-
ing to ancient custom * in 1327 (Niceph. Greg, viii, 15).

1 Ducas, pp. 289-90 в ; Chalcondyles, p. 397 в.

2 ‘Ιστορία, ii, 182 (cited by M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, p. 71), from
a contemporary note of 1792.

3 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 510 : V τον τόπο εκείνο γιατί είναι κακός,
έβαλαν μία κολόννα με ενα σταυρό άπάνον.

4 Lambros in Νέος ‘Ελληνομνημών, vii, 176(201) :— 1563 : Μηνί
Νοεμβρίω <$' τον αφξγ' έτους, εν Κωνσταντινουπόλει, επί τίνος χήρας Εύλή γνναικός, όρύσσοντές τινες προς τό ανζήσαι τον οΐκον αυτής, εκεί εύρον κίονα πορφνροΰν, το μεν μήκος εχοντα ποδών μέ, τό δε πλάτος σπιθαμών ΐψ. >Εγκεκόλαπτο δε παρά τή κεφαλή ταυτί τα
στοιχεία €ΡΓN£C. Ευθέως μεν οΰν 6 βασιλεύς προστάζας εν τοΐς
βασιλείοις τούτον εκόμισαν· ον ιδών λίαν εθαύμασε· ώς μεγα δε
καί πολύτιμον χρήμα, τοΐς βασιλικοις αυτού θησαυροΐς εναπεθετο.

5 See below, p. 368. The same columns are regarded as remains of
the catapult with which Nimrod hurled Abraham into the furnace, see
further, below, p 317. Cf. Choisy (Asie Mineure, p. 134) for the Aizani
temple. Solomon hid treasure in the vaults of Baalbek (Volney,
Voyage, i, 119). Cf. also Fabri, Evagat. iii, 55 ; de Breves, Voyages,

p* 237·

S. John of the Column 195

peculiarity, may evolve its own cultus. Cases are to be
found in the ‘ sweating5 column of S. Sophia, mentioned
above, and in the column in the Mosque of the Groom
at Cairo, to be cited later.

Columns may easily be brought within the pale of
Christianity by the analogy of the Column of Christ’s
Scourging.1 This motif is employed to sanctify the
superstitious cult of a column at Paphos, at which S.
Paul is said to have been scourged ; the imprint of his
hand appears on it, with curious inconsequence, on S.
John’s day.2 A column in a church з at Athens sacred
to S. John is well known for its cures of fevers. Accord-
ing to local tradition S. John himself buried the spirits
or talismans of fever and other sicknesses under the
column.4 The ritual of the cure is as follows. The
patient, having made his vow, takes a thread,c measures ’
it on the eikon of S. John, and cuts off a corresponding
length.5 He wears this thread for three nights tied

1 For the Column of Flagellation see Conder, Jerusalem, p. 15, and
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 346.

2 Hogarth, Devia Су pria, p. 8.

3 Seventeenth-century writers speak of this column as dedicated to
S. John, evidently before the building of a church. The miraculous
marble column in the mosque at Beyrut which was formerly a church
of S. George cures pains when rolled on the aching part, the procedure
being perhaps an echo of one of the tortures inflicted on the saint
(Pococke, Voyages, iii, 275, with which compare for the procedure
Amélineau, Contes de VÊgypte chrétienne ii, 174).

4 Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐς, no. 155 ; Μ. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp.
65 fl. ; Rodd, Customs of Modern Greece, p. 167 ; Kambouroglous,
‘Ιστορία, i, 221, is the source of all. Cf. also Buchon, Grèce Continen-
tale, p. ιοί.

5 This part of the ritual seems to have escaped the notice of former
writers. The idea is of some antiquity (see Weyh, Mirpov λαμβάνζιν, in
Byz. Zeit, xxiii, 164 ff.), and has parallels elsewhere in modern Greece ;
cf. especially de Launay, Chez les Grecs de Turquie, p. 183, where
the guardian-dervish of S. Demetrius, Salonica, gives to a Greek
peasant a thread he has measured on an ornament of the saint’s tomb
(see below, p. 263). The footprint of Christ in the El Aksa mosque at
Jerusalem has long had sovereign virtue : as early as c. 570 a.d. An-

o 2

ig6 Natural Cults

round his arm and then affixes it with wax to the
column. A similar miraculous column exists built into
the church of the Virgin at Areopolis in Mani. Fever
patients drink scrapings of it in water at the waning
of the moon.1

Columnar stones are similarly brought into the pale
of Islam by connecting them with saints. A good ex-
ample of the plain ‘ shaped stone ’ class is afforded by
the stones at Konia associated with the tomb of the
Imam Baghevi. These are two drums of an angle-
pillar from a classical colonnade. The pillar, which
formed the junction between two ranges of columns
set at right angles, had its two antae worked as half-
columns, so that the section of each drum is heart-
shaped. With the angle uppermost the two drums
present some resemblance to a saddle, from which cir-
cumstance they are supposed to represent the horses of
the Imam turned to stone, and cures are wrought by
contact with them in the posture thus suggested.2 Of
another columnar stone, sixteen feet high, near Koch
Hisar, Ainsworth tells a pretty story to the effect that
a mosque was once being erected in a neighbouring
village and good Mussulmans were contributing to it
by the voluntary labour of bringing stones. A pious
girl was enabled by her faith to transport this huge

toninus martyr writes : ‘ de petra illa, ubi stetit, multae fiunt vir-
tutes : tollentes de ipsius vestigiis pedum mensuram, ligant pro

singulis languoribus et sanantur ’ (ed. Tobler, p. 26, xxiii : a slightly
different version in G. Williams, The Holy City, ii, 375, n. 5). Mirike
(1c. 1684) relates an analogous practice by which pilgrims to the Holy
Land measure off on the Stone of Unction at Jerusalem a piece of cloth
from which they fashion their future shrouds (pp. 46 f. in Tobler,
Golgatha, p. 351 ; cf. Maundrell, ed. Wright, p. 464, who, however,
does not mention the measuring). [At Bogatsko in western Macedonia
a Greek mother in 1922 promised the Virgin a candle equal in length
to the boy’s height if she would restore her sick son to health.—
M. M. H.]

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐ,ς> ii, 764, citing Πανδώρα, xxii, 336.

2 F. W. H. See above, p. 82.

Stones Carried by Saints 197

stone to the spot where it now rests. Here a young man
appeared to her and told her ‘ God had accepted her
services and was well pleased ’ : the girl died on the spot
and was buried beneath the stone.1 Evidently she was
one of the unknown ‘ saints of God the mysterious
messenger being in all probability Khidr. A cult or
superstitious use of this stone is not mentioned. A
rather more complicated story explains the pillar wor-
shipped at a Bektashi tekke near Uskub in Macedonia.2
The saint Karaja Ahmed is said to have brought this
stone, together with his own head, which had been cut
off in a war, to the spot where it is now. A woman
exclaiming at the extraordinary sight, the saint put
down his head and the stone at the site of the present
tekke.3 Whatever its origin, the pillar is in its present
position part of the regular ritual furniture of a Bektashi
house of prayer. Some similar hagiological legend in
all probability attaches (or will attach) to an ancient
column composed of four drums and a base on the site
of Tyana in Asia Minor. This column is a fairly exact
Moslem parallel to that of S. John at Athens. Persons
suffering from fever visit it in the morning, taking with
them a holy man who recites some prayers, after which

1 Travels, i, 187. A similar story, with a less religious colouring, is
told of the ‘ Maiden’s Stone ’ (Column of Marcian) at Constantinople
(Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 107 f.) ; cf\
Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 17.

2 See Evans in J.H.S. xxi, 200 ff., who says without details that one
version of the stone’s history was that it was brought by a holy man
from Bosnia.

3 F. W. H. This story is a broken-down version of that told of the
Bosnian saint, Hazret Ali, whose head was cut off by his father for an
alleged intrigue (after the model of Joseph and Zuleika) with his
father’s young wife. The saint, who was of course innocent, walked
with his head in his hand till, a woman exclaiming at the sight, his head
fell on the spot where the turbe now stands and his father was turned into
stone. He was brought to the grave of his son and brought to life again,
a spring gushing forth when this miracle took place (Mirkovic in IViss.
Mitth. Bosnien, i, 462 ; cf. Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 228).

198 Natural Cults

the patient ties a rag of his clothing to a nail and drives
the nail into the joints of the column.1

The stone at Alexandrovo near Uskub is said by
Evans to have two histories, which illustrate two widely
disseminated legends accounting for the presence of
extraordinary stones. It is said (1) to have come from
Mecca or (2) to have been brought by a holy man from
Bosnia. * As to (1), stones reported to have come from
Mecca may perhaps be assumed to have c flown ’, i. e.
to have come by levitation 2 3 at the request of some holy
person. A very probable 4 5 * * * type-legend ’ is that told of
a column in the mosque of Amr at Cairo. The caliph
Omar is said to have commanded this stone to transfer
itself from Mecca to Cairo. The stone refusing to
move, he repeated his command, emphasizing it with
a blow of his whip, of which the marks remain. He
then remembered to add the words ‘ In the name of
God ’ to the command, whereupon the stone obeyed.з
The stories of ‘ stones from Mecca 9 at Alexandrovo and
at Hasan Dede 4 in Asia Minor are probably based on
this motif Λ

1 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, in. ‘ Le malade vient le matin, accom-
pagné d’un iman, qui récite quelques prières ; après quoi le malade
déchire une petite partie de son vêtement, et la cloue dans un des joints
de la pierre ; cela s’appelle clouer la fièvre. Les joints de la colonne
sont criblés de clous plantés dans le même but.’

2 On levitation see below, pp. 285 f.

3 H. de Vaujany, Caire, p. 296 ; cf. Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire,
p. 49, and G. Migeon, Caire, p. 42. The column probably resembled
those of the mosque at Mecca, and is perhaps mentioned also by W. G.
Browne, Nouveau Voyage, i, 119. Tyndale, U Égypte, pp. 120 ff., tells
the same tale, not very well and substituting Mohammed for Omar.
The connexion of the story with two great religious centres like Mecca
and Cairo would ensure its circulation all over the Mohammedan world.

4 Cf. above, p. 181, n. 1 ; Crowfoot, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, 308.

5 Mrs. Bishop (Journeys in Persia, i, 276) relates that at New Julfa

(an Armenian town founded in the seventeenth century by Shah

Abbas) cures are wrought by certain large stones, one being evidently

the capital of a column ; they ‘ flew ’ from Echmiadzin to New Julfa

Flying Stones 199

From ‘ Flying Stone ’ to Flying Castle * is but a
step. The latter motif occurs in the folk-tale of Moham-
med Г Avisé in Spitta Bey’s collection 1 and also at Bosra
as Kasr Tayaran {lit. ‘flying castle ’).2 Possibly, how-
ever, this conception is influenced by the idea which
easterns seem to have that a group of columns, as
found, for instance, in the Olympieum of Athens, did
not surround a building, but rather supported one high
in the air.3 In the case of the Olympieum the fragment
of rubble which remains would confirm the idea.

(2) The second explanation of the Alexandrovo stone,
as we have seen, is derived immediately from a Bosnian
legend, mutilated in that it fails to explain why the
saint was carrying the stone at all. The simplest form
of this theme is analogous to the Koch Hisar legend, the
essence of it being the miraculous accident : a saintly
person carrying a stone for a religious purpose has his or
her attention distracted by a person of the other sex and
drops the burden. In north Albania the motif recurs

in one night, and, though seven times removed eighty miles, they
always returned to New Julfa. For Echmiadzin see Leclercq,
Mont Ararat, pp. 223 ff. ; the stone on which Christ drew its plan
with a ray of light is interesting, see Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques,
ii, 78. The i flying stone ’ motif is certainly older than Islam. One of
the numerous columns of Christ’s scourging ‘ quae fuit in domo Caia-
phae . . . modo in sanctam Sion jussu Domini secuta est’ (Theodorus,
A.D. 530 cited by Conder, Jerusalem, p. 15, as are also Paula, the Bor-
deaux Pilgrim, and Silvia ; cf. Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 28,
XXV, and S. Eucherius in Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 33). Here the story
is probably no more than a naïve excuse for the change of site, for which
see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 88-9.

1 See Le Boulicaut, Au Pays des Mystères, pp. 156 ff., and also Artin
Pasha, Contes du Nil, p. 278.

2 D’Oppenheim in Tour du Monde, 1899, p. 364. The author
acutely remarks that Kasr Tayaran at Bosra was Colonia Nova Troiana,
a fact which may have contributed to the modern legend. Lane men-
tions a flying castle (Thousand and One Nights, p. 484).

3 The temple at Aizani is variously said to have been built on
columns by the inhabitants to avoid brigands or by giants who had
treasure there (Choisy, Asie Mineurei p. 134).

200

Natural Cults

among Roman Catholics. * A maiden, who was so holy
that she was almost a saint, had vowed that she would
carry it [a great rock] to the church of Berisha. Miracu-
lously aided, she bore it a long way,’ but, distracted by
the good looks and piping of a shepherd, she was led
into profane thought : ‘ the rock fell from her shoulders,
and when she strove to pick it up she found her strength
had gone.’1 In all these cases the hero is a virgin, the
magic power of virginity 2 3 being impaired by thoughts
of the other sex. This is, I think, essential to the
point.

Through the hermit literature the idea was pushed
pretty far in the West. In France the Virgin Mary is
twice said to have been carrying stones to build a church
and to have dropped them on hearing that the church
in question had been completed.з

Everywhere the theme ramifies very interestingly.
On the one hand, there is the story of profane persons,
such as the devil or a giant, dropping stones at various
surprises. Such was the origin of the ‘ pregnant stone ’,
weighing more than ιι,οοο tons, at Baalbek. A
who was with child, was carrying the stone upon her
head to the temple, that being part of her daily task.
On being suddenly informed that her brother had been
killed, she let fall the stone and sat down upon it to
weep : it has remained there ever since.4

1 Durham, High Albania, p. 193.

2 The magic power of virginity is of course a commonplace (cf
Frazer, Golden Bough, passim). The 4 influence of the other sex ’ idea
is probably oriental, though not necessarily Mohammedan.

3 Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 7 and 22.

* Isabel Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 231. The story seems a con-
tamination of several. A simpler version is in Ellis Warburton, Crescent
and Cross, p. 309 ; m&lejinns were building Baalbek for Solomon, the
females bringing stones. The great isolated stone was being brought
by a female jinn, when she dropped it on hearing that her brother had
fallen from the building. Cf\ also Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land,
pp. 50, 74, and La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 124, 128.

Stones Carried by Penitents 201

The notion of carrying stones to build a church, as
in the case of the Virgin above, recalls a time when it
was usual for penitents in pursuance of vows to carry
stones, either as a mere penance or in order to help
practically in some sacred enterprise, frequently under-
taken, besides, as an act of piety by pious persons. Thus,
among Catholic Albanians it is a popular custom, per-
mitted as irregular but edifying by the Franciscan
priesthood, for a man who has received absolution to
bring a stone to the church next Sunday as a public
penance.1 In France the monks of a relaxed convent
were ordered to carry one stone per sin as a penance.2 3 4 5
In pursuance of a vow a pilgrim from Jerusalem carried
stones from the Holy Land and discarded them only at
the door of S. Peter’s in Rome.3 In these cases the
symbolism is evidently the burden of sin. A case where
practical use was made of a penance is the tumulus of
S. Michael at Carnac in France, which was raised by
penitents, who were condemned to bring each a sack of
earth, if women, and a stone, if men.4 This further
suggests the question whether the stones in the cairns,
raised where pilgrimage places come in sight,5 were

1 Durham, High Albania, p. 104. This helps to explain the quantity
of ancient worked stones commonly found in Greek country churches,
if an ancient site is in the neighbourhood, and incidentally the tradition
that certain churches have been temples. The Armenian cathedral in
Damascus has stones from Sinai, Tabor, and the Jordan (I. Burton, op.
«’*■» P· 443)·

2 Sébillot, ii, 72 ; cf. ii, 426, where erring washerwomen are so
punished.

3 Acta 55. 17 Feb. (S. Salvinus) ; cf. Fabri, Evagat. ii, 195, who him-
self collected stones from the Holy Land.

4 Sébillot, iv, 41.

5 Fabri, op. cit. ii, 175 (Saracens and Christians share the practice).
Mandeville’s ‘ Mountjoy ’ is Nebi Samwil, the first point from which
pilgrims saw Jerusalem (Stanley, .Sinai, p. 214; Tobler, Topogr. von
Jerusalem, ii, 875). For Moslem practice see Montet, Culte des Saints
Musulmans y p. 19; Tristram, Eastern Customs, p. 102 ; de Saulcy, Voyage
en Ferre Sainte, p. 100.

202

Natural Cults

brought long distances for vows, but for the moment
I have no clear evidence on the point.1

In such stories we observe a fusion between a penance
and a pious custom, the object being to explain a re-
markable stone. An unusual looking stone suggests the
question, ‘ How did it come here ? 9 and a more or less
miraculops story as the answer. Such a stone also sug-
gests that it may be remarkable not only in appearance,

i.e. that it may have remarkable powers.

Both these lines of thought tend to run along pre-
conceived grooves, but must harmonize to a certain
extent. If the origin story is concerned with jinns,
e. g.y the property of the stone falls within the jinn
sphere. In this case the stone probably marks treasure
or is a talisman of some sort. If the tale is pious, the
personage figuring in it affects the stone with beneficent
powers.

Both lines converge again in making either kind of
stone potentially a remedy by black or white magic. In
the case of a merely silly story like that of a girl dis-
tracted by a shepherd from her pious task, it may never
develop, there being no particular moral, and the stone
remains a mere stone to the end, as having no connexion
with saint or jinn, white magic or black.

C.—Written Stones.

More numerous and more interesting are the written
stones put to superstitious uses. The magical power
attributed by Orientals to letters is well known.2 As

1 Gregorovius, W anderjahrey v, 121 (1874), says pilgrims to S.
Michael on Gargano, the patron saint of madness, were in the habit of
placing each a stone in a tree near the entrance of the church. But this
is perhaps allied to the French practice of putting stones in trees to
cure pains (Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, i, 352) ; possibly there is con-
fusion between the two. Physical and moral health are often assimi-
lated.

2 On this see Hastings’s Encycl. of Religion, art. Charms (.Muhamma-

Ίalismanic Inscriptions 203

historical examples of talismanic written stones in Asia
Minor ma ybe quoted the inscription supposed to have
been carried off by Harun-al-Rashid from Angora,1 and
another, composed at the request of Ala-ed-din I for
the protection of the walls of Konia by the mystic poet
Jelal-ed-din Rumi.2 Christian Miletus was similarly
protected by a magic inscription з and the Rhodian
k*nights, in a like spirit, engraved the lintel of the chief
gate at their castle of Budrum with the charm-text,
Nisi Dominus Custodierit, &c.4 In the seventeenth cen-

tury more than one gate of Constantinople was pro-
tected by stone cannon-balls ‘ hang’d up over severall
gates . . . with Turkish writing upon them ’.5 In modern

dan). To discover a thief a leaf of the book Phorkan was used on the
Nile (Boucher, Le Bouquet Sacré, p. 49). The opening and shutting
by the monks of the pentateuch kept in the church on Mt. Horeb de-
termined the rainfall of the district (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 567 ; an
evidently related tale is in Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 66). In the
mosque of Sidi Shahin, Cairo, a silver ring on a column bore an in-
scription in cabalistic characters which was a charm against sterility and
other maladies ; a passing Persian interpreted the inscription and found
it quite ordinary (Vaujany, Caire, pp. 282-3).

1 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 703.

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 40.

3 C./.G. 2895. Cf also the prophylactic inscription on the land-walls
of Constantinople (Millingen, Constantinople Walls, p. 100), and for the
general use of prophylactic charms on Syrian buildings of the early
Christian period, Prentice in Amer. Exped. to Syria, iii, 17 ff. A talis-
man inscription guards vast treasures at Tabriz (Von Schweiger-Ler-
chenfeld, Armenien, p. 105).

4 Newton, Halicarnassus, ii, 657.

5 Covel, Diaries, ed. Bent, p. 217. Covel probably refers to the two
gates (S. Romanos and S. Barbara) now known as Ίορ Kapusi : this has
generally been translated 4 Cannon Gate \ but the primary meaning of
top is not4 cannon \ but4 ball \ The inscribed cannon-ball is of course
a 4 reinforced ’ amulet : for globular objects used as a protection
against the evil eye in the East, see Hildburgh in Man, 1913, pp. 1 ff.
(Egypt), and cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 40 (a golden ball suspended
over the entrance to the imperial divan). Gates, as entries, are
specially in need of protection, just as all entries and the beginnings of
new enterprises are regarded as potentially dangerous. An entry may

204 Natural Cults

life we find Mohammedan houses customarily protected
by the apotropaic Mashaallab, and both houses and
ships by the ‘ lucky ’ names of the Seven Sleepers.1

change one’s luck, and a city-gate is frequently a dark and echoing place
such as jinns notoriously frequent (cf. baths, mills, and dark vaults in
general, on all of which see above, p. no). Hence at a gateway the
people passing through must be protected against an unlucky passage,
while the gate itself must be defended against (i) the enemy’s entrance
and (2) the evil eye’s possible effect on the vault ; this last danger ex-
plains the bosses so often seen on Mohammedan archways. Generally
charms of various kinds were hung up : see below, p. 654, n. 4. An
amusing story in Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 377, is
worth recalling. Aleppo was suffering from locusts : to destroy them
water was brought from Zem-Zem at Mecca ; it had to avoid passing
under all gates and was taken over them instead. If, as often happened,
these charms were weapons or fossil bones, they were apt to evolve a
saint. Of this Rhodes gives the classical instance, the supposed head
of de Gozon’s dragon having evolved the legend of the dragon-slaying
dervish (Bilioni and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 153) ; a boot in one gateway
of Old Chalkis (see below, p. 230, n. 1) has begotten a giant to match.
A more drastic way of protecting the gate against an enemy’s entrance
was by blocking it up altogether ; this was done at Jerusalem, Con-
stantinople, &c. (see below, p. 753). Astrology also may be at the back
of stories of Sultans walling up the gates by which they had entered
conquered cities. A tale in de Lorey and Sladen’s Queer “Things about
Persia (p. 321) is illuminating. In 1806 a Persian ambassador was about
to start on an expedition when the astrologers warned him it would be
unlucky to go out by his palace gate, as there was an unpropitious astro-
logical combination in that direction ; he therefore left by a breach in
the wall of his neighbour’s garden. Presumably, the idea is that things
run in cycles and that, when the same stellar combination occurred
again, the gate would become a specially vulnerable point and a new
conqueror might take it. Professor Dawkins suggests that there may
also be an idea that a great man’s route or chair or instrument is so
sanctified by its connexion with him that common use would be a pro-
fanation. Professor John Fraser finds the custom an inverted parallel
to that of breaking down the city wall to admit Olympic victors.
[On their return from Mecca Mohammedan pilgrims have been
known to breach their garden walls to enter their homes by a new
path. I have unfortunately lost the reference for this practice.—
M. M. H.]

1 See below, p. 313, and n. 2. They patronize especially the ship-
ping of the Black Sea (C. White, Constantinople, i, 187).

Magical Inscriptions 205

Greek Christian houses are frequently protected by the

device over the door. Apotropaic charms, writ-

ten on paper or metal, which are a similar expression of
belief in the magic potency of letters, are often worn
suspended round the neck by Orientals, either for good
luck generally or as cures for disease.

It is obvious that such magic is devised to serve its
masters. Christian magic may naturally be regarded as
hostile to Mohammedans, which accounts for the fre-
quent mutilation of the crosses on Christian buildings
after a Turkish conquest. Similarly, at Smyrna the
well-known inscription over the gate of the Byzantine
castle,1 the sense of which is quite innocent, was re-
moved in 1827, and, despite liberal offers from archaeo-
logists anxious for its preservation, built into the new
barracks ; but not before the letters had been deliber-
ately chiselled out,2 evidently with the intention of
abolishing its magic power, conceived of as a priori
hostile to Moslems since it was associated with a Chris-
tian building. In the same spirit the Turkish proprietor
of a village near Uskub gave a general order that ‘ writ-
ten stones 5 found on his premises should be thrown
into the river, c all such being works of the Devil and
the cursed Giaour.’ з

On the other hand, examples of ancient inscriptions
which are supposed to have beneficial powers are numer-
ous ; these powers, needless to say, have no connexion
whatever with the nature of the inscription. The
colossal inscribed block from the monument of a certain
Caius Vibius at Philippi is used by many women who
stop at the adjacent khan as a milk-charm,4 fragments
of it being broken off, powdered, and drunk in water.5

1 C.I.G. 8749. 2 Arundell, Asia Minor, ii, 395.

3 Evans in Archaeologia, xlix, 86.

4 Heuzey and Daumet, Macédoine, i, 45.

5 F. W. H. A sinking on the top of this stone is said to be the hoof-
print (αχνάρι) of Bucephalus.

2o6 Natural Cults

Its selection is of course merely due to its colour and
the presence on it of a supposed written charm. At
Tatar Bazarjik (Eastern Rumelia) a Greek stele inscribed
with a proxeny decree (called Tesir Tashi or ‘ Slave’s
stone ’) is used by sick, and (as usual) especially fever-
stricken,1 persons for cure. Patients scrape the stone, as
at Philippi, tie a rag of their clothing to it, and leave a
para on it in payment. The stone is supposed to mark
the grave of a saint who in his lifetime (‘ four hundred
years ago ’) was a Christian slave turned Moslem ; he
ordered the stone to be placed on his grave.2 3 4 A ‘ stone
font or holy water stoup ’ with a Christian inscription
in the interstices of a cross is similarly used to charm
away disease at Eljik in Galatia ; 3 here the patient
drives in a nail to ‘ hold down ’ the disease, a ritual act
analogous to the universal tying of rags to sacred trees
and saints’ tombs. At Eljik the cross has been left
intact and is probably thought to be part of the charm.
A somewhat similar Christian example of a pagan stone
pressed into the service of religion and to some extent
adopted by the church, is the famous Sigean inscription,
which was long kept at the church of Yenishehr for the
cure of ague. Patients were rolled on it, while the
priest read an appropriate Christian exorcism.4 This

1 According to V. de Bunsen (Soul of a Jurk, p. 175), fever is one of
the few diseases which can be cured only by prayer. Its intermittent
character encourages the idea that it is the work of a capricious jinn.

2 Tsoukalas, Псрсурафт) Φιλι,ππουπόλςως, p. 6ζ ; Dumont in Mé-
langes <ΓArchéologie et d'Épigraphie, pp. 201, 322. The Christian slave may be introduced into the legend, since the letters of the supposed magic inscription are Greek. 3 Anderson in J.H.S. xix, 88. The inscription in the arms of the cross, read by the editor ЕП | MO | NOY | HC, may have been intended for ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ : for this word as a charm on lintels see Prentice, Amer. Exped. to Syria, iii, 21. With all deference to the editor, I expect this stone was a lintel used as a gravestone and hollowed for the purpose (see below, p. 226). 4 Lechevalier, Ίroyì p. 17 ; Walpole, Memoirs, p. 97. Stones connected with Treasure 207 stone was probably selected, in a district where inscrip- tions are common, on account of the unusual, and to ordinary people illegible, character of its archaic letter- ing.1 In a Bulgarian church near Monastir Chirol was shown a Greek inscription much worn by the knees of the faithful, which, the priest informed him, it was no use trying to read, since it was * written in the devil’s language Nevertheless it was considered ‘ an excel- lent stone for exorcising evil spirits Here it would seem that the spirit or magic of the stone was originally ‘ black ’ but had been, as it were, harnessed to serve the church. (iii) Survival or Development of Stone Cults The selection of ancient inscriptions as objects of superstition is exceedingly capricious. In general, Ana- tolian peasants are apt to consider that inscriptions are a secret guide to treasure hidden in or near the stone on which the letters are written.3 This idea, however, evokes no reverence for inscribed stones, and they are often split open without scruple to find the supposed treasure.4 But even this degree of mystery does not attach to all inscribed stones. At Aizani (Phrygia), where inscribed stelae of the ‘ door ’ type are very 1 So also the irregular character of the lettering gave a magic repu- tation to an inscription seen by Lucas at Stenimakhos in Bulgaria (Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 192, cf. 198). 2 V. Chirol, ’Twixt Greek and Turk, p. 67 (no political significance need be attached to the priest’s words !). 3 For [statues and] inscriptions regarded as marking places where treasure is buried, see Polîtes’ note on his ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς, no. 408. Burck- hardt was told that archaeologists are treasure hunters and make it fly through the air at their wish (Syria, p. 428). Treasure hunting in ruins is encouraged by the practice of burying money in houses (Tristram, Eastern Customs, pp. 252-3). 4 For an instance see Jireòek in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. 1886, p. 95. Cf, the fate of the Moabite Stone (Wilson and Warren, Recovery of Jeru- salem, p. 500 ; also Petermann’s account in P.E.F., Q.S, for 1871, p. 138). 2o8 Natural Cults common, they are habitually used as washing-blocks by the women of the village. Unfamiliarity, therefore, seems certainly one condition of the selection both of 4 treasure ’ stones and of ‘ healing ’ stones. The interest shown by 4 Frank ’ travellers 1 is another. But the ulti- mate choice of such stones for reverence or superstitious regard probably depends on pure accident. The follow- ing story, told me in Thrace, illustrates the ordinary attitude of the peasant’s mind toward them. A Bul- garian peasant, living between Viza and Kirk Kilise, found an inscribed stone, which he took to his house. His wife used it as a washing-block, but was at once visited by terrifying dreams and the farm animals began to die. Next the mother-in-law of the peasant trod on the stone and broke it ; she died shortly after. The peasant, getting frightened, took the stone back to the place where he found it, and offered sacrifice ( ) upon it. A Greek passing by saw the newly shed blood and inquired the reason of the sacrifice ; having heard the tale, he made light of it, put the stone on his horse, and rode away with it. But the ill luck followed him and his horse went blind. The moral is of course that the stone was bewitched orjï«w-haunted and was one of those best left alone.2 A run of good luck following its acquisition, on the other hand, might have proved its title to superstitious reverence, if not to adoption by religion. The origins of such cults as these depend not on tradition but on coincidence. The chance of finding a ‘ survival ’, i. e. a stone venerated continuously from 1 See below, pp. 214 ff. 1 A very similar medieval Greek story of an enchanted stone, which was dug up by accident and brought ill luck, is given by Polîtes, δόσεις, ii, 1139 f., though here the stone does not appear to have had an inscription. The aid of the church was called in to conjure the spirits back into the stone, after which it was again buried. For haunting an ancient sarcophagus cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 147. False 6 Survival ’ 209 ancient times to our own, is so slight as to be negligible. It is only by chance that altars or votive stelae are pre- ferred to monuments of a purely secular character. Supposed ‘ survivals 5 of this kind will not bear examina- tion any more than the Cyprian monoliths. Ramsay, in his Pauline Studies,1 mentions a written stone used by Turks for superstitious purposes, for which he* claims that its cult was continuous from antiquity. His ac- count is as follows : 6 Three or four miles south of Pisidian Antioch we found in a village cemetery an altar dedicated to the god Hermes. On the top of the altar there is a shallow semicircular depression, which must probably have been intended to hold liquid offerings poured on the altar, and which was evidently made when the altar was constructed and dedicated. A native of the village . . . told us that the stone was possessed of power, and that if any one who was sick came to it and drank of the water that gathered in the cup, he was cured forthwith of his sickness. This belief has lasted through the centuries ; it has withstood the teaching and denunciation of Christians and Mohammedans alike.’ The fact of the cultus or folk-lore practice attached to this stone is clear enough, but some of Ramsay’s in- ferences are more than disputable. If, as seems beyond doubt, this inscribed stone is Sterrett’s No. 349, a quad- rangular cippus with inscription recording the dedica- tion of a Hermes,3 i. e. a statue of Hermes, the stone was never an altar except in form. There is, therefore, no reason to refer the beginnings of its cultus-use to ancient times. It was most probably selected as a suitable stone for a grave and transported in recent times to the Turkish cemetery. The hollow on the top of the ‘ altar ’ probably dates in its present form only from the adapta- tion of the stone to its use as a tombstone ; previously it may have had some kind of sinking for the attachment 1 Pp. 156 ff. * Wolfe Expedition {Papers A.S.A. iii), p. 218 (Alti Кари). The text runs : d Seîva | Αιο]μήδον[ς | Έρμήν | άνέθηκζν. 3*95·* P 210 Natural Cults of the statue of Hermes alluded to in the inscription. Circular sinkings are commonly made on Turkish tomb- stones ; the reason usually given is that birds are en- abled to drink of the rain and dew that collect in them.1 Further, Turkish Jews have a superstition that the dew which collects on tombstones cures children of fainting fits.2 This belief is possibly borrowed from, probably shared by, the Turks. It will be seen that this reduces the fact that the stone is inscribed with the name of a god to a mere accident. Its potency comes primarily from its use as a tombstone and is probably reinforced by the fact that it has an inscription not ‘ understanded of the people ’, and therefore assumed to be of a magical character. Sir Arthur Evans found at Ibrahimovce, near Uskub (Macedonia), a Roman altar dedicated to Jupiter Opti- mus Maximus, which was used by the villagers as a rain- charm. It is generally kept face downward, but in times of drought Christians and Mohammedans, headed 1 C. White, Constantinople y i, 319, iii, 347 ; Walsh, Constantinople y ii, 423. According to Skene {Wayfaring Sketches y p. 218), the hollows are looked upon as affording the dead a means of practising the virtue of charity to the animal world : in Syria they are said to be for souls to drink out of (Baldensperger, in P.E.F.y Q.S. for 1893, p. 217). There may be a reminiscence of the basins placed to feed the pigeons of the Kaaba at Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 277) ; pigeons are a feature of Turkish cemeteries and sacred birds, since a pigeon is supposed, accord- ing to one account, to have inspired Mohammed (Varthema in Bur- ton’s Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Meccah, London 1906, ii, 352). For the sacredness of pigeons in Turkey, see Carnoy and Nicolaides, Frad. de Constantinople y p. 7 ; Evliya, Fravelsy 1, ii, 199 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople y pp. 159, 201. 2 Danon in Onzième Congrès d9Orientalistes, § vii, p. 264. Cf. the analogous medicinal use of water from a cup which has been buried for three years on a dead body ([Blunt], People of Ίurkeyy ii, 145.) In Bosnia the rain-water which collects in a hollow of a stone—apparently natural—selected for veneration for reasons unknown to us, is drunk by sick peasants for cure. The broad principle underlying all such uses is that the absorption by swallowing not only of parts of a sacred object, but of things which have been in contact with it, is beneficial. Inscribed Stones as Rain-Charms 211 by a local bey, go together to the stone and, having re- stored it to its upright position, pour libations of wine on the top, praying the while for rain.1 Evans remarks that the procedure here has no parallels in ordinary Slavonic folk-usage, and suggests that the use of the altar has been continuous since Roman times. But, while the practice of wetting the rain-charm is*world- wide, the Roman rain-rituals he cites as parallels do not include libation. In all probability this stone has been found in comparatively recent times, and the ‘ Frankish ’ writing on it, from some combination of circumstances unknown to us, interpreted as a rain-charm, the ritual being prescribed by a local dervish or sorcerer. On this particular case some light is thrown by the peasants’ beliefs regarding a ‘ written stone ’ buried in a vineyard near Monastir : this was once dug up, but torrents of rain followed. It is now kept buried, because, if any one dug it up again, it would never stop raining.2 3 * * The more accommodating jinn who presides over the stone at Ibrahimovce can be so placated as to bring about a sufficient, but not excessive, rainfall when required. The idea of rain-making 6 written stones it may be remarked, is familiar to the Turks, since Turk, their eponymous ancestor, is said to have received from his father Japhet (who, in turn, inherited it from Noah) a stone engraved with the name of God which had the property of causing and stopping rain. This particular stone has been lost, but stones are said to be sometimes found which possess the same properties and are sup- posed to have some vague connexion with the original stone of Noah.3 1 Archaeologia, xlix, 104. 2 From Mr. A. J. B. Wace ; cf. Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 133. 3 D’Herbelot, Bibi. Orientale, s.vv. Giourtasch and Turk, and Supple- ment, p. 140. A rough boulder on the summit of the Cyprian Olympus, which seems to have been vaguely connected with the ark of Noah, was 212 Natural Cults A Christian stone-cult in connexion with a church of the Apostles near Preveza affords a baffling example of haphazard selection : for this stone, though venerated, is not in itself at all remarkable. We can only guess that its veneration is due to dreams and other accidental circumstances. The legend in regard to it is most unhelpful. The stone in question is preserved outside a church immediately to the left of the high road be- tween Preveza and Yannina, about two hours from the former place. There seems no question of É survival ’, or even of antiquity, since the stone was discovered in 1867. It has been enclosed in a small, pillar-like shrine of plastered rubble of the type commonly seen on Greek roadsides. The upper part of the pillar includes the usual niche, facing west and containing a cheap eikon of SS. Peter and Paul and an oil lamp. The stone itself is built into the lower part of the pillar, one surface only being exposed under a niche facing south. It seems to be an ordinary unworked stone of irregular shape with two or three sinkings in its exposed surface. The whole stands in close juxtaposition to the south-east corner of the humble modern church, and is surrounded by a wooden railing with two gates. Pilgrims pass in by the eastern gate, kiss the stone, and pass out by the western gate. Incubation (for one night) is practised in the church, and the stone has a great reputation for cures, which are not confined to Christians : a Moslem shep- herd, for example, is said to have cured his sick flock by passing them through the enclosure. As to the dis- covery of the wonder-working stone, the story told me formerly used as a rain-charm by the local Greeks. In times of drought it was lifted on poles, to the accompaniment of singing, by the peasants of the surrounding villages (Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 463, quoting Lusignan). Here the position of the stone seems to have had more to do with its selection than the stone itself. Any mountain-top is an appropriate place for watching the weather, and particularly for rain- making, since mountain-tops attract rain-clouds. Healing Stone of 213 by the priest attached to the church is as follows. A monk from a neighbouring monastery was bidden by a vision to build at this spot a church to the Holy Apostles. One of the trees cut down during the clear- ing of the site bled copiously. This was regarded as a sign from Heaven, indicating that the desired site for the church was found. A stone was placed on the stump of the tree to stop the bleeding, and it is this stone which receives the reverence of pilgrims to-day. It is remarkable that in this legend the stone now re- garded as sacred plays an entirely secondary part, and may even be regarded as receiving homage vicariously for the miraculous tree-stump it is supposed to cover. In fact, the whole of the story betrays itself as derived from secular folklore adapted clumsily enough to ac- count for the miraculous stone. The bleeding tree was evidently of thedangerous haunted class:1 the real purpose of the stone is clear from the fact that when wood-cutters fell a tree of this sort they place a stone in the middle of the trunk to prevent the spirit of the tree rushing out and doing them harm.1 The official account of the discovery wholly ignores the marvels attending it, and fails to make plain how the virtues of the stone were recognized.3 Its main 1 For bleeding trees in general see above, p. 175, n. 5. 2 Polîtes, op. cit., no. 324. 3 S. Byzantios, Δοκίμιον της "Λρτης pp. 258 f. : “ ΕΙς θεσιν καλου- μενην "Ανω Λούτσαν εκειτο άρχαίός τις ιερός Ναός επ' όνόματι των αγίων * Αποστόλων ' Λιθάρι Επικαλούμενος, ενεκα τού πρός μεσημ- βρίαν, εξω τού Ναού προς το Ιερόν Βήμα, δεξιόθεν υπάρχοντας εντός της γης γωνιώδους τίνος λίθου, ον άνεκαλύφαμεν τω l86j ετει, και περιεφράξαμεν, Sia Κουβουκλίου, δι* ον λογοποιοΰνται πολλά, καί δί δν ενεργούνται, τη Θεοΰχάριτι διά πρεσβειών των πανευφήμων Απο- στόλων διάφορα Ιαμάτων χαρίσματα, ου μόνον πρός τούς ημετερους, άλλα και πρός τούς ετεροθρήσκους, προσίοντας και επικαλούμενους την εκ του ιερού Λίθου σωματικήν θεραπείαν εύλαβώς καί προσφε- ροντας κηρούς τε και άλλα αφιερώματα, *Επειδή δε 6 θαυματουργός οΰτος Λίθος, ών αφανής, δί *Αρχιερατικής εποπτείας άνεκαλύφθη κατά *Ιούλιον τού είρημενου έτους, καί περιεφράχθη, ως ειρηται, 214 Natural Cults importance for us lies in the claim that the sacred stone was discovered under clerical supervision little more than fifty years ago. The entire impossibility of certainty as to the age and origin of such cults, and particularly the danger of arguing from analogies, is shown by the history of the ‘ Black Stone ’ preserved at the tomb of Daniel at Susa (Sûs). 'The tomb of Daniel is known to have been shown at Susa as early as a.d. 530.1 The ‘ Black Stone 9 was originally a block of dark marble, nearly cubical in form, bearing hieroglyphic figures in relief and cunei- form inscriptions. In the fifties of the last century it was held in great honour and considered bound up with the luck of the province. At that time (and probably to this day) its fragments were to be found built into one of the porticoes attached to the tomb of Daniel. It thus offered to all appearances a very fair counterpart of the broken Black Stone built into the Kaaba at Mecca, which is generally, and probably rightly, con- sidered a relic of idolatrous worship surviving into the later cult. By the lucky accident of frequent travellers’ visits to Susa, the actual history of the Black Stone and its rise to fame is known in some detail. About 1800 the Black Stone was discovered in the mound covering the ruins of Susa, and rolled down to the river-bank by the very dervish who kept the tomb in the fifties. It there served for some years as a washing-block, and attracted the notice of several European travellers. Monteith and Kinneir in 1809 found it was treated with some superstitious respect,2 and made drawings of the inscriptions. In 1811 Sir R. Gordon, who tried εόεησεν Iva διορθωθή καί 6 μικρός καί π€παλαιωμενος Ναός, όπερ καί εγενετο* αλλά τούτον, εκ περιστάσεώς τίνος εΐτα πυρποληθεντος, ave καιν ίσθη ενδοξότερος καί λαμπρότερος . · . εν ετει l8jl ” 1 Theodosius, De Situ Terrae Sanctae, ed. Geyer, I tin. Hier os. p. 149. 2 In Egypt and Syria ancient stones, figured and written, seem gener- ally so treated (see Garstang, Land of the Hittites, p. 95, n. 3, and p. 97). Black Stone of Susa 215 without success to obtain possession of the stone, found its reputation on the increase : after this, presumably for security, it was buried, then disinterred by the guardians of the tomb of Daniel. In 1812 Ouseley found it had a reputation as a talisman against plague, hostile invasion, and other evils. In 1832 a ‘ stranger sayyid ’, supposed to be a ‘ Frank ’ in disguise, blew it to pieces with gunpowder in the hope of discovering hidden treasure : this was evidently the outcome of the interest shown in the stone by foreigners. Naturally enough, no treasure was found. But, probably from the conviction that, as the stone (1) attracted Franks 1 and (2) did not contain treasure, it must have remark- able occult powers, ‘the fragments were carefully col- lected and reinterred within the precincts of the tomb ; but immediately afterwards the province was almost depopulated by the plague, the bridge of Shuster sud- denly broke, and the famous dam at Hawizah was carried away ; all of which disasters were, of course, ascribed to the destruction of the talisman.2 ’ The rise of the stone from obscurity to great superstitious importance can thus be placed between the years 1800 and 1832. In conclusion, having shown how quickly a stone may rise to honour even in modern times, we may cite as a pendant the history of a suddenly arrested pillar-cult in Cairo, quite primitive in form, which rose to its climax and fell again apparently within a few days or weeks, both rise and fall being due to the arbitrary acts of definite persons. A contemporary observer gives the following account : 1 Cf. Arundell, Asia Minor, i, 62 ff. For the Moabite Stone see above, p. 207, n. 4. 2 Rawlinson, in J.R.G.S. ix, 69 : for the history of the stone as given above, see further Walpole, Travels, p. 423, (with Monteith’s drawing of the stone) ; Ouseley, Travels, i, 421 f. ; de Bode, Travels in Lauri- stan, ii, 191 ; Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, p. 416, cf. p. 421, and Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. V (1856), p. 446. 2i6 Natural Cults * On the line of street from the citadel to Bab Zueileh is a mosque called Giama-el-Sais, or Mosque of the Groom. At the corner of it is a high Corinthian pillar. ... I asked how the lower part of the pillar came to be covered all over with a thick coat of plaster, and received for answer, that this was the celebrated Amood-el-Metuely, which was proclaimed by a Mogrebbin sheikh to have miraculous effects, and that if sterile women licked it with their tongue, they would become mothers.1 AH on a sudden the pillar was so besieged by people wishing to lick it, that the streets were blocked up, and the Pasha Mahom- med Ali, hearing of the delusion, caused a guard to stand while the masons plastered and built the lower part of it round with bricks.’ * These two ‘ life-histories ’ make it abundantly clear that a stone-cult, however primitive in type, need not be chronologically of ancient origin, even where the stone is itself ancient. Further, that a venerated stone need not represent the displaced central cultus-object of the holy place in which it is found, but may be, as at Susa, an originally independent object attracted into the orbit of an already existing sanctuary, or, as at Cairo, a portion of an already existing sacred building arbitrarily selected for special veneration. The selection, however, of the Bab Zueileh column as an object of cult by would-be mothers is probably not arbitrary, but dependent on its having been formerly the column of execution.3 The various superstitions connected with executed criminals are as homogeneous as they are crude. Lane found that in Egypt a mixture of blood and the water with which the bodies of exe- cuted criminals have been washed, is drunk by women 1 There seems to be a column credited with similar powers at Medi- ne t-el-Fay urn. I know of it only from Sir Gilbert ParkerV story, The Eye of the Needle, in Donovan Pasha. 2 Pa ton, Hist, of the Egyptian Revolution (1870), ii, 276 f. This story is particularly interesting in view of the desperate efforts which have been made to find a classical past for the Athenian column of S. John. 3 Tyndale, U Égypte, p. 42. Column of Execution 217 for sterility and by men and women both for ophthal- mia.1 Another method of curing barrenness was to step seven times, without speaking, over the body of a de‘- capitated person.2 The idea seems to be that such per- sons passed out of life without any preliminary decline of vitality or unconsciousness, such as is common in or- dinary deaths, and they make, on the one hand, the most dreaded ghosts,з and, on the other, if innocent’victirrìs, the most powerful agents for good to their suppliants.4 1 Mod. Egyptians, i, 325. 2 Ibid, i, 326. For the connexion with sterility see especially Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 164, quoted below, p. 218, n. 2. 3 Niya Salima, Harems d'Égypte, p. 260, says that efrits (as opposed to jinns) ‘ prennent naissance au moment et sur le théâtre même d’un ac- cident suivi de mort : leur hantise donne le délire de la persécution et la folie de suicide h 4 For the Jews, a person who has died a violent death is called ipso facto a saint (Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 502). In the West, in connexion with popular (as opposed to Papal) canonization, it is noticeable, especially in the case of kings, that a violent and, if possible, literally bloody death is a desideratum. Kingship to a certain extent in itself implies sanctity (cf. touching for the King’s evil), and to touch the Lord’s anointed is sacrilege. A king who dies a violent death, whether or not in combat with the heathen, stands a good chance of canonization by the people. Thus, S. Os- wald and S. Eadmund (of East Anglia) fell in battle (Hutton, English Saints, pp. 128,138-44), while S. Oswine, S. Ethelbert (of East Anglia), S. Kenelm, Edward II, and Henry VI were all murdered (Hutton, pp. 136, 153,153-4, 161, i6f). His chance is increased by his being of notably pious life (cf. Edward the Confessor, in Hutton, p. 159; cf. also the case of S. Louis of France), or by his being young, when the point is probably virginity (cf. S. Edward of the West Saxons, murdered at seventeen by his step-mother, see Hutton, op. cit., p. 155). Edward II, however, had no qualification besides kingship and his violent death : the same is perhaps true of Charles I (Hutton, pp. 338 fi.). Becket, on the other hand, is both a consecrated man and sacrilegiously and bloodily mur- dered : his personal popularity during his lifetime, however, and the papal convenience after his death would in any case have decided his canonization. In general, the laymen of political character, whom attempts have been made to canonize, seem all to have died by violent deaths : of these Simon de Montfort (Hutton, op. cit., pp. 270 fi.) is typical. In the child saints, alleged victims of the Jews, such as S. Wil- liam of Norwich and S. Hugh of Lincoln (Hutton, pp. 323 ff.), we have 218 Natural Cults It is best that the blood 1 should be taken almost before life is extinct2, as it is evidently supposed to retain the the combination of youth (i. e. virginity, as above) and bloody death. The first saints, too, were martyrs. The idea is seen at its crudest in the cult of the decollati at Palermo (see especially Marc Monnier, Contes Populaires en Italie, ρ. 27-9 : Φ· the account of the Glorious Hand in Baring Gould’s Curious Myths, 2nd series, iv, 140 ff.), and in the super- stitious value of relics from executed persons. Thiers, Traité des Super- stitions, i, 390, inveighs against such use of the accessories of sudden death, whether it comes by murder or by execution. 1 The most potent of all relics was the blood of a martyr shed at his martyrdom, his life-blood in fact. The only miracle attributed to Charles I was wrought by a handkerchief dipped in his blood (Hutton, English Saints, p. 349), and such relics were eagerly sought down to quite recently as often as Turks martyred Christians (cf. Ndov Μαρτυρο- λόγιον, passini). Blood was also a sovereign remedy against leprosy. An angel revealed to Amis that his leprosy would be cured if his friend Amile would consent to kill his two children, and wash him in their blood. As Amis had risked his life for Amile, the latter cut off his children’s heads, took a little blood, replaced the heads, and washed Amis with the blood : he was cured of his leprosy and the children revived by a miracle (cf. the early thirteenth century French story used by Pater, Renaissance, pp. 1 ff.). The same motif exactly is used to revive a faithful vizir turned to stone in one of Kunos’ tales (Forty-four Turkish Tales, pp. 217 ff.). We may also compare Constantine’s proposal to cure his leprosy by bathing in infants’ blood (Strack, Blutaberglaube, ρ. 22 ; cf. Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, 1274, for Pharaoh’s bathing in the fresh blood of Hebrew infants to cure his leprosy, on which see also Hasluck, Letters, p. 203), and the historical infusion of three (Jewish) children’s blood made by his Jewish doctor in an attempt to save Pope Innocent VIII’s life in 1492 (Gregorovius, Stadt Rom, vii, 306) ; to the Pope’s credit, be it said, it was done against his will. In all these cases the innocence, especially the virginity, of the children increases the potency of the blood, but the blood is again the vital principle taken with the life still in it. Cf. also the stories told by Mrs. Hume Griffith. The child of a rich merchant was suffering from sore eyes. A sheep was killed and, while the blood was still hot, the head of the child was in- serted into the sheep’s body (Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 280). At an Armenian wedding in Persia a sheep is killed as the bride passes the threshold and she puts her foot in the blood (ibid., p. 281). Fever patients are similarly wrapped in the skin of a newly slaughtered sheep (van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 284). 2 On this point Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie ,ii, 164) is explicit. A Column of Execution 219 vital principle and so to be particularly efficacious as a charm. Deriving perhaps from this cult of the column of execution is the practice followed in the mosque of Sultan Hasan in Cairo.1 The mihrab there has four columns, which are good for fever and barrenness. They are wetted with lemon-juice and then rubbed with a brick from Mecca which is kept in the fnosque.2 The resultant reddish liquid is drunk by the patient : the conjecture may be hazarded that this liquid is a substitute for the original blood. Our general conclusions may be tabulated somewhat as follows : (1) Certain kinds of stones, especially ( )holed stones, (b) columnar stones, (c) stones carved with figures, and soldier in Persia had shot his officer dead ; 4 sur quoi d’abord la main lui fut coupée et ensuite il fut pendû. A peine lui avoit on coupé la main, que quantité de femmes s’avancèrent . . . pour avoir quelque chose du sang répandû. Elles se battoient pour le sable, qui étoit teint du sang de cet homme, et lorsque ce meurtrier pendit à la potence, plusieurs femmes ne faisoient qu’aller et venir dessous la potence, et tout cela dans l’idée que cela les aideroit pour devenir enceintes 1 Vaujany, Caire, p. 193. 2 The mihrab columns in the mosque of Amr at Damietta cure jaun- dice, if the patient scrapes a little powder from them and drinks it in some liquid (W. G. Browne, Nouveau Voyage, ii, 164); cf. Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 205, who says that the patient first wets the column with lemon-juice and then licks it. Mihrab columns, being often of unusual material, easily become objects of superstition ; in this case, being made of oriental alabaster (Sladen, Queer Things about Egypt, p. 198), they were yellow and therefore naturally good for jaundice. The licking ritual is found again and again. In the mosque of Kalaun at Cairo there are columns which cure fever and sterility when rubbed with lemon-juice and licked (Vaujany, Caire, p. 176 ; Duff Gordon, Letters from Egypt, p. 23). A stone in the Attarin mosque of Alexandria has a Greek inscription on it : wetted with lemon-juice and licked, it cures fever (Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 109). A brass panel at Damascus with an Arabic inscription on it cured fever, when licked (I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 128). This ritual licking may ultimately derive from the column of execution, the Sultan Hasan practice being the inter- mediate link. 220 Natural Cults (d) inscribed stones (irrespective of the meaning of their inscriptions), are especially likely to attract super- stitious veneration. (2) Selection from among these classes depends on such considerations as size, or other conspicuousness, backed by the coincidence of dreams, or other acci- dental happenings, with their discovery or use. A stone’s chance of selection for veneration is greatly en- hanced if it is introduced (accidentally or purposely) into ( a) a sacred building or ( ) a cemetery. (3) The ritual connected with the veneration of such stones is exactly that of other venerated objects in popu- lar religion, chiefly forms of ‘ contact ’ or ‘ absorption ’. (4) Reverence for such stones, whether secular or religious, by Christians or Moslems, need not be of old standing, nor need it persist. Proved or even probable survivals from antiquity are exceedingly rare. § 3. Cave Cults The development through folklore to religion of cave cults is very similar to that of tree cults.1 The super- natural inhabitant of the cave is first considered merely as a ghost or apparition, like the ‘ Negress ’ of the Kamares cave.2 If such an apparition made itself un- pleasant it would undoubtedly be exorcized or placated with gifts : in this way it might be found by experience —here another word for coincidence—to have a posi- tive ‘ white ’ value. Up to this stage the cult has no religious colour. The following notes of cave-cults in Greco-Turkish Athens about 1800 are given by Hobhouse and Dod- well. The first refers to the rock-passage above the stadium. ‘ The first day I visited the place, I observed a flat stone in the side of the rock, strewed with several bits of coloured rag, 1 Above, pp. 175-9. 2 W. R. Halliday in Folk-Lore, xxiv, 359. Cave Cults in Athens 221 broken glass, flour, and honey, and a handful or two of dry pease. As I was going to examine them, a Greek in company exclaimed, “ Don’t touch them, Affendi, they are the Devil’s goods—they are magical ”. On enquiry, he assured me that some old women of Athens, well known to be witches, came often to this cavern in the dead of the night, and there per- formed their incantations, leaving these remnants for offerings to the evil spirit.’1 Dodwell, by a lucky chance, came into still closer contact with the cult of the so-called ‘ Tomb of Cimon ’ near the church of S. Demetrius 6 Loumbardieris ’ : c While I was drawing the outside of this sepulchral chamber, two Turkish women arriving seemed much disconcerted at my presence ; and after some consideration and conference, desired me to go about my business, as they had something of impor- tance to do in the cave, and did not choose to be interrupted. When I refused to retire, they called me dog and infidel ! One of the women then placed herself on the outside for fear I should intrude, while the other entered ; and after she had remained there about ten minutes, they both went away together ; warning me at my peril not to enter the cave ! ‘ The Greek who was with me said he was certain they had been performing magic ceremonies, as the cavern was haunted by the Moîpcu, or Destinies : nothing would have tempted him to enter, and when I was going in, he threw himself upon his knees, entreating me not to risk meeting the redoubted sisters ; who he was confident were feasting on what the Turkish women had left for their repast. I found in the inner chamber a small feast, consisting of a cup of honey and white almonds, a cake, on a little napkin, and a vase of aromatic herbs burning, and exhaling an agreeable perfume. This votive offering was placed upon a rock, which was cut and flat at top. . . . When I returned from the sepulchre, I found the Greek pale and trembling, and crossing himself very frequently. When he saw that I had brought out the contents of the feast, he told me he must quit my service, as he was confident that I should shortly experience some great misfortune for my impiety in 1 Hobhouse, Albania, i, 325. 222 Natural Cults destroying the hopes and happiness of the two women, by re- moving the offerings they had made to the Destinies, in order to render them propitious to their conjugal speculations. I gave the cake to the ass, who had brought my drawing appara- tus ; and by whom it was devoured without any scruples ; but unfortunately, as we were returning home, this animal . . . ran away braying and kicking till he broke my camera obscura in pieces. I'collected the fragments as well as I could ; while my Greek, who was quite sure that the accident was owing to my intrusion into the cave, triumphed in his predictions ! ‘ Almost every cavern about Athens has its particular vir- tues ; some are celebrated for providing its (sic) fair votaries with husbands, after a few sacrifices ; others are resorted to by women when advanced in pregnancy, who pray for prosperous parturition, and male children ; while others are supposed to be instrumental in accomplishing the dire purposes of hatred and revenge. But those evil spirits, whose assistance is invoked for vengeance and blood, are not regaled upon cakes and honey ; but upon a piece of a priest’s cap,, or a rag from his garment, which are considered as the most favourable ingredients for the perpetration of malice and revenge.’ 1 Of the cave-cults at Athens mentioned by Hobhouse and Dodwell several have survived Turkish dominion. Kambouroglous, writing in the second half of the nine- teenth century, cites a cult at the cave of the Stadium (τρύπιο λιθάρι) 2 and two on the Pnyx Hill, one directed to the Fates (KaXoKiovpaSeç) which is, or was, used by girls as a charm for obtaining husbands (probably that men- tioned by Dodwell),3 and another called the ‘ Cave of the old man 5 (σττηληά τοΰ Γύρου).4 Here ‘ old man 5 is evidently a translation of the Turkish * Baba which implies that the spirit of the cave was conciliated as far as the Turks were concerned and fell short of official sainthood only in so far as he had no building in his 1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 396 ff. 3 *Ιστορία, i, 222. 3 Tour through Greece, i, 221. 4 Ibid, i, 207, 222. This is the ‘ Tomb of Cimon ’ ; it has now no signs of being regarded with superstitious reverence, rather the reverse. Types of Sacred Caves t 223 honour or organized attendance. In the same way Delikli Baba, a cave-saint under the Palamidi fortress at Nauplia has for the Greek narrator of his story all the attributes of the ‘ Arab 9 jinn of folk-lore.1 When the cave-cult is fully accepted as ‘ white ’, the jinn takes rank as a saint and may or may not be identi- fied with an historical or pseudo-historical persgn. The cave is then looked upon as (1) the scene of some event in the saint’s life,2 3 4 (2) his refuge or habitual abode,з or (3) his grave. The tendency is towards the last, but the various phases may be fused as at Kruya, where Sari Saltik kills the dragon who inhabits the cave, retires to the cave, and lives in it, leaving traces of his presence in the shape of a miraculously petrified melon ! 4 At Kalia- kra [Kilgra] the same saint is buried in the cave formerly inhabited by the local dragon.5 We remark by the way that dervish ascetics not in- frequently inhabit caves and ancient rock tombs. For example, the ‘ tomb of Mithridates 5 at Amasia was thus used in the fifties by a dervish from Samarkand who had seen the place in a dream.6 7 It is obvious that all three aspects of caves in relation to holy men are equally applicable to Christianity, in which we find the same dragon-caves, refuge-and dwell- ing-caves,7 and tomb-caves as in Islam. Indeed, the 1 Polîtes, Παραδόσβις, no. 446 ; see further above, p. 89, n. 5. 2 For birth-caves see below, p. 225 and n. 1. 3 For this there is a Moslem prototype in the Meccan cave of Jebel Nur, where the Prophet retired for inspiration (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 320). Cf. the case of Hasan ‘ Chelife 9 above, p. 169. 4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 236 ff. ; below, pp. 434 ff. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 72 ; below, pp. 429 ff. 6 Skene, Anadol, p. 105 ; cf. Anderson (Stud. Pont, i, 64) and van Lennep (Travels in Asia Minor, i, 323) for S. Chrysostom’s retreat in a classical rock-cut tomb near Niksar. 7 The common Christian persecution motif has led also to the con- ception of the prison-cave (‘ Prison of S. Polycarp 9 at Smyrna, in de Purgo, Viaggio, i, 461, &c.). 224 Natural Cults religion of such sites depends on no more than the name of the hero of the legend, which in turn depends on his clientèle : Sari Saltik’s grave in the Kilgra cave is called S. Nicolas’s as well for the benefit of a mixed population. But the mere improbability would not have impeded the Christian identification as is seen by the existence of a corresponding apocryphal cave-tomb of S. Stephen outside Chalkis, which seems to be a development without a Moslem interlude from a secu- lar cave cult.1 Interesting as an example of the arbitrary methods by which caves may be associated with historical persons is the following account of the so-called c Shop of David who is regarded by Moslems as the patron of armourers : ‘ Mr. Austen Layard . . . observed near Ser Pul Zohab, to the north-west of Kermanshah, an ancient chamber excavated in a rock. This excavation is known throughout the mountains of Luristan as the “ Dukkiân Daoud ” (David’s shop). It is here, according to popular report, that the psalmist carried on his humble trade. . . . His shop is situated in a spot so difficult of access, that both he and his customers must have been daily placed in most critical positions. The “ Dukkiân Daoud ” is, nevertheless, a well-known place of pilgrimage for the inhabi- tants of the surrounding country, who are mostly of the sect called Daoudee. . . . Sacrifices of sheep are constantly offered before the Dukkiân, and few undertakings are commenced with- out invoking the benediction of the psalmist. . . . The excavated chamber is evidently the tomb of a prince or high-priest of the Sassanian epoch. Beneath the excavation is a small sculpture, representing one of die magi near a fire-altar, in the act of adoration. This is supposed by the tribes to portray David pre- paring his anvil and furnace.’ * 1 This is mentioned by Stephani {Reise des Nördlichen Griechen- landes, p. 22), who says pious offerings were laid there as in the Athenian caves. Buchon {Voyage dans VEubée [1841], p. 71) says paras were offered. The cave has now developed into a full-fledged church. (F. W. H.) 2 White, Constantinople, i, 190 f. ; cf. Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 85. Types of Sacred Caves 225 Summing up, we find that caves are naturally merely bogey-ridden, but under suitable influence they blos- som out in connexion with (1) hermit saints as retreats’, (2) persecuted saints as refuges, (3) martyr saints as dungeons, and (4) all saints as possible burial-places. Under special influences, which I do not yet understand, caves are regarded as birthplaces. Mithras is probably very important here and may have influenced Bethle- hem. It is curious that most of the birthplaces of Mohammedan saints (Mohammed, Fatima, Ali), at Mecca, which are at least relatively historical, are underground.1 1 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 313. Did the women bring forth under- ground to avoid the evil eye or some other malignant influence ? Or was the after-birth or navel-string, both being important, buried in such places ? XV TOMB AND SANCTUARY HE ordinary Moslem grave in Turkey is marked by stones at the head and foot, and, if circumstances allow, by what is practically a copy in stone of the bier in which the dead are carried to the grave. A small space, corresponding to the size of a man, is surrounded by slabs, the head and foot being indicated by upright stones, imitating the wooden uprights which occupy the same position in the wooden bier. As on the bier the head-piece carries the turban of the deceased, so the head-piece of the grave reproduces it in stone. Der- vishes’ graves are marked by the taj or mitre of the order to which they belonged in life, and in former times the elaborate head-dresses of the various hier- archies, military, civil, and ecclesiastical, were repre- sented in the same way. Where the grave is in a mausoleum {turbe) and protected from the weather, an actual head-dress occupies the same position on the tomb. Graves in the open air are generally covered by a slab which supports the head and footstones in two slots. A third aperture is made between the head- and foot- stones, and frequently, behind the head-stone or else- where, shallow sinkings are made with the avowed object of allowing the dead to practise the virtue of charity by affording drinking places for the pigeons and other birds that frequent the cemetery. Trees, in Turkey generally cypresses,1 are often planted 1 The ever-green and long-lived cypress is supposed to symbolize im- mortality (Walsh, Constantinople, i, 350). In Arabia the aloe (sabr) is the favourite tree and is said to symbolize the patient waiting (sabr— ‘patience ’) of the dead for the resurrection (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 317). In Syria the myrtle seems to be used (Walpole, Travels, p.317) ; Chandler (Travels in As. Mini, 230) cites an instance of its use in Turkey also. Trees on Graves 227 at the head and foot of the grave and, when thus con- nected with the burial place of a saint, enjoy con- siderable veneration. The growth of these trees is sometimes considered an indication of the fate of the deceased. Julius Griffiths was present at a funeral where, ‘ as soon as the grave was filled up, each friend planted a sprig of Cypress on the right, and a second on the left hand of the deceased’. On his inquiring the re*ason he was told by one of the followers that ‘ it was to ascertain by their growth whether the deceased would enjoy the happiness promised by Mohammed \ This would be known if the sprigs on the right hand took root, the opposite if those on the left only should flourish. If both succeeded, the deceased would be greatly favoured in the next world ; or, if both failed, he would be tor- mented by black angels until, through the mediation of the Prophet, he should be rescued from their persecu- tion.1 It is easy to see how, with these ideas in the air, a tree growing on the grave of a saint comes to be regarded with superstitious veneration ; as also, con- versely, how the fine growth of a tree, especially a cypress in a cemetery, might be taken as evidence of the place of burial of a great saint. Tombs inside turbes are for the most part gabled in cross-section and are generally covered with shawls. The turbe itself may be of any form from a simple hut of the commonest materials to the sumptuous round or octagonal domed buildings erected over the tombs of the wealthy. A characteristic form is the open dome of masonry or wrought iron which marks some well-to-do graves in cemeteries. Any ordinary grave in a cemetery may prove itself to be that of a saint by posthumous 1 Griffiths, Ίravels, p. 54. The same idea seems to be current in Syria respecting the grave myrtles (Walpole, Travels, p. 317). An echo of it is awkwardly worked into the Bosnian story of Kelkele Sali Agha, where oak-twigs are planted on the grave (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 169). Q 2 228 Tomb and Sanctuary miracles. Such a grave often comes in time to be en- closed in a turbe. But the holiness of a saint cannot be judged by the richness or otherwise of the tomb : some saints, e. g. the ‘ Joshua ’ of the Bosporus, ‘ refuse ’ a turbe by causing it to fall down or be burnt as soon as it is erected.1 A saint’s turbe, even when on quite a humble scale, is often divided into two portions, the tomb chamber proper, and the place of prayer. The conjunction of mosque and turbe may arise in this way, as for example at Eyyub, where the mosque is strictly a convenience for pious persons desirous of praying and attending public worship at the tomb of the saint, and is of secondary importance to the turbe. But quite fre- quently also we find that the occupant of the turbe is the builder of the mosque, as, for example, at the Ulu Jami at Magnesia. Here the turbe is an accessory to the mosque. A founder often chose to be buried in or near his mosque in order to attract the prayers of the wor- shippers for the benefit of his soul. This might be done even when the benefaction was a secular building,1 such as a bath з or a bridge.4 Praying places forming part of roadside fountains 5 are a similar incitement to prayer for the founder’s soul, directly requested by the inscrip- tion on Ahmed I’s fountain at Constantinople. 1 Other examples are Deniz Abdal at Constantinople (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 134 f.) ; Burhan-ed-din in Eflaki’s Acts of the Adepts, tr. Redhouse, p. 17 ; Hasan Dede, a Bektashi saint buried near Tirana in Albania, was honoured by a local bey with a turbe, but showed his displeasure by burning it twice (F. W. H.). Mustafa Ghazi, buried at Canea (Crete) ‘ refused * a turbe four times by throwing it down. He afterwards appeared to the builder and in- structed him to leave an opening in the roof (F. W. H.). A Christian parallel is that of S. Leontius, who, when the bishop of the district in which he was buried wished to honour him with an ανακομιδή, signified his displeasure by an earthquake (.N. Λ€ΐμων. p. 460). 2 Thévenot, Voyages, i, 182. 3 Above, chap, iv, no. 5 (Yildiz Dede). 4 Thévenot, loc. cit. 5 Cf. Wood, Ephesus, p. 138. Relics in * Turbes ’ 229 Of the furniture of the turbe we have as yet described only the central feature, the tomb itself. The minoç objects of interest consist for the most part in various relics said to have belonged to the dead saint, and to a certain extent votive objects. The relics vary accord- ing to the personality of the saint ; a ghazi, or warrior, is marked by his weapons, a dervish by his beads, club, or crutch, and so on. These objects frequently play a prominent part in the cures wrought at the tomb. Their pedigree, even where the saint is known to be historical and the tomb authentic, is far from being above suspicion, though in most cases there is no chance of testing their authenticity. Arms and other symboli- cal implements are very often used to decorate the walls of Turkish convents, and these might easily come to be associated with the occupant of the tomb or other famous persons on no evidence whatsoever. So the symbolic sword seen by Dodwell in the ‘ Tower of the Winds ’ at Athens, then a dervish tekkef became for later Athenians the sword of Mohammed the Con- queror.1 * 3 4 Even the bead chaplets supposed to have belonged to deceased dervishes may have been placed there, as were those in the mausolea of the sultans,з for the devout to tell their prayers on. Secondly, objects originally suspended as charms against the evil eye may come into more intimate relations with the cult by con- fusion or design. So, for instance, at the dervish con- vent at Old Cairo an immense shoe or boot, connected vaguely with a ‘ giant ’ was, in the eighteenth century, hung in the entrance of the convent 4 in accordance 1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 374. * Kambouroglous, 'Ιστορία, iii, 125. 3 Covel, Diaries, ed. Bent, p. 182. Sultan Orkhan is believed to visit his tomb at Brusa every Friday, beat the drum, and tell his beads (Bussierre, Lettres, i, 154). 4 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 29 ; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, 230 Tomb and Sanctuary with a well-known superstition that such objects are prophylactic against the evil eye.1 A century later the boot was treasured inside the convent as a relic of the founder.2 Somewhat similarly, the famous sword called by ‘ Franks9 the ‘ Sword of Roland ’ originally hung over a gate of the citadel at Brusa з and later became associated with the dervish warrior-saint Abdal Murad and was deposited at his tomb.4 At the same time the custom of suspending the arms of warriors at their tombs undoubtedly existed. Evliya, in the seventeenth century, notes that the bow and sword of Kilij Ali were preserved in his turbe,5 and in the case of a person only some fifty years dead it is unreasonable to doubt their authenticity. It is, indeed, the existence of genuine relics which has made the substitution of false ones easy. 1 For the general use of shoes and boots with this object see, for Cairo, Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, p. 2, where they are said to be hung from shops and tied to camels for luck. For Turkey see M. Walker, Eastern Life,i, 335 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 351. ‘ Giants’9 boots were suspended in the gateways of khans at Brusa (Lucas, Voyage au Levant, ii, 129). A huge boot, supposed to be that of a giant who defended the town against the Venetians, formerly hung in one of the gates of Chalkis (L. Stephani, Reise des Nördlichen Griechenlandes, p. 16). A gilded shoe called tsaroth (i.e. charik, Gr. τσαρονκί) is said to have been suspended ‘ from the vaulte of the Temple9 at Mecca (Georgewicz, House of Ottomanno). For shoes as relics of Turkish saints see Laborde,^L*V Mineure, p. 65 ; Nikolaos, *Οδησσός, p. 249 ; Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 536. One suspects that the boots shown at Rhodes as those of Suleiman, the conqueror of the city (Egmont and Heymann, Travels, i, 276), were likewise prophylactic. * Wilkinson, Modern Egypt, i, 287. For the plough on Murad Fs grave at Brusa, its probable and its alleged origin, see above, p. 106. 3 Belon, Observations de plusieurs Singularitez, iii, chap. xlii. 4 Evliya, Travels, ii, 24. Tournefort, Voyage, Letter xxi ; Ses tini, Lettere Odeporiche, i, 117 ; cf. Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 153 (a garbled version of Evliya). Cf. the wooden sword of ‘ Neby Hocha9 (Clermont-Ganneau, Pal. Inconnue, p. 60). 5 Travels, 1, ii, 58. The saint died 988 a.h. The arms of Murad I (d. 1389) were similarly shown at his tomb in Brusa (ibid, ii, 21). Relics in ‘ Turbes ’ 231 The custom of suspending arms as prophylactic objects in the gates of cities and fortresses has probably in many cases originated the frequent cults of saints—generally warriors ( ghazis)—who are honoured with cenotaphs in such places. Similarly, other talismans have evoked legends of giants and folk-lore heroes. Stuffed croco- diles,1 whales’ (‘ dragons’ ’) heads, and whales’ (‘giants’ ’) bones,2 all of which are used prophylactically, have prob- ably been an element in the formation of legends of dragon-slayers and giant-slayers in many other places besides Rhodes.3 Prayer-mats, especially deer-skins,4 which are similarly part of the natural furniture of a , may also come in time to be regarded as personal relics of the saint. These are easily brought into relation with legends of miraculous journeys 5 of the ‘ magic carpet ’ type. Similarly, the horns of deer are often seen suspended in turbes, originally, doubtless, for prophylactic pur- poses.6 But in relation to a buried saint they can be explained as those of the saint’s pet deer, or those of a deer which of its own free will offered itself for the Bairam sacrifice.7 Other horns also, such as those of 1 Crocodiles are a well-known variety of amulet : see Elworthy, Evil Eye, p. 321 (stuffed crocodile in doorway of cathedral at Seville), and Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, p. I (stuffed crocodiles commonly used as charms in Cairo). For them as ex-votos see Maury, Стоу, du Moyen Âge, p. 232 ; Millin, Midi de la France, ii, 546. 1 Cf. Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 948 (Constantinople) ; Evliya, Travels, ii, 230 (whales’ bones and old arms in castle gate at Angora). Cf. also Maury, op. cit. ii, 233, and Clermont-Ganneau, loc. cit. 3 For the ‘ dragon’s ’ head at Rhodes see below, pp. 654-5, where also other instances of gate charms are collected. 4 On the special relation between deer and dervishes see pp. 460-1. 5 See p. 286. 6 For them as a house charm see White, in Most. World, 1919, p. 184. 7 This is said of deer-horns kept in the Khalveti tekke at Uskub (F. W. H.), and of others on the grave of the rustic saint Arab-oglu in Pontus (White, in Records of the Past, vi, iox). The miracle is a very old one (//. Plutarch, Lucullus, cap. x). 232 Tomb and Sanctuary goats and oxen,1 are occasionally seen in turbes : these may be those of sacrificed beasts, but are probably kept and exhibited for their prophylactic value. In the Dome of the Rock at Jerusalem were formerly suspended, from the centre of the dome itself, a pair of ram’s horns, reputed those of the ram sacrificed by Abraham in place of Ishmael.2 The purpose of the talisrfian in such cases is'probably to ensure the stability of the dome. Ostrich eggs are suspended in sacred buildings (churches as well as mosques and turbes) all over the Near East.3 Here again the original purpose seems to have been prophylactic^ though, as often, more elabor- ate explanations have been invented. Primarily an egg is said to be sovereign against the evil eye because it has no opening and is, so to speak, impregnable ; 5 os- trich eggs mounted as charms are generally held in a metal frame, not pierced for a string. Ostrich-eggs are in Cairo a common charm for the protection of houses and shops.6 Their use as ex-votos is early : a tree idola- trously worshipped at Mecca in pre-Islamic days had ostrich-eggs suspended from it.7 In Greece and Turkey, ostrich-eggs being comparatively rare, and, in addition, 1 Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, iii, 138 (deer-horns at grave of Said Omar near Kutahia, horns of oxen and goats at Afiun Kara Hisar). 2 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 147. Ibn Batuta speaks of an iron buckler, reputed that of the Prophet’s uncle, in this position (ibid., p. 136). 3 Moslem examples are cited from Egypt (Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 31), Hebron (Grimaldi in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1912, p. 149), Meshed Ali [Nejef] (J. Griffiths, Travels, p. 371), S. Sophia, Constantinople (Dalla - way, Constantinople, p. 57), ‘ Tower of the Winds ’, Athens (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 374), tekke of Hafiz Khalil near Varna (Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 475). 4 [Blunt], People of Turkey, ii, 244 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 351 ; Rogers, Vie Domestique, p. 459. 5 Baldensperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 216 ; cf Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 336. 6 Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, pp. 1 ff. ; they have been noticed in the Egyptian bazaar at Constantinople (C. White, Constantinople, i, 174). 7 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 169. Relics in ‘ Turbes ’ 233 curiosities 1 easily obtained by pilgrims to the Holy Places,2 have developed a religious symbolism over and above their prophylactic value. Among Christians they are said to be emblems of faith, since the hen ostrich is said not to sit on her eggs, but to hatch them by looking at them.3 The Moslem interpretation of the symbol- ism, as given by a Turk of Sivas,4 is still more recondite : ‘ the ostrich always looks at the eggs she lays ; if one of them is bad, she breaks it.’ Ostrich-eggs are therefore suspended in sacred buildings ‘ as a warning to men that if they are bad, God will break them in the same way as an ostrich does her eggs ’, .e. reading their hearts regardless of their outward appearance. Lastly, an object often seen hung up in the turbes of Turkish saints,5 as also outside houses like the Greek May-garland, is a plait of corn-stalks with the ears left entire. This is quoted by Hildburgh as an evil eye charm used in Cairo for shops and houses.6 But, since it is essential that the corn used in the plait should be the first of the year, it seems clear that the primary idea is that of a first-fruit offering dedicated indifferently to the local saint or the house-spirit as a thank-offering, and to ensure abundance during the coming year. An interesting Christian parallel is afforded by an illustra- tion in Kanitz’ Bulgarie,tshowing the corn-plait sus- pended to a \iouse-eikon, which may be regarded as a compromise between the pagan house-spirit and the saint of the official religion.8 1 Cf Mrs. Green, Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, i, 153. 3 Cf. Lucius, Anfänge des Heiligenk., pp. 303-4. 3 Fellows, Journal in Asia Minor, p. 241 ; Tozer, Highlands of Tur- key (Athos), i, 79. 4 Burnaby, On Horseback through Asia Minor, i, 316 : cf. I. Burton. Inner Life of Syria, p. 447. Cf. a roc’s egg in Lane, Thousand and От Nights, p. 484. 5 Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, pi. A, 3. 6 As, e.g., in the turbe at Tekke Keui in Macedonia (Evans, in J.H.S xxi, 203). 7 P. 4°9- 8 Frazer (Spirits of the Corn and Wild, ii, chap, x, xi) has shown thaï 234 Tomb and Sanctuary A large number of saints’ ‘ tombs ’ are cenotaphs, some admittedly so.1 A saint of Monastir, named Khirka Baba, who appears to be historical, * disap- peared’ from the sight of men, leaving his habit on the ground. The spot where his habit was found is railed round like a tomb and the habit itself reverently kept in^the ‘ tower ’ ( kula) formerly inhabited by the holy man, both tower and cenotaph being frequented as a pilgrimage in his honour.1 Similarly, Emineh Baba, a Bektashi saint of Macedonia, * disappeared ’, but has, nevertheless, commemorative cenotaphs in two Bek- tashi convents.3 An Anatolian saint named Haji Bekir died no one knew where, with the express object, it is said, of avoiding the posthumous honour of a turbe. But his spirit is supposed to haunt a mill he frequented in life, where incubation is practised by pilgrims as at a formal tomb.*» Other venerated personages boast more than one tomb, each being locally claimed as genuine. In the case of persons historically known, it may be possible to distinguish between tomb and ceno- taph. Murad I, for instance, lies buried beside his mosque at Brusa, but the spot where he fell on Kossovo 5 is marked by a turbe which is said to contain his heart all over the world first-fruit offerings are made either to the dead, the gods, or the king, all, probably, representing stages in the development of religion. In some cases the offering is anthropomorphic, as may be the case with the Bulgarian corn-plait illustrated by Kanitz. For in- stances in the Greek area see Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Les- bos, p. 310 ; cf. Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 124. 1 Cf. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 79 ; Lane, Thousand and One Nights, pp. 339, 359. % See below, p. 358. з See below, p. 527. 4 See below, p. 268. 5 His assassin, Milosh Obilich, is buried beside him on Kossovo (Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 26 ; Boué, Itinéraires, ii, 175, 178). The * Arab 9 who slew Constantine Palaiologos is buried beside him (Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 34 and note), as is the princess beside Sidi Ghazi, after she had (involuntarily) caused his death (see below, p. 743). Shamaspur tekke at Alaja probably affords another example (below, P· 573)* Duplicate Tombs 235 and bowels.1 Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, is said to be buried at Bulair in Thrace,2 but his college {med- reselo) at Yenishehr contains a turbe firmly held by local people to contain his remains : it is possible either that they were divided, as in the case of Murad I, or that he built himself at Yenishehr, during his lifetime, a turbe in which he was never buried. Local rivalry is also in part responsible for such inconsistencies. Both Bilejik з and Eskishehr 4 claim and show the grave of Edeb Ali, the father-in-law of Osman ; and the bones of Osman him- self, buried on the acropolis of Brusa, are claimed also by his original capital, Sugut.5 The reputed tombs of Arab saints and heroes shown in Asia Minor are probably, as we have said elsewhere,6 without exception unhistorical. One at least, that of Bilal at Sinope, is a doublet of a better known grave of the same saint at Damascus.7 Many such doublets are evidently the results of the erection of commemorative buildings marking critical points in the hero’s history, like the birth-places of Suhayb at Daonas 8 and of Sidi 1 Ippen, Novi Bazar у p. 147. It should be noted that according to strict Moslem religious law embalming is illegal and bodies must not be transported, exception being made for emperors (d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 251 ; Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 46). Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 283, says that exhumation of the dead is thought a profana- tion by Moslems. Their feeling is so strong that the Sultan of Egypt at the time refused to allow S. Barbara’s body, buried at Cairo, to be dis- persed as relics in Christendom (Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 54)· A miracu- lous fire prevented the removal of the Imam Shifei’s body from its original tomb (Makrizi, quoted by de Maillet, Descr. de l'Égypte, i, 257 f.). Osman Bey (Les Imans et les Derviches, pp. 143-4) says persons must be buried where they die because that was the earth from which they were formed. * Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 202 ; dOhsson, i, 101 ; Sea- man, Orchan, p. 90. 3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 103 ; cf. Huart, Konia, p. 24. 4 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain ii, 70 : verified by F. W. H. For Edeb All’s connexion with Eskishehr cf. Hammer-Hellert, i, 64. 5 Leake, Asia Minor, p. 15. 6 Below, p. 702. 7 See below, p. 712. 8 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 154. 236 Tomb and Sanctuary Ghazi at Malatia.1 The tangibility of a tomb alleged to contain the actual body of a saint works powerfully in favour of the substitution of tomb for commemora- tive memorial in popular thought. In some cases when numerous alleged tombs2 of the same saint were shown, legend has evidently been called in to explain them. A saint claimed by the Nakshbandi, Hasan Baba,3 has seven tombs at various points in Rumeli. These, legend says, were erected by his disciples as ‘ blinds ’ when the saint was pursued by his enemies. The body of Sari Saltik, the Bektashi apostle of Rumeli, miraculously became seven bodies at his death, and each was buried in the capital of a separate kingdom, so that the seven tombs are found in as many towns, both of Islam and Christendom.4 Karaja Ahmed 5 is another of these mul- tiplied saints : his graves are found chiefly in western Asia Minor, and we may suggest that he represents the eponymous ancestor, or a series of chiefs, of a tribe bear- ing his name : though, as he has been merged into the Bektashi hagiology, it is more than probable that a more miraculous explanation is current. 1 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 660 : were these 4 birth-places9 sup- posed to be the places where the 'placentae of the heroes concerned were interred ? 2 Cf. Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans, pp. 19-20. In P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 89, Conder says the different tombs were sometimes supposed to represent 4 stations’ of the saint. 3 Below, pp. 356-7. 4 Below, pp. 430-1. 5 Below, pp. 404-5. XVI INVIOLABILITY OF SANCTUARY Introductory SAINT’S grave and its immediate surroundings are sacred and inviolable. Even after a casual dis- covery of a supposed saint through the fall of a wall, according to Professor White, ‘ no robbery or other depredation may be committed there, and if a grove is near by its trees cannot be cut For such inviolability there is a precedent from the source of Islam. Moham- med himself prescribed that a radius of twelve miles round the holy city of Medina should be held inviolate : no game should be killed in it, no trees cut, and no murder or act of violence committed.2 Among rough communities the inviolability of a saint’s precinct may be used for the protection of person and property. Sir Mark Sykes noted an instance of this in Kurdistan, at the pass of Hasan Ghazi, which he says is ‘ named after a Kurdish saint whose tomb is there. The Djziey Kurds hold him in great reverence and deem it a merit to be buried there; the graveyard is a refuge from feuds and robbers: no one who flees thither will be slain, and any person may leave his goods there without a guard in perfect safety. The sincerity of this extraordinarily accommodating belief is proved by the fact that the whole graveyard is littered with odds and ends, cradles, bales of cotton, bags of rice, stocks of firewood, doors, rafters, fencing, wattle, hurdles, pots and pans, left by various persons who have gone on journeys or removed owing to the temporary abandonment of the villages.’ з 1 2 3 1 In Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 155. 2 Burckhardt, Arabia, ii, 220. 3 Dar-ul-Islam, p. 189 ; similar sanctuaries (makams) in Syria, Pales- 238 Inviolability of Sanctuary It will be recalled that a somewhat similar use of a sanctuary on Lampedusa, violation of which rendered departure from the island impossible, is mentioned by- several authors of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- turies. This is of special interest as the inviolability of the place was respected both by Christians and Moslems.1 § I. Sacred Trees and Groves We have seen that one of the prohibitions of the sacred territory of Medina refers to the cutting of trees. This prohibition is sometimes applied very strictly to the trees near saints’ graves. In the grave enclosure of Helvaji Dede at Constantinople grow a cypress, a plane, and a laurel. These are never cut, and even when the branches fall they are not removed.* There are a great many instances of small groups of trees or ‘ sacred groves ’ which must not be cut. These are sometimes to be considered religious, as connected with Mohammedan (or Christian) saints, sometimes secular, as a form of tree-worship. It is often impossible to say whether the sacredness of these groves is primi- tive and their connexion with saints evolved from it, or whether it is secondary and due to their proximity to saints’ graves. This is a dilemma which must often meet us in other fields. Instances of these sacred groves are : I. At Sandal, a Turkish (Kizilbash ?) village near Kula in Lydia. Here the antiquity of the tabu is certi- fied by a Greek inscription.3 tine, and elsewhere are mentioned by Baldensperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 215 ; Conder, ibid., Q.S. for 1877, PP· 89, 91 ; Warren, ibid., Q.S. for 1869, p. 300 ; Schumacher, ibid., Q.S. for 1888, pp. 138, 160, 163 ; Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 95, 525 ; Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. 1880, p. 346 ; Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, p. 322 ; Petachia, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii, 302 ; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, pp. 5, 300, 305 ; G. E. White, in Mosl. World, 1919, pp. 10-11. 1 See above, pp. 46 ff. and below, pp. 755 ff. 2 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 174. 3 Tsakyroglous in Movaelov, 1880, p. 164, no. τλβ'. Sacred Trees 239 2. At Ebimi, a Kizilbash village in Pontus, a small eminence is crowned with a grove of pines never cut. There is a panegyris, with the usual sacrifice of a sheep in May.1 The grave of a saint, Buyuk Evliya, is said to exist there.2 3 4 5 The site was, in antiquity, sacred to Zeus Stratios, but the connexion is probably fortuitous. 3. At Tulum Bunar (on the Kasaba line) Oberhum- mer found a similar grove connected with the tekke óf Jafer Ghazi.3 The list could probably be added to indefinitely.4 Taylor remarks that the sacred groves of the Kurds are mostly poplar and connected with the names of Mohammedan saints.5 The cult of sacred groves in Circassia seems to be highly developed.6 7 Similar groves also exist among the Yezidi of the Jebel Siman in Syria.7 These may be important in the pre- sent connexion on account of the possible connexion between the Syrian heterodoxies and those of Asia Minor. Christian parallels for these sacred groves are to be found : 1. In Albania at Tepelen. Here, in a Mussulman country, a Christian saint’s tabu still protects the grove.8 9 2. In Greece, on the Euripus, a grove of S. George is noted which avenged the cutting of its trees by the death or wounding of the cutter.9 3. In Asia Minor, at Tashna (Pontus), is a grove sacred to Elias.10 1 Perhaps 23 April (O.S.), the day of Khidr—S. George. * Cumont, Stud. Pont. ii, 172. A similar sacred hill with trees exists near the Kizilbash village of Bajileh (ibid., p. 187). 3 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 398· 4 At Seïdeler local women prevented Choisy from cutting a switch from a willow in the village square (Choisy, Asie Mineure, p. 199). 5 InJ.R.G.S. XXXV (1865), p. 41. 6 Spencer, Purkey, Russia, and Circassia, p. 383. 7 Mel. Fac. Or. (Beyrut), ii, 367 (Jerphanion). 8 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 222. 9 Walpole, Travels, p. 70. 10 Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 129. 240 Inviolability of Sanctuary 4. In Cyprus a grove of Zizyphus Spina Christi is dedicated to S. Catherine : the site may have been anciently sacred to Aphrodite. This grove is cut for the Easter bonfire.1 * з * 5 The exception to the prohibition in favour of a ritual use in this last example is charac- teristic and ancient.* Similarly, trees on Mohammedan saints’ graves are used for ritual purposes. For example, the leaves of the laurel which grows on the tomb of Joshua on the Bosporus are used for the fumigation of sick pilgrims.3 Leaves from the laurels on the grave of Deniz Abdal are similarly used for the sick. But a carpenter who removed some branches from the tree without such motive, though ordered to do so by the guardian of the tomb himself, fell from the tree during the operation and was in bed for months after.·* § 2. Protected Animals—Game For the game tabu at Medina we may compare in Asia Minor the protection of wild birds on the moun- tain in Cappadocia named after and sacred to Tur Hasan Veli,5 and of the wild sheep on the hill of the saint Fudeil Baba near Konia.6 Dire consequences attended the killing of the latter except for the purpose of sacrifice. Deer in general are more or less sacred animals. Gazelles, roedeer, and stags must not be 1 Magda Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern, p. 38 ; Max Ohnefalsch-Richter in J.H.S. iv, 115. Cf. another case in Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 318. * Cf. the inscription which I published in J.H.S. xxvii, 66 (13), and in Cyzicus, vi, 54. Compare the Cedars of Lebanon, for which see d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 415 ; La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 71. з F. W. H. * Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 134. 5 Id.y Fr ad. de Г Asie Mineure y p. 217. 6 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 670. Similarly, the Christian saint Mamas of Cyprus keeps the number of moufflons up to seven hundred, and it is dangerous to hunt them on his day (M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern, p. 162). Hare Tabu 241 hunted on account of their close connexion with der- vish saints. Dervishes are supposed to take the form of deer, and ascetics are said to have tamed them and lived on their milk.1 A dervish named Geyikli Baba is said to have been present at the siege of Brusa riding on a stag.1 Their skins and horns are frequently found in turbes.з In Pontus stags built the enclosure of a saint’s grave.* We may here conveniently discuss the tabu against the hare which exists among the Albanian Bektashi sect and elsewhere. The explanations given are various. Some say that the soul of Yezid, the wicked caliph who was responsible for the murder of Hasan and Husain, passed into a hare ; 5 others that the secretary of the Prophet had a cat which was changed into a hare.6 Macedonian Bektashi say that, being all blood and with- out flesh, it is not to be eaten.7 The Bektashi of Cap- padocia say that Ali himself kept a tame hare as others keep cats ; they call the hare on that account 6 the cat of Ali ’ and treat it with particular respect.8 Another explanation given by the Kizilbash of the tabu is that by a miracle of Ali the caliph Omar was turned into a woman and bore two children ; when Omar resumed his sex, his children were turned into hares, which are on this account sacred to the Kizilbash.9 The Bektashi 1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 10 ; F. W. H., below, pp. 460 f. For the superstition as to killing deer in practice see L. Garnett, Greek Folk-Songs, p. 86, note ; Baker, Fur key in Europe, p. 378. Stories of dervishes and deer in both the above connexions are given below, pp. 460-2. 2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 24. 3 See p. 231. 4 Prof. White, in Mo si. World, ix, 11. 5 Brailsford, Macedonia, p. 246. 6 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 234 ; there seems to be a confusion here between the word for secretary (Taziji and the name of the caliph Yezid. 7 M. M. H. 8 Crowfoot, J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx, 315. Dr. Hogarth kindly in- forms me that in Iraq the * cat of Ali ’ is the maneless lion. 9 H. Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 152 ; it will be noted that this profane story is told at the expense of one of the caliphs not re- cognized by the Shias ; the miracle of the transformation, however, is 3*95·* R 242 Inviolability of Sanctuary Albanians explain the hare tabu by a story that the wife of a dervish wiped up some impurity with a cloth and put the cloth in a hollow tree. A hare sprang out and left the cloth stainless, being thus the incarnation of the impurity.1 Most of the legends thus make the hare accursed rather than sacred ; but the existence of both ideas side by side is interesting and not incompatible with primitive thought. In practice certainly the hare is abhorred. The Bektashi will not eat it and, if their path is crossed by one, turn back.* An Albanian kavass in one of the consulates at Monastir is said to have threatened to leave because a hare was brought into the house.3 A shop-keeper in Constantinople found that the keeping of a tame rabbit at once lost him his Bektashi customers.* I have not been able to find that Christian Albanians have any feeling against eating hares,5 but the Shia tribes of Asia Minor share the prejudice,6 held to All’s credit. In de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things about Per- sia, p. 272, there occurs a similar story in which Omar is transformed into a bitch, has six puppies, and goes through humiliating experiences. The story in the text is evidently one of a series of scurrilous tales cir- culated to discredit the hated caliph, who ousted Ali. The unbelieving sultan El Hakim was changed into a woman and bore three children (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 198). 1 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 235. 1 Ibid., p. 234 ; cf. Gédoyn’s Journal, p. 55, where a story illus- trating this is told of a Janissary : the connexion between the Janis- saries and Bektashi is well-known. In Algeria it is unlucky to see a hare running away from you (Prignet,  travers VAlgérie, p. 74). 3 From Mr. W. H. Peckham, formerly H.B.M.’s consul at Uskub. 4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, pp. 7f. Cf. de Vogüé, Hist. Orient., p. 198. 5 Cf. the story in Bérard, Turquie, p. 308, where a hare crosses the road : Bérard’s Christian Albanian servant crosses himself, but his Bektashi Albanian curses the hare heartily ; cf. also p. 73. Greeks think it unlucky : cf. Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 339. 6 For the Takhtajis of Lycia, who consider that bad souls are meta- morphosed into hares (or turkeys) after death, see von Luschan, in Benndorf, Lykien und Karten, ii, 201 ; for the Nosairi see Dussaud, Nosairis, p. 93. Ibn Batuta (tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 353) notices that the Hare Tabu 243 as do the Persians.1 Certain of the wandering tribes of Persia do not scruple to eat hares, but it is conr sidered pagan and barbarous on their part.* So far, then, the tabu on the hare seems to be religious and peculiar to the Shia forms of Islam.3 But it should be noted that the Christian Armenians are no less averse to the hare than the Persians.4 This may be due to.Persian influence, but the same point of view is shared appa- rently by the Georgians, who are much less exposed to such influence.5 Sinope people eat it, but that the Shia Rafidhites of the Hejaz and Iraq do not. 1 Chardin, Voyages, iv, 183 : 4e lièvre leur est défendu. . . . Les Persans ne peuvent pas seulement entendre nommer le Lièvre, parce qu’il est sujet à des pertes comme les femmes.’ Cf. Tavernier, Rei. of the Seraglio, p. 28. * Malcolm, Hist, of Persia, ii, 432. 3 For Sunni Moslems the hare is not unclean, though it is forbidden by the Mosaic law * because he cheweth the cud but divideth not the hoof ’ (Levit. xi, 6). The hare is among the figures of animals in syna- gogues (Kitchener in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 124). 4 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 395 : ‘ They account it a sin to eat Hares, and their flesh is almost as abominable to them, as Swines-flesh to a Jew or Turk. I have asked them the Reason for it ; to which they replyed, that a Hare was a melancholy Creature, and there- fore unwholesom ; besides it was accounted unlucky, and portending evil to any man who met one, and moreover that the Female was monthly unclean ’ {cf. Tavernier, loc. cit.). Cf Villotte, Voyages, p. 536, who says neither Armenians nor Jews eat it. 5 Cf. Sir Dudley North’s anecdote of a Georgian slave brought to England : ‘ A maid servant, provoked by his leering at her, laid a fresh rabbit-skin cross his face ; which was such a pollution that he ran straight to the pump, and they thought that he would never have done washing ’ {Lives of the Norths, ii, 151). Few Damascus Christians will eat it (Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 54). In the Ukraine and among modern Greeks it is considered a creature of the Devil (Dähnhardt, Natur sagen, i, 153). The position of the tabu may therefore be set out thus : the Bektashi in general abhor it ; Christian Albanians eat it ; while Bektashi Albanians abhor it, so that in Albania the ban on it seems to be a Bektashi importation. Among Christians, the Armenians avoid it, while the Greeks eat it. A transformation of Buddha into a hare is recorded (Baring Gould, Curious Myths, ist series, pp. 203-4). R 2 244 Inviolability of Sanctuary § 3. Sacred Fish The fish of sacred springs and rivers are sometimes protected in a similar way by religious scruple. In- stances of sacred fish in Turkish lands appear to be rare. The best-known example is to be found in the fish kept in the fountain of the Shamaspur tekke near Alaja in Paphlagonia.1 Fishes are or were also kept in the foun- tain of the Ulu Jami at Brusa.2 A Christian parallel is to be found in the well-known sacred fish of Balukli near Constantinople.3 Here the fish have no real reli- gious significance and are merely a peg to hang folk- stories on. For the full understanding of the veneration of sacred fish we must look farther east. In Syria particularly sacred fish have received extraordinary honours from ancient times to our own. There Xenophon 4 saw river- fish which were ‘ regarded as gods ’ by the inhabitants, and a pool full of fish sacred to the Dea Syria at Bam- byke is noticed by Lucian.5 This particular pool seems to have lost its religious significance,6 but the well- 1 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 403 : ‘ a beautiful fountain of clear cold water in a deep marble basin, in which were many fish, apparently a species of carp H. J. Ross, Letters from the East (1856), p. 243 ; Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 36. The fish mentioned by Hamil- ton (i, 98) at Mohimul near Taushanli may also have been sacred. Cf Calder, in J.R.S. ii, 246. 3 Evliya, Travels, ii, 6 ; Texier, Asie Mineure, i, 65. 3 For the popular stories regarding these fish see Carnoy and Nico- laides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 54 ff. From the historical notices of the foundation collected by the priest Eugenios ÇH Ζωοδόχος Πηγη καί та Upà αυτής προσαρτήματα, ρρ. 15 ff.), it appears that the fish are not an original but a comparatively late feature of the sacred spring. I note in passing that a Christian ay asma containing sacred fish is to be found at Gemlek (Bithynia) at the church of Panagia Pazariotissa. For the fish of a cursed place see Polîtes, ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς, no. 62. 4 Anabasis, i, §§ 4, 9 ; cf. Rubens Duval, in Journ. Asiat, viii, ser. xviii, 230 ff. 5 De Dea Syria, 483. 6 Hogarth, in B.S.A. xiv, 187 fiF. ; G. L. Bell, Amurath to Amurath, p. 21. Sacred Fish 245 known fish-pool of the Mosque of Abraham at Urfa is probably a direct survival from antiquity.1 Other in- stances of sacred fish-pools are to be found at Tripoli,' and elsewhere.3 Similar tabus in favour of river fish within a certain distance of saints’ tombs are found at Susa, the burial-place of Daniel,“* and in Kurdistan.5 Robertson Smith 6 is probably right in considering the Syrian instances of sacred fish as survivals of’a much earlier stratum of religious thought. The divinity of the waters was conceived of as a fish,7 the inhabitant of the waters, just as earth gods are thought of as snakes which live in the ground. The fish-divinities are eventually 1 The first modern writer to mention it seems to be an Italian mer- chant (c. 1507 : see Italian Travels in Persia, ed. Hakluyt Soc., p. 144). See also Barkley, Asia Minor, p. 254 ; Buckingham, Trav. in Mesopo- tamia, i, in ; Warkworth, Diary, p. 242 ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, и, i, 160 ; Tavernier, Voyages, p. 68 ; Olivier, Voyage, iv, 218 ; Sachau, Reise in Syrien, p. 197 ; S. Silvia, ed. Geyer, p. 62 ; Thévenot, Voyages, iii, 141 ; de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, p. 218 ; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 330. 2 Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, pp. 58 f. : these sacred fish are protégés of the convent of Sheikh Bedawi. See further d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 390-1 ; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 166 ; Kelly, Syria, p. 106 ; Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 130 ; Soury, Études sur la Grèce, p. 66. 3 Sam, near Aintab (Hogarth in B,S.A. xiv, 188) ; Acre ? (Balden- sperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 212). The fish called sallur may not be fished in the lake of Antioch (Dussaud, Nosairis, p. 93). Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie, ii, 330, 137) notices, besides the sacred fish at Urfa, others at Diarbekr (cf Garden, in J.R.G.S. xxxvii, 1867, p. 186) and at Salchin, near Antioch, also at Shiraz ; the last are under the protection of Sheikh Zade. For Palestine see Wilson and Warren, Recovery of Jerusalem, pp. 349, 352 (cf. Kitchener, in P.E.F., Q.S, for 1877, p. 122), 376. See for Bartarza in Mesopotamia Sykes, Dar-ul-Islam, p. 151. 4 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 240 ; cf. below, p. 301. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 179 (village Osmudum Sultan at the source of the Euphrates). 4 Umudum Sultan the Saint, who is buried here, pro- tects these fish, so that it is impossible to catch them.’ They were red with green spots and could be caught below. For the similar tabu on the fish of Elisha’s spring near Jericho see d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 204. 6 Religion of the Semites, pp. 174 ff. 7 For an Anatolian river-god represented as a fish see Anderson, in 1899, p. 76. 246 Inviolability of Sanctuary anthropomorphised through an intermediate fish-tailed form. The sacred fish may therefore be conceived of a's (1) a god or saint, or (2) the protégé of a god or saint. In secular folk-lore we find the corresponding conceptions of (1) the magician-fish 1 (often the ‘ king of the fishes ’) and (2) the bewitched fish,1 the former having power of its own, the latter acting as the famulus of a magician or higher power. The magician-fish or king of the fishes may presumably be propitiated as the ‘ king of the serpents ’ is to-day at his castle in Cilicia.3 The sacred fish of Syria seem to receive more venera- tion than would be accorded to mere protégés of the saint and to be regarded in some vague way as manifesta- tions of the saint himself. Febvre, speaking probably of Syria, says : * Ils ont une espece de respect & de veneration pour les poissons de certains lacs & fontaines, où qui que ce soit n’ozeroit pescher, si ce n’est pas de nuit & en cachette, le plus secrètement qu’ils peuvent ; ce qui fait qu’ils s’y multiplient en très-grande quan- tité, & qu’il y en a de monstrueux. Ils les appellent Checs [î. e. Sheikhs] qui est la qualité qu’ils donnent à leurs principaux Religieux, & leur allument la nuit des lampes par devotion.’ 4 At the Shamaspur tekke in Turkey the fish are fed with eggs by the guardian, and one is pointed out as the 1 For magic fish in folk-lore see Cosquin, Contes de Lorraine, i, 60 ; Hartland, Perseus, i, 24 ; Legrand, Contes Populaires Grecs, p. 161. 2 As in the well-known Arabian Nights’ story (the first in Burton’s edition). The Orthodox fish of Balukli are of the same sort with a touch from the ‘ Well of Life ’ legend cycle. 3 Langlois, Cilicie, ρ. 469 ; cf. Davis, Asiatic Turkey, p. 75. A con- fused echo from Constantinople is given in Carnoy and Nicolaides’ Folklore de Constantinople, p. 160. 4 Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 35 ; cf Jessup, Women of the Arabs, pp. 296-7, who says one black fish at Tripoli is the sheikh of the saints, whose souls are in the fish of the pool. Death is supposed to follow the eating of these fish, but the sceptical Jessup experimented without any untoward results. During the Crimean War many of the fish went off under the sea to Sebastopol and fought the infidel Russians, some re- turning wounded. Fish in Folk-Lore 247 * sultan ’ ;1 whether the word is used in its political sense (for the ‘ king of the fishes ’) or as a religious title is uncertain. Popular thought is probably hazy on this as on many other such points ; the main idea present in the mind of a pilgrim to the shrine is that anything closely connected with a holy place is infected with the sanctity of the place, has potential influence, and may be propitiated. It is hardly necessary to renlind the reader that living things as such are more regarded in Islam than by Christendom considered as a whole. To benefit even a fish connected with a saint is meritorious, and some vague idea that the fish the saint may have filtered in through dervish teaching as regards the trans- migration of souls and the unity of nature. But the pre- sent popular attitude with regard to the sacred fish does not of course preclude the possibility of their worship antedating that of the human saint Husain Ghazi on this spot. In the folk-lore of the Near East fish have two roles : they are finders or, though dead and even cooked, they fall into water and revive. Solomon had a talismanic ring which he used to entrust to one of his servants on going to the bath. A devil one day stole this ring from her, took Solomon’s shape, and supplanted him, throw- ing the ring into the sea. A fish swallowed it so that, on the fish being caught and opened, the ring was found, and Solomon recovered his kingdom.* In another story a fish finds a key. The king Armenios unwittingly com- mitted incest so retired from the world, binding his feet with a chain which he padlocked : the key he threw into the sea. After some years a deputation, which was seeking a suitable monk for patriarch, found the key in 1 Ross, Letters from the East, p. 243. » Sale’s Koran, p. 342, n. The story of Polycrates is another instance of the same sort. Goldziher (Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 309) says the Egyptian and Syrian Nevruz commemorates the finding of Solomon’s ring. Further, see Goldziher, loc. cit. ii, 273. 248 Inviolability of Sanctuary a fish and so recognized the monk as Armenios, who thus became patriarch.1 Numerous secular folk-stories Repeat the motif\ An allusion to the revival of a dead fish occurs in the Koranic story of Moses5 search for Khidr. Joshua, ser- vant of Moses, was carrying a cooked fish in a basket : at the rock where they were to find Khidr, the fish leapt from the basket into the sea. Joshua, washing soon after at the Fountain of Life, chanced to sprinkle a little of the water on the fish, which at once revived.2 In one of the Apocryphal Gospels the Infant Christ revives a salt fish by putting it into a basin of water.3 The motif is copied in the original legend of Balukli. A Thessalian pilgrim in search of health arrived dead at Balukli, then a famous place of healing. A salt fish his companions had brought fell into the pool and came to life. The dead man did the same.* The story is found at Tripoli of Syria in a slightly different form : a der- vish was frying fish, but had fried them only on one side when they sprang from the frying-pan into the fountain of Sheikh El Bedawi and came alive again : their descen- dants still bear on one side the marks of frying.5 This is x Amélineau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, i, 184. * Sale’s Koran, ρ. 222, nn. e and g. 3 Nativité de Marie in Migne’s Diet, des Apocryphes, i, 1078. Egyptian tradition makes the Infant Christ revive a roast cock (Migne, Évang. de VEnfance, in Diet. des Apocryphes, i, 976 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 805). The cock reappears at Santo Domingo de la Calzada. A man was hung for thirty-six days, at the end of which time he was found innocent. The authorities said it was useless to take him down, and that they might as well expect the roast fowls on the table to revive. The fowls did revive and their descendants are still shown at Santo Domingo (Baumann, Trois Villes Saintes, pp. 150 fï.). The story is given, with parallels from Brittany, by Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iii, 251, citing A. Nicolai, Monsieur Saint Jacques de Compostelle. For a photograph of the fowls at Santo Domingo see frontispiece, voi. ii. 4 This story is already in the Byzantine authors. 5 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 390 f. Survivals of Fish Worship 249 the tale now current of Balukli and told either of Con- stantine or of a monk.1 With regard, therefore, to sacred fish the positiori may be summed up as follows. Urfa is very likely a true survival, its sanctity being documented almost con- tinuously from antiquity, and it has most probably in- fluenced other places in its radius. An intermediate stage is marked by the fish at the tomb of Daniel.1 The river in which he is supposed to be buried at Susa is tabu for fishing a certain distance up and down stream in his honour.3 Others, such as the sacred fish of Afiun Kara Hisar 4 or of Shiraz,5 derive their sanctity from their association with a holy place. Balukli has in all prob- ability no connexion with a survival of fish worship. 1 Polîtes, ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς> nos. 31-2 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de
Constantinople9 pp. 54 ff. Possibly the whole thing starts from an orna-
mental fish-pond after the oriental manner ; cf. the ‘ piscinae Sala-
monis 9 in Fabri, Evagat. ii, 185 ; the round fountain mentioned by
Kitchener in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 122 (also by Wilson and Warren,
Recovery of Jerusalem, p. 352) ; Gregorovius, Wander jahre, iii (Sici-
liana), p. 95, mentions a fish-pool made at Palermo for an Arab king’s
pleasure ; he cites others at Zitza (loc. cit., p. 93) and at Cuba (loc. at.,
p. 92). It will be remembered that the palace of Pegai was at Balukli.
Naturally something a little out of the way like goldfish would be put
in such a pool. Later, when the pool had become considered an ayas-
ma, it was easy to bring in the imagery of the Virgin as the Fountain of
Life (the πηγη Σιλοάμ, an idea which occurs in the οίκοι της Παναγίας)
and of Christ as a fish, with all the dependent ideas (a fish was ap-
parently used in Holy Communion by certain sects). S. John mentions
an almost ritual meal of fish and bread after the Resurrection, which is
not given by the synoptics, who all have the Last Supper omitted by
S. John. Later still, two strata of legend formed to explain the fish
at Balukli, the earlier being the Thessalian given in the text and the
other the modern Balukli legend. This miracle is supposed to have
taken place at the capture of Constantinople, but it would be surprising
to find a monk cooking fish at Balukli, if the Turkish Army were before
the walls. a See below, p. 301.

3 Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, ed. Asher, i, 117 ff. ; Carmoly,
Itinéraires, p. 459.

4 Calder, in J.R.S. ii, 246 (a nameless dede protects these fish).

5 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 137 (Sheikh Zade protects the fish).
XVII

CULT OF THE DEAD

THE great Turkish pilgrimages and holy places are
ccfmmonly tombs or cenotaphs of saints and heroes,
who are popularly conceived of as having the power of
intercession, particularly when invoked at their graves.1
The procedure with regard to saints’ tombs is greatly
illuminated by the practices actually or formerly in
vogue with regard to graves of the ordinary dead.

The popular belief in a kind of life in the grave for
some days after death is sanctioned by orthodox prac-
tice. Immediately after burial the khoja stays by the
grave and instructs the dead as to the cardinal points of
his religion : the soul thus seems considered as not yet
dispatched to the other world. It is further held that
the dead are catechized in the grave by a good and an
evil spirit,2 the latter trying by blows dealt with a red-
hot hammer to induce the dead man to deny his faith.
A bad Mussulman, to whom Paradise is denied, suc-
cumbs to this treatment, whereas a good Mussulman is
enabled to resist it. These c tortures of the tomb ’ are
so far part of the official faith that they are mentioned
in the khoja?s prayers for the dead.3 It is generally
believed that the souls of the dead are detained for forty
days in the neighbourhood of the grave, and that the
reading of the Koran there is beneficial to them, since
it assists the archangel Gabriel to defend them against
the devil.*

1 Jews also invoke the dead, see Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 182 (quoted
below, p. 257, n. 1) and p. 243.

* Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 265, for their names (Munkar and
Nakir). 3 D’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 239.

4 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 142.

Food Offerings 251

In conformity with this belief in a life in the grave,
the relations of the dead are accustomed to resort to the
tomb in order to pray for his soul, reciting especially thé
fatiha or opening chapter of the Koran.1 It was also
formerly the custom to leave food on the tomb,2 the
original idea being, as we shall see from the procedure
at some saints5 tombs, that the dead actually partook of
it. Less credulous ages explained the custom as being
devised to enable the deceased to exercise a vicarious
charity to men (graves being commonly on frequented
roads) and beasts, and to stimulate the human partici-
pants in the posthumous charity to pray for the soul of
the deceased.3 The sinkings in the covering slabs of
Turkish graves were doubtless intended originally for
the deposit of these offerings, though their purpose is
now said to be to collect rain and dew for the birds to
drink, the same principle of vicarious charity being

1 According to Kremer (Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams,
p. 303), this reading of the Koran is a substitute for sacrifice to the
dead. At the upper end of Arab graves there is an opening through
which the prayers and blessings of the relatives reach the dead (ibid.).

2 At Elbassan in central Albania Bérard found that Christians had
left food on tombs (Turquie, p. 46). In this connexion Mrs. Ro-
manoff’s description of the Russian funeral feasts is interesting (Rites
of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 249).

3 Cf. Georgewicz, House of Ottomanno, p. E III vso : 4 They often
resort thither [i.e. to the tombs] in wepinge and mournynge and cer-
taine infernali sacrifices layde on the monumente, as bread, fleshe,
cheese, Egges, milke, and the banket continewinge by the space of nyne
dayes, accordynge to the Ethnicke Custome, it is al deuoured, for the
disceased soûles sake, eyther by Pismares and the birdes of heauen or
poore people * ; Sandys, Travels, p. 56 : 4 [Turkish women] many
times leave bread and meat on their graves … for Dogs and Birds to
devour, as well as to relieve the poor, being held an available alms for
the deceased * ; Thévenot, Voyages, i, 19a : 4 Le Vendredi plusieurs
apportent à boire et à manger, qu’ils mettent sur le tombeau, et les
passane y peuvent manger et boire avec liberté. Ils font cela afin que
ceux qui y viendront, souhaitent la bénédiction de Dieu à celui pour
l’amour duquel on fait cette charité ’ ; cf. also Gerlach, Tage-Buch,
p. 157 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 342.

252 Cult of the Dead

alleged in support of the usage. Similarly, the perfora-
tions commonly made in grave-slabs may have been
provided originally for pouring drink offerings for the
dead. Both sinkings and perforations are now often
used for planting flowers and small shrubs in.

Life in the grave,1 though only dimly imagined in the

.1 A barbarous belief in life in the grave appears widespread in Mo-
hammedan countries. Eyyub at Constantinople proved his presence
by sticking his foot out of his tomb (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de
Constantinople, p. 156). Niebuhr cites several cases from Arabia
(Voyage en Arabie, i, 255, where the sainted Ahmed puts his hand out
of his grave ; ibid, ii, 243, where Abdal Kadir hurls his clogs at some
brigands). At Damascus Pambuk Baba claimed to be a prophet, which
people denied on the grounds that he was a Kurd and no Kurd ever
was a prophet. To prove his sanctity he protruded his foot from his
grave, and the ritual now is to wrap this foot (?) in cotton wool (F. W. H.
from Husain Efendi of Chotil in Macedonia). In a Moslem ceme-
tery at Cairo the dead several times in the year left their graves for a
day, sinking back into them at night (Fabri, Evagat. iii, 47 ; cf. Théve-
not, VoyageSy ii, 459; de Maillet, Descr. de Г Égypte, ii, 205). De
Brèves (VoyageSy p. 273) relates the same story, saying he had heard it
told by both Christians and Moslems ; in his account the miracle took
place on Good Friday only, which suggests a comparison with Matt.
xxvii, 52 (‘ And the graves were opened ; and many bodies of the
saints which slept arose ’). Two secular parallels occur in Kunos,
Forty-Four Furkish Fairy F ales, pp. 13, 189-90. In the former a hand
emerges from a grave to terrify a fearless man ; in the latter a mother
extends her hand to comfort her daughter, an idea found also in the
Moslem tradition that Rachel spoke from her grave to comfort Joseph
weeping at being led captive into Egypt (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes,
p. 1139; cf· Spiro, Hist, de Josephy p. 40). In western Christendom
there is found what seems at first sight to be a derivative from the
East, but has probably evolved quite differently. A shepherd boy, born
with only one hand, is miraculously given another, dies in the odour of
sanctity, and after his death protrudes the God-given hand from his
tomb (Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, p. 277). There may
be contamination with the oriental story, but more probably the idea
arose from a hand-reliquary in the form of an arm and hand upright
in the act of benediction. Such hand-reliquaries are called ‘ mains
angéliques ’ or c manus de caelo missae \ On coins of Edward the
Confessor a ‘ main angélique 9 issues from clouds in the act of blessing.
It is to be noted that in many places it is customary to place such

Life in the Grave 253

case of ordinary people, is to some extent considered
characteristic of great saints and great sinners.1 Thus,
the falling of an old wall is sometimes held to indicate
the presence of a buried saint who turns in his sleep.2
On the other hand, signs of life in a tomb may be held
to show that its occupant is unquiet on account of his
sins.3 Sir Dudley North tells us that 6 the Turks have
an opinion, that men that are buried have a sort of life
in their graves. If any man makes affidavit before a
judge that he heard a noise in a man’s grave he is by
order dug up and chopped all to pieces ’.4 Michele
Febvre gives a definite example of this belief and prac-
tice. Cries were alleged to have been heard from a
certain tomb. The local governor, having heard of it,
had the corpse exhumed and decapitated, whereupon
the cries ceased.5 Any accidental circumstance might
confirm this belief, as the following anecdote shows :

‘ The merchants of Smyrna, once airing on horseback,
had (as usual for protection) a janizary with them.
Passing by the burying place of the Jews, it happened
that an old Jew sat by a sepulchre. The janizary rode
up to him and rated him for stinking the world a

reliquaries on the tomb of the saint concerned at his festival. This
would naturally generate the notion of the saint sticking his hand out
of his grave. The barbarous Moslem traditions probably originate in a
country such as Arabia, where the dead are buried in graves so shallow
that exposure of their remains is only too easy and frequent a pheno-
menon.

1 A dead saint can on occasion embarrass the living. Saint Ismail
Milk once gave a beggar who asked him for alms a written order on the
Governor, duly sealed, for a hundred crowns* worth of stuff ; since that
date no one has been allowed to approach the saint’s tomb (Niebuhr,
Voyage en Arabie, i, 301-2).

* White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 155.

3 The ambiguity is exactly paralleled by the popular Greek belief
as to saints and excommunicated persons. The bodies of both classes
do not putrefy but remain intact : see below, p. 456.

4 Lives of the Norths, ii, 147.

5 Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 28.

254 Cult of the Dead

second time, and commanded him to get into his grave

again.’1

The restlessness of the sinful dead might also be
manifested less crudely. Wheler at Constantinople

‘observed one Turbe with the Cuppalo, covered only with a
Grate of Wyer ; of which we had this Account : that it was of
Mahomet Cupriuli, Father to the present Vizier . .. concerning
whom, after his Decease, being buried here, and having this
stately Monument of white Marble, covered with Lead,
Erected over his Body ; the Grand Signior, and Grand Vizier,
had this Dream both in the same night ; to wit, that Cupriuli
came to them, and earnestly beg’d of them a little Water to re-
fresh him, being in a burning heat. Of this the Grand Signior
and Vizier told each other, in the Morning, and thereupon
thought fit to consult the Mufti, what to do concerning it ;
who according to their gross Superstition, advised that he
should have the Roof of his Sepulcher uncovered, that the Rain
might descend on his Body, thereby to quench the Flames tor-
menting his Soul.’1

Some forms of restlessness in the grave are thus con-
sidered characteristic of sinners, others of saints. All
the dead alike are thought to have a vague and shadowy
life in and about their graves, especially during the forty
days after burial. At all times the cemetery is a mysteri-
ous borderland of the spirit-world, where miracles are
apt to occur since they are half looked for, or at least
readily accepted, by those who devoutly visit the graves
of their relations. It is thus possible for a dead man to
become a saint posthumously, if certain phenomena
considered characteristic of the resting places of saints,
in particular luminous appearances, occur at his tomb.
Certain popular saints seem, indeed, to have acquired
their reputation merely from the alleged miraculous
consumption of food left at their tombs, which, as we
have seen, was in more credulous times probably con-

1 Lives of the Norths, ii, 14.7.

г Wheler, Journey into Greece, pp. 182 f.

Turkish Canonization 255

sidered neither miraculous nor extraordinary. Such
was Kara Baba at Athens,1 * 3 4 and such is Jigher Baba at
Monastir : the latter is propitiated with liver (Jigher)
which is said to disappear in the presence of the sup-
pliant.1 The practical distinction, therefore, between
the ordinary pious dead and the more or less recognized
saints becomes purely a matter of miracles. Onc.e vindi-
cated by a miracle, any tomb may claim the honours of
a saint’s.

One of the main differences between saints of Islam
and those of Christendom lies in the fact that the cult
of the former is independent of central authority and to
a certain extent considered by the orthodox as heretical
or at least equivocal.3 Whereas in the Greek Church
sacred spots are associated with the name of a saint in
the official church calendar, or, as in the case of neo-
martyrs’ graves, are consecrated by the authority of
bishop or patriarch,1* the cult of Turkish saints is purely
popular in origin and development, and its organization
so far as this exists, comes rather from the dervish orders
than from the more strictly orthodox clergy. The

1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 30$.

3 F. W. H. A similar tale is told of the Bektashi saint, Haji Hamza
at Kruya (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 223).

3 So Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 268. In 1711 a young fanatic
at Cairo tried to put down saint worship (ibid., p. 33$).

4 Similarly, the canonization of a Roman Catholic saint depends
ultimately on the Pope’s sanction : see Hutton, English Saints, p. 163,
for Henry VI (cult forbidden by Edward IV on the plea that the Pope
had not authorized the canonization), ibid., p. 234 (formal canonization
of S. Alphege delayed), ibid., p. 272 (Robert Grosseteste failed to be
canonized, owing probably to the Pope’s hostility). Joachim de Flor
(Acta SS. 7 May) has a local cult but is not canonized (Migne, Diet, des
Apocryphes, ii, η. 242). Maury (Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 341) says that
canonization was by bishops until 1179, when the Pope became the
only source ; Joan of Arc was canonized for her hallucinations, but
Thomas Martin was only ridiculed for his regarding his mission to
Louis XVIII in 1816 (Maury, op. cit., p. 347, citing the Relation con-
cernant . . . Thomas Martin par S., anc. magistrat, Paris, 1831).

256 Cult of the Dead

saint’s name is immaterial : in many cases it is not
known, and he remains to the end either ζ the Baba ’,

4 the Dede ’, and so on, or, where differentiation is
necessary, he takes a name derived from some attribute
as Kara Baba (‘ Black saint ’), Kanbur Dede (‘ hump-
backed saint ’), Geyikli Baba (‘ Stag saint ’). Many so-
called 4 dedes’ and 4 babas ’, as we shall see, were never
féal persons but began their religious existence as vague
spiritual beings or even less. The line therefore be-
tween 4 religion 9 and 4 folk-lore ’, always vague, is in
Turkey unusually ill-defined. But the presence of a
tomb, whether cenotaph or no, is felt to redeem the
cult from paganism, since the veneration of the sainted
dead is to some extent sanctioned by Mohammedan
tradition. As to the position of orthodox Islam in
theory and actual practice in regard to the cult of the
dead, I cannot do better than quote the following pas-
sage from Gibb’s Ottoman Poetry :1

6 Although not countenanced by the Koran, the practice of
visiting the tombs of holy men is common in Muhammedan
countries. The object of these pious visitations varies with
the intellectual status of the pilgrim. The most ignorant mem-
bers of the community, more especially women of the lower
classes, go there in order to implore some temporal or material
favour (very often a son), and sometimes these even address
their prayers to the saint himself. Persons somewhat higher in
the intellectual and social scale look upon such spots as holy
ground and believe that prayers offered there have a peculiar
efficacy. The better educated among the strictly orthodox
visit such shrines out of respect for the holy man and in order
to salute the place where his remains repose. The object with
which the mystics make such pilgrimage is that they may enjoy
what they call muraqaba or ‘ spiritual communion 9 with the
soul of the holy man. The pilgrim in this case fixes his heart or
soul wholly on that of the saint, the result being that it ex-
periences an ecstatic communion with this in the Spirit World,
whereby it is greatly strengthened and rejoiced on its return to

1 i, 180, note 2.

Prayer at the Grave 257

the earthly plane. It is not, we are expressly told, because the
soul of the saint is supposed to linger about his tomb that the
mystic goes thither for his muraqaba ; but because it is easier
for the mystic to banish all outside thoughts and fix his heart
wholly and exclusively on that of the saint in a place which is
hallowed by associations with the latter.’

A lively and instructive commentary on the above is
furnished by Covel’s adventure at Eski Baba·, where
a famous Moslem saint, reputed the conqueror of the
town, is venerated.

‘ He lyes buryed,’ says our author, ‘ in St. Nicholas’s church.
… It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great saint
amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his
tomb we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles,
and presented them to an old woman that looks after it, and
shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in distress to
do it. The old woman told us : Yes, my sons, whenever you
are in danger pray to this good holy man and he will infallibly
help you. Oh fye ! sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly
commit sin, for he was a mortali man and a sinner as well as we.
I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and he
doth nothing ; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us ;
and so ended that point of Turkish divinity.’1

Though a man renowned in his lifetime for piety or
learning becomes after his death naturally and almost

1 Diaries y ed. Bent, p. 186. With these passages may be compared
Carmoly’s account (Itinéraires, p. 182) of Jewish belief in the cult of
the dead. ‘ D’après,’ he says, ‘ un usage assez antique, les Israélites
visitent les sépulcres dans un double but : l’un domestique, lorsque des
parents ou des amis vont pleurer leurs morts ; l’autre religieux, lors-
qu’ils visitent les tombeaux des patriarches, des prophètes ou des doc-
teurs de la synagogue. Chacun par ses prières, la face tournée vers la
ville sainte, recommande le défunt à Dieu et lui souhaite une heureuse
résurrection, ou implore l’assistance des héros de la foi. Car selon la
doctrine des rabbins, ce ne sont pas seulement nos mérites, mais aussi
ceux d’autrui, qui servent de moyens d’apaiser, de propitiatoire, et par
l’intermédiaire duquel nous nous réconcilions avec Dieu notre père.’
Carmoly adds that the most moving appeal that could be made to the
sainted dead was the recitation of passages from their own works.

3*95·1

S

258 Cult of the Dead

automatically a saint, it is, as we have seen, quite pos-
sible for a dead man of no particular eminence to enjoy
ä posthumous vogue, since the practical distinction of a
saint’s grave from another lies ultimately in its power
to work miracles.1 2

The ritual practices attached to a saint cult naturally
vary greatly from place to place : in some it is very
simple, in others apparently very complicated. But in
nearly every case examination reveals that the apparent
complication is in reality no more than an accumulation
of familiar elements, derived partly prayer for the
soul’s repose and tangible offerings) from the cult of the
ordinary dead, partly from secular magic : the ‘ magic ’
rites in turn are traceable to quite primitive and widely
spread ideas.

As prayers, and especially the fatiha or opening sen-
tences of the Koran, are regularly said for the repose of
the departed soul, so in the case of the sainted dead
prayer may be made as it were an offering and a means
of obtaining their intercession1 irrespective of the period
at which they died. Persons about to travel, for in-
stance, are recommended to touch the door of S. Sophia
which is supposed to be made of wood from the Ark,
and say a fatiha for the repose of Noah’s soul.3 The
dead may also be honoured, their intercession solicited,
or its efficacy acknowledged, by lighting candles on
their tombs, by repairing or adding to the tomb build-
ing, or by the establishment of foundations for perpetual
prayer and Koran reading at their tombs. A third
method of invocation (though it is made use of also in
other senses) is sacrifice or kurban.

The origins of this Semitic practice have been very

1 Similarly, English saints have been recognized as such merely in
consequence of miracles wrought at their graves : for examples see
Hutton, English Saints, pp. 136, 153-4, 155, 159 (Henry VI), 266 if.

2 White, in Mosl. World, 1919, p. il.

3 Cf. above, p. 10.

c Kurban 9 259

fully investigated by Robertson Smith, and do not here
concern us. In modern Turkish practice, which is oi
course based on wider Mohammedan use, it is considered
mainly as a vicarious sacrifice, a life given for a life
threatened or a life spared : it is essential that the
victim should bleed. Elaborate rules for the perfor-
mance of kurban are laid down by the Islamic code in
the regulations for the sacrifices of Kurban Bairam 1
and of the Pilgrimage. Sacrifice for life spared is made
after escape from danger 2 or the termination of a
dangerous business : it is usual on the return from the
Mecca pilgrimage.3 Sacrifice to arrest a threatened
evil is made during sickness,4 after ominous dreams,5
in times of danger, and to check fire or pestilence.6 It
may also be made at any critical period of life, as com-
monly at a boy’s circumcision 7 or a bride’s entry into her
new home,8 or at the commencement of any operation
regarded as critical or dangerous, such as the erection
of a building, the opening of a mine,9 a railway,10 or
tramway,11 the beginning of a journey or a war.12 In

1 At Kurban Bairam fanatical Moslems smear their faces with the
blood of sacrifice (Le Boulicaut, Au Pays des Mystères, p. иг).

2 De la Magdeleine, Miroir Ottoman, p. 56.

3 M. Walker, Old Pracks, ρ. Ι2ΐ.

4 De la Magdeleine, loc. cit. ; White, in Prans. Piet. Inst. xl (1908),

p. 232. 5 De la Magdeleine, loc. cit.

6 White, loc. cit., xxxix (1907), p. 155.

7 C. White, Constantinople, iii, 243.

8 G. E. White, in Prans. Vict. Inst., xxxix, 153. As an extreme case
of this sort, amounting almost to human sacrifice, may be cited the
case of two gypsies, who at the wedding of one of the sons of Ali Pasha
jumped from a high tower at Yannina, taking on themselves to be
scapegoats for Ali and his son. They were, as it happened, not much
hurt, and were pensioned off by the Pasha for their feat (Ibrahim Manz-
zour, Mémoires, p. 131).

9 White, ibid. For kurban at the digging of the Lemnian earth see

below, p. 675. For it at Armenian requiem masses see Boucher,
Bouquet Sacré, p. 434. 10 Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., p. 184.

11 As at the recent inauguration of the electric tramway at Pera.

12 White, in Prans. Vict. Inst, xxxix, p. 153. Before Rogers began to

2ÓO Cult of the Dead

this spirit Murad II, at the conquest of Satanica, sacri-
ficed a ram on first entering S. Demetrius,1 and former
sultans were wont to immolate whole flocks of sheep at
their coronation.2 In Persia particularly kurban is
performed on behalf of great men entering a town. Sir
Mark Sykes was complimented in this way at Altin
Kupru and notices that the sacrifice was so made that
the victim’s blood spurted over his horse’s hoofs.з
In these cases as in many others the sacrifice tends
to degenerate into a free meal,* since the victim is always
eaten and the great man complimented is expected to
pay for it : consequently he gains both the spiritual
benefit of a kurban made in his honour and the merit of
charity. It is this latter view of kurban as a meritorious
act which’must have given rise to the curious super-
stition recorded by Belon that animals sacrificed will
pray for their sacrificer in the Day of Judgement.5 The

excavate a large artificial mound near Damascus the people of the
neighbourhood told him that he would make no discoveries if he did
not ‘ first propitiate the Sheikh, whose tomb is on the top of the Tell,
by sacrificing a sheep in his honour ’ (Rogers, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869,
p. 44). Arabs make kurban with a kid to preserve their camels and to
ensure the luck of the journey in general : with the blood they make
crosses on the camels’ necks (Robinson, Palestine, i, 269).

x Ducas, p. 201 в.

2 Gerlach in Crusius, Turco-Gr cecia, p. 67.

3 Dar-ul-Islam, p. 192 : ‘ Just before entering the town I was subject
to a curious and interesting method of paying honour and extorting
baksheesh. A man darted forward and cut a sheep’s throat, so that the
blood spurted on to my horse’s hoofs, crying “ Avaunt evil ! ” The
explanation of this is that if ever a man of consequence should pass a
town an animal should be killed in the fashion described, so as to give
fate a life in lieu of one of the honoured person’s animals ; and the
gentleman in question is bound in honour to pay for the sheep, whose
flesh is distributed to the poor ’ ; cf also Walpole’s Travels, p. 230.
Samaritans at their Passover feast the official killers and daub children’s
and some women’s faces with the sacrificed lamb’s blood (Mills, Three
Months, p. 254). Are these women pregnant ?

4 Cf, Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 325.

5 Observations de Plusieurs Singularitez, iii, chap. vi.

6 Kurban 9 261

Shias of Pontus sacrifice to their saints regularly, not
only on extraordinary occasions, but ordinary Turkish
custom regards kurban as a mode of doing special hon-
our to a saint, generally in acknowledgement of benefits
received or expected.1

So far as my limited experience goes kurban in
honour of a saint is never performed on his grave or
inside his turbe. In some cases, as at the turbe of Ghazi
Baba at Uskub, a special sacrificial pit is provided to
receive the victim’s blood, with a wooden frame for
hanging and carving it.

From the Mohammedans this practice of kurban has
spread to the Christian races with whom they came in
contact ; this was aided by the Easter usages, derived
at an earlier period by the Christians from the Semites,
and on the other hand by pagan elements surviving,
especially on the folk-lore side, among Christians as well
as Mohammedans. Both Armenian and Greek Ortho-
dox Christians are familiar with the idea of apotropaic
bloodshed and the half religious consumption of the
victim.2

Prayer, care of the tombs, and sometimes kurban
may thus be regarded as the approaches to the favour
of the saints. The tangible results of their intercession
are thought to be obtained by means of certain ‘ super-

1 White, in Tran.s. Vict. Inst. xxxix, 154. Cf. the invocation of Aaron
when sacrificing a goat to him (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 430).

a For the practice among Anatolian Christians in general see White,
in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 154; Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 196 (Armenian sacrifice of cocks) ; Ains-
worth, Travels, i, 131 (Greek miners’ sacrifice of cocks to mine-spirits).
For sacrifices by the Orthodox in connexion with the Church see G.
Megas,in Λαογραφία, iii, 148-71 (sacrifice of bulb and goats by priest in
Thrace) ; cf. Polîtes, Παραδόσας, no. 503 (sacrifice to S. George at
Kalamata). Kurban seems formerly (in the sixteenth century) to have
been made inside Orthodox churches (Polîtes, in JcAriovcΙστορ. f2?rcu-
peίας, i, 106). The modern Greek word for sacrifice is ματώνω
(‘ bleed ’), emphasizing the importance of shedding blood.

2Ó2 Cult of the Dead

stitious ’ processes, notably ‘ bindings contact with
rçlics (especially earth from the saint’s grave), incuba-
tion, and circumambulation—all, be it remarked, com-
mon to popular Eastern Christianity as well as to popu-
lar Islam. As to ‘ binding ’, the common forms of the
ritual acts here included under the name of ‘ binding ’
are the tying of knots and the driving of nails (the ancient
dèfixio) : both acts typify and are thought actually to
bring about the transference of the suppliants’ ills from
himself to the object knotted or nailed. Binding with
this object is one of the commonest superstitious acts
all over the world, and is prominent among the secular
magic usages of Christians as well as Moslems through-
out the Near East. Knotted rags, threads, and shreds
of clothing are the commonest of all outward signs of
a popular cult in Turkey. The knot is tied to the most
convenient object on or in the immediate vicinity of the
grave.1 * 3 4 It is popularly believed that ‘ in proportion as
these rags rot and disappear, so will maladies decrease in
this world, or sins be effaced in the next.’г If a rag be
untied, the evils bound by the knot fall upon the untier .3
After tying the knot, the suppliant must go away with-
out looking back. There is probably some connexion
in the popular mind between rags and infectious di-
seases, since, when a migrant stork returns to a Turkish
village with a rag in his bill, an epidemic is prognosti-
cated.·*

The commonest medium in the curative rites classed
generally as contact with relics is earth from a saint’s
grave. Earth from graves is regularly, and apparently
throughout Islam, used for superstitious purposes. Earth
from the Prophet’s tomb at Medina is commonly brought

1 For the origin of rag-tying see e.g. Robertson Smith, Religion of
the Semites, pp. 317 f. For it in practice see e.g. Walsh, Residence, ii, 4.63.

* White, Constantinople у iii, 348.

3 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Ίταά. de VAsie Mineure, p. 196.

4 I hid. y p. 298.

S. Demetrius, Salonica 263

home by pilgrims,1 and cures are wrought with earth
from saints’ graves either by drinking it in water 2 3 4 or by
applying it to the part affected.3 Among the Shia Turks
of Pontus earth from graves is sprinkled on the fields
to prevent a plague of mice.* The water which collects
in the circular depressions regularly cut in tombstones
appears also to acquire miraculous virtues.5 A most
interesting account of the ritual at the tomb of S.
Demetrius, Salonica, is given by de Launay. His words
are as follows :

‘ Le Turc allume un cierge à la lampe . . . l’un des Grecs, qui
sait le turc, dit quelques mots au sacristain, et celui-ci prend une
longue ficelle ; il se baisse, il étend, le plus qu’il peut, ses vieux
bras raidis ; il mesure, dans un sens, la pierre du tombeau ; il
fait un nœud ; puis mesure dans l’autre sens et coupe.

To onoma, ton nom ? ” dit le Turc, qui vient de mesurer,
avec la ficelle, un des ornements du tombeau et a commencé, en
ce point, un nœud encore lâche. Il tient, en se courbant,
l’anneau, que forme la corde, sur le haut du cierge allumé et
attend qu’on lui réponde. “ Georgios,” répond le Grec ; et le
Turc, répétant “ Georgios,” serre le nœud dans la flamme ;
il fait remarquer au Grec, d’un air satisfait, que le chanvre n’a
pas brûlé.

‘ Une seconde fois il a mesuré, à la suite, le même ornement
et, renouvelant la même cérémonie, demande : u Le nom de ton
père, de ta mère ? ”—“ Nikolas, mon père ; Calliopé, ma mère.”
En répétant les deux noms, le Turc serre encore le nœud dans
la flamme. Puis il continue : “ Tes enfants ? ” Et, quand il a
fait ainsi trois nœuds soigneusement, il met la ficelle sacrée en

1 Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 160 ; Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 256 (dust
of the Kaaba sold for this purpose) ; see also below, pp. 684-5.

* Evans, in xxi, 203.

3 Turbe of Sahib Ata, Konia (F. W. H.), and doubtless elsewhere.
For the use of earth from saints’ graves for medicinal purposes see also
Seaman’s Orchan, p. 116 (Karaja Ahmed). The earth of the ‘ place of
the dragon ’ at Elwan Chelebi was used for fever (Busbecq, Life and
Letters, i, 170).

4 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 235, and in Most. World,

1919, p. 10. 5 See above, p. 210 and n. 2.

264 Cult of the Dead

un petit paquet, qu’il trempe dans l’huile de la lampe ; il ajoute
quelques parcelles de la terre du tombeau ; il enveloppe le tout
et le remet au Grec, qui paraît tout heureux. Il lui explique
d’ailleurs : “ Si tu es malade, toi, ton père, ta mère, tes enfants,
le nœud sur la partie souffrante et vous serez guéris.” Le Grec
se fait donner des détails, tâche de bien se rendre compte ; puis
la même cérémonie se répète pour son compagnon.’1

In this account note (1) the complete fusion of cults :
a Turkish dervish serves out magic to Christians in a
Christian church, which has been diverted to Moslem
use. Note (2) that the ritual is secular magic grafted on
a common fund of religious belief in tombs, earth from
graves, oil of sacred lamps, offerings of candles. The
secular part is composed of several well-known beliefs :
(a) μέτρον λαμβάν€ΐν, and (b) 6 binding9 of disease and evils2

1 De Launay, Chez, les Grecs de Turquie, pp. 183-4.

2 The interesting practice of ‘ binding ’ churches may here be
noticed. E. Deschamps describes the ritual fully as he saw it in Cyprus
(see Tour du Monde, 1897, pp. 183 ff.). His words are : ‘ En sortant
… je suis tout étonné de voir la base de la coupole entourée d’un cordon
blanc dont les extrémités pendent jusque sur le toit. J’avais vu un
gros paquet de cette mèche dans une anfractuosité de l’autre église S.
Marina et je questionnai les indigènes sur la raison de cette singulière
ceinture. . . . Un jour, un habitant du village vit en songe sainte
Catherine, qui lui annonça qu’il allait arriver un grand malheur, une
maladie terrible qui atteindrait tous les habitants. Pour en être pré-
servés, il fallait incontinent entourer chaque église d’un épais cordon et
les relier l’une à l’autre. Il fallait aussi que tous les habitants achetas-
sent ce même coton, qui n’est autre chose qu’une mèche, chacun pour
autant que ses moyens lui permettraient. Ce qui fut dit fut fait, et le
village passa à côté du malheur. Un jour le cordon cassa : les parties
qui entouraient les monuments restèrent à leur place, pourrissaient
lentement ; celle qui servait à les relier fut religieusement ramassée
et mise dans un trou du mur de l’église de Sainte-Catherine, où la pluie
en a fait un gâteau ’. Here what seems to have been the original pur-
pose of the rite, viz. defence against sickness, has been preserved, as
also in the cases cited by E. Deschamps, Au Pays d’Aphrodite, pp. 89-
90 ; A. J. B. Wace, in Liverpool Am. Arch., iii, 23 (at Koron, Greece) :
possibly also by Koechlin Schwartz, Touriste au Caucase (chain at
Tiflis). The ‘ cordon ’ which was run round the town of Valenciennes

S. Demetrius, Salonica 265

in general. As regards the first, the dimensions of a
thing have similar virtue to the thing itself. At Athens
the picture of S. John at S. John of the Column is
‘ measured ’ in the same way,1 while the measurement
(boi=stature) of a man may be used instead of a victim
for the foundation of a building.3 Note further (3) the
degradation of these two usages evinced by the second
measuring and especially in the knot. Strictly speaking,
a knot is not a holy thing, it is the action of tying which,
‘ binding ’ the evil, has the effect desired. Here, the

during a plague in 1008 was still preserved in 1820 and carried in pro-
cession round the town on 8 September, the anniversary of the miracle
(Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 323). The same method of
defence against a human enemy might also be employed ; during the
captivity of King John after the battle of Poitiers in 1356 the échevins
of Paris presented Notre Dame de Paris with a candle as long as the
enceinte of Paris ; this became a yearly offering until 1605 (Collin de
Plancy, op. cit. i, 302). In the West the idea of defence against trouble
seems largely lost : cf. de Quetteville, Pardon of Guingamp, p. 387 (‘ on
the day of the Pardon [at Huelgoat in Notre Dame des Cieux] it is not
unusual to see a votive offering in the shape of a girdle of wax, running
three times round the exterior of the church. I saw one subsequently
at the Pardon of the Mère de Dieu, near Quimper, but the string was
single. … A poor woman there told me . . . that she would gladly give
one on the following year if her prayers were granted 9 [to get her
daughter out of prison]. Sébillot (Folk-Lore de France, iv, 137) gives
instances from Paris, Chartres (cf. P. R., in Notre Darne, iv, 123), and
Quimper, saying it is, as might be expected, common in Brittany.
See also Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, pp. 256 ff. (Valen-
ciennes), 259 (Montpellier), 260 (Tournay), and on the whole subject
van Gennep, Religions, Mœurs, et Légendes (chapter on La Ceinture de
l’Église). 1 See above, p. 195.

a See below, p. 732, n. 5. A bath at Ephesus was haunted by the
spirit of a young girl who had been buried alive ‘ for luck 9 in the
foundations (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 767, cf. p. 862). After
Pittard had measured a number of gypsies in the Dobruja a monk from
a neighbouring convent terrified them by saying Pittard and his friends
wished to build a monastery across the Danube, beginning par y in-
staller des âmes dans ses murs. The measurement of their heads had had
this end in view. ‘ Leurs âmes allaient les quitter et passer le fleuve.
Ils les perdraient ainsi à jamais.’ See Pittard, Dans le Dobrodga, p. 131.

266 Cult of the Dead

evil to be bound does not yet exist, it is anticipated only,
the knot has become merely a sacred object in the second
degree, like any other object which has partaken of the
virtue of a holy place. The patient also is only antici-
pated. Lastly, (4) note that such mummery could be
varied ad lib. with an ignorant clientèle by the same or
succeeding dervishes. The only real essential is some
kind of hocus-pocus, the more apparently elaborate the
better, bringing in the tomb of S. Demetrius.

At other healing shrines various articles sometimes
said to have belonged to the dead saint are used for
cures in a similar manner. Typical is the shrine of
Sultan Divani at Afiun Kara Hisar, where the iron shoes
of the saint are worn for apoplexy.1 2 3 4 Similarly, at the
tekke of Husain Ghazi, at Ala ja in Paphlagonia, head-
ache is cured by leading the patient seven times round
the tomb and placing a string of beads on his head, each
of which is struck by a mace.* Both beads and mace, we
may be sure, are reputed those of the hero Husain. At
the tekke of Imam Baghevi at Konia contact with two

ancient worked stones is supposed to effect cures.3 Such
relics as these may be held to work miracles indepen-
dently of the presence of the tomb. Of this a good
example is the cup of Maslama at Arab Jami in Con-
stantinople, a drink from which is said to benefit mothers
in childbirth and nursing. 4

Further, a handkerchief or garment left in contact
with the tomb is thought to absorb the virtue of the
saint and becomes itself a secondary relic. This is the
procedure used at the tomb of Abu Sufian in the ‘ under-

1 Laborde, Aste Mineure, p. 65.

2 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 159.

3 F. W. H. : cf. above, p. 82.

4 D’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 285 ; Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολης, ii,
46-7. On the Christian side also similar beliefs exist, cf. Antoninus
martyr, De Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 25 (xxii), who drank fro bene-
dictione from the skull of the martyr Theodota.

(xiii) Hasan Demir Baba Pehlivan 5
Hasan Demir Baba Pehlivan lived four hundred years

1 Thévenot, Travels, in Harris’s Navig. Bibl. ii, 429 (voi. ii, 803, in
the Amsterdam 1727 edition). On Sheikh El Bedawi see further
below, pp. 663-70.

* Translated by Redhouse and published with his version of the
Mesnevi.

3 Discussed below, pp. 429 ff.

4 Hasan Pehlivan Baba, on whom see further below, p. 593.

5 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 535.

296 Saints and their Miracles

ago. He was a holy dervish, who was able to make water
gush from the most arid rocks, as he did at Krai Bunar,
his original dwelling-place, and in the gorge where he
built his tekke and his tomb. He was the father of the
seventy-two nations of the earth. One day a terrible
giant having drunk all the water of the army of the Czar
of Russia, the ally of Sultan Mahmud [1808 to 1839],
Demir Baba, killed the fearful monster, and the Czar
recognized this service by giving him 18,000 okes of salt
yearly. As the Russian armies were also suffering from
hunger, the dervish brought, in a sheet knotted at the
four corners, bread, hay, and barley, and lo ! when men
and horses had eaten, there remained over and above.
But when the dervishes sided against the sultan in
favour of the Janissaries, the true believers, Demir Baba
stopped sending victuals to the Russian Army. Ibrahim
Pasha, governor of the province, in his anger, would
have chastised the rebel. The latter escaped by scaling
a sheer rock. Converted by this miracle, the Pasha
ordered that the repose of the hermit should not be
disturbed. The tekke,however, suffered under the im-

pious reign of Sultan Mahmud, and it was abandoned
and neglected under Abdul Mejid. The springs dried
up, and this drought lasted thirty years. But the pious
Abdul Aziz confirmed the ancient rights of the sacred
place, and for the last four years the springs have again
flowed into the Danube.

The rough classification of religious legend here at-
tempted has some importance, if of a negative character,
for the student of tradition in its relation to history.
The story of Demir Baba, nearly unadulterated folk-
tradition, is obviously worthless historically on account
of the low intellectual calibre of its composers. The
half-sophisticated legend of Sari Saltik has been shown 1
to be quite as unreliable, as being £ edited ’ for the pur-
poses of propaganda. The Acts of the Adepts, a purely
1 In B.S.A. xix, 203 ff. ; cf. below, pp. 429 ff.

History from Legends 297

literary collection, was composed much less for histori-
cal purposes than for moral instruction : any historical
value it may have is derived from its early date, nearly
contemporary with that of the mystic philosophers it
celebrates. The result of the examination is thus a
serious warning against the use of religious legend as an
independent historical source.
XIX

OLD TESTAMENT SAINTS
§ I. Daniel

THE prophet Daniel is reverenced by Mohamme-
dans generally as the patron of occult sciences.1
His grave was shown at Susa at least as early as the
sixth century,2 з and is still a Moslem pilgrimage. Notices
of a second reputed tomb at Tarsus begin in the eigh-
teenth century. Lucas, who visited the town in 1705,
says :

4 Les Habitans assurent que c’est chez eux où est mort le
Prophète Daniel : j’entrai dans une Mosquée, sous laquelle on
pretend qu’il a été enterré. Les Turcs y ont mis sur une grande
tombe un cercueil de bois, qu’ils reverent ; et ils le font voir
euxmêmes, à ceux qui viennent, à Tarse, comme une rareté.
Ce cercueil est toûjours couvert d’un grand drap noir en
broderie.’ з

W. B. Barker, an old resident in Tarsus, gives the
following notice of the supposed tomb of Daniel :

‘ The Turks hold in great veneration a tomb which they be-
lieve contains the bones of this prophet, situated in an ancient
Christian church, converted into a mosque, in the centre of the
modern town of Tarsus. The sarcophagus is said to be about
forty feet below the surface of the present soil, in consequence
of the accumulation of earth and stones ; and over which a
stream flows from the Cydnus river, of comparatively modern

1 For Daniel’s book of prophecies see Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii,
188, and Polîtes, Παρα8όσ€ΐς, ii, 665 ff. ; see also ρ. 471, η. 4 below.

1 Theodosius, De Situ Terrae Sanctae, ed. Geyer in I tin. Hieros., ρ.
149 ; ed· Tobler, ρ. 359.

з Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 272 f. Haji Khalfa is silent. The legend of
Daniel in Cilicia at Shah Meran Kalesi (see below, p. 750,n. 1) is omitted
in Bianchi’s translation of Menasik-el-Haj (in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 103).

DanieVs Tomb at Tarsus 299

date. Over this stream, at the particular spot where the sar-
cophagus was (before the canal was cut and the waters went over
it) stands the ancient church above mentioned ; and to marie
the exact spot of the tomb below, a wooden monument has been
erected in the Turkish style. [This monument is covered with
an embroidered cloth, and stands in a special apartment built
for it, from the iron-grated windows of which it may occasion-
ally be seen when the Armenians take occasion to m^ke their
secret devotions ; but generally a curtain is dropped to hide ft
from vulgar view, and add by exclusion to the sanctity of the
place]. The waters of this rivulet are turned off every year in
the summer in order to clear the bed of the canal. … It is
a curious coincidence that the supposed tomb of Daniel the
Prophet at Susa is said to be, like the one above described, under
a running stream.’1

The mosque in question is, according to Langlois,
called Makam Jami, or, in full, Makam Hazreti Daniel:2
the same author distinguishes it from the Ulu Jami,
which is said to occupy the site of the church of SS.
Peter and Sophia з and stands, like the mosque of Daniel,
in the middle of the town. Cuinet seems to identify
the Ulu Jami and the mosque of Daniel.4

It is evident that the association, late so far as we
know, of the name of Daniel with the tomb of Tarsus
must be connected in some way with the Susan sane-
tuary.5 The latter, which is still an important Moham-
medan pilgrimage, is situated on the eastern bank of the
Shaur river.6 We are comparatively well informed as

1 Lares and Penates, pp. 17 f. 3 Cilicie, p. 329.

3 Ibidp. 317. The present building dates from a.d. 1385 (ibid.,

p· w)·

4 Turquie d’Asie, ii, 47-8 : 4 Dans [la mosquée] nommée 44 Oulou-
Mekami Chérif-Djamissi ” la tradition place le tombeau du prophète
Daniel \

5 This connexion is simple, see below, p. 303.

6 A plan is given by Loftus in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. v (1856), to face
p. 422, a view by Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse, pi. 100. For the
tomb of Daniel at Susa see Jewish Encycl. iv, 430, s.v. Daniel, Tomb of ;
for details of its legendary history Asher’s edition of Benjamin of

Зоо Old Testament Saints

to its history. It is first mentioned by Theodosius
about 530. According to the translation by Mustawfi
(r. 1300) of Ibn Asim (f 735) the coffin of Daniel was
found in the palace of the Persian governor when Susa
was taken by the Arabs (640) : it was said to be that, of
a holy man from Iraq, who had been summoned thence
by the Susans in a season of drought. The Arab general,
acting bn orders given by Ali, turned the river of Susa
temporarily from its bed and buried the body there ;
‘ The waters of Sus now flow over the body of Daniel.’ 1
Benjamin of Tudela (late twelfth century) gives an
entirely different version. In his time the sepulchre of
Daniel was in front of one of the synagogues, but the
coffin was afterwards removed and suspended by chains
from the middle of the bridge over the river. The
reason for this is given as follows : the possession of the
coffin of Daniel was supposed to bring prosperity to the
Jewish quarter of the town which originally possessed
it. The poor quarter on the other side of the river,
therefore, requested that it should be given to them
temporarily, and eventually it was arranged that the
coffin should be yearly transferred from one side of the
river to the other.2 Sanjar Shah of Persia (d. 1158),
considering the arrangement derogatory to the Prophet’s
remains, had the bridge measured and suspended the
coffin by chains from the exact middle, ‘ and the coffin
of Daniel is suspended from the bridge unto this very
day. The King commanded that in honour of Daniel
nobody should be allowed to fish in the river, one mile

Tudela, i, 117 ff., and for its present state Ouseley, Travels, i, 420 ;
Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, pp. 416 ff. ; de Bode, Travels in Lauristan,
ii, 190; Rawlinson, in J.R.G.S. ix (1839), pp. 69, 83 ; Layard, in
J.R.G.S. xvi (1846), p. 61. Cf. Carmoly’s Itinéraires, pp. 489 ff.

1 From Ouseley’s translation in Walpole’s Travels, p. 429.

2 Similarly, the body of Joseph brought prosperity to the bank of
the Nile on which it was. To prevent the desolation of the other
bank, it was finally buried in the river (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes,
ii, 424).

Daniel’s Ίοηώ at Susa 301

on each side of the coffin.51 Mustawfi, in the thirteenth
century, describes the tomb of Daniel as standing west
of the river : in his honour none of the fish in the riveï
were ever molested by man. Medieval tradition gener-
ally asserted that Daniel’s grave was in the bed of the
river and that the Mosque of Daniel marked the nearest
point to his supposed grave.3

The discussion in detail of these stories related by Ihn
Asim in the eighth, and Benjamin of Tudela in the
twelfth, century need not detain us. For our purpose
two facts are important, viz. the supposed burial of
Daniel in the bed of the river and the preservation of
the fish.3 Both these suggest an original river cult,
though both are explained as due to historical persons
by nearly contemporary authors.

The sole link with Tarsus is the fact that both ‘ tombs
of Daniel ’ are supposed to be in river-beds, and this is
probably more than a coincidence. Down to the thir-
teenth century, when Tarsus was under the Christian
kings of Armenia, the chief, if not the only, Moslem
pilgrimage in the city was the grave of the caliph
Mamun who, dying in 833 at Podandus (Bozanti), was
carried to Tarsus and there buried ‘ on the left hand
side of the Friday Mosque ’, which seems under Ar-
menian rule to have been the church of SS. Peter and
Sophia in the middle of the city.* This grave was still 1 * 3 4

1 Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, ed. Asher, i, 117 ff. The account
of the coffin suspended from the bridge is confirmed by the contem-
porary Rabbi Petachia (Tour du Monde, tr. Carmoly, in Nouv. Jour. As.
viii, 1831, p. 366). Asher’s note on Benjamin of Tudela’s Itinerary, ii,

152, cites the tenth-century Ibn Haukal as mentioning the coffin of
Daniel. г Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 240.

3 Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 459, says the fish are preserved a bowshot
up and down from the bridge for Daniel’s sake and a particular fish is
fed for the royal table. Carmoly is quoting Jichus Ha-Abot (a. d. 1564),
ed. Uri de Biel ; Uri, however, places the tomb at Bagdad.

4 See Willebrand of Oldenburg, in Allatius, Σνμμικτα, i, 137 ; cj\
below, pp. 698, 702.

302 Old Testament Saints

known in 1225 ;1 in 1705 1 the tomb of Mamun is not
mentioned and that of Daniel replaces it as the Moslem
cult of the town.

The circumstances of Mamun’s death,з as related by
a tenth-century Arab historian, were curious. At Po-
dandus was a stream of very cold water, so clear that the
legend of a coin thrown into it could be clearly read.
Mamun saw in the stream a fish which he desired should
be caught and cooked for him. The fish was caught,
but managed to slip back into the water, splashing the
caliph as it did so : the caliph shivered, and, when the
fish was again caught, was unable to eat it : he died
shortly after.4 Whether the story is true or not, it
seems clear that the stream at Podandus was sacred.
The coin thrown in was probably an offering : 5 to catch
the fish was a sin and Mamun suffered accordingly.

It is surely more than a coincidence that we find
much later the incident of the fish transferred to Tarsus
itself, where the caliph was buried,6 and the place recog-
nized as under the protection of the Whether

from confusion of the Tarsus river with that of Bozanti
(to some extent explicable by the fact that the road
from Tarsus through the Taurus passed Bozanti) we

1 The date of Yakut’s Lexicon, quoted by Le Strange, E. Caliphate,
P· I?3*

1 The date of Lucas’s visit to Tarsus. з See below, p. 696 f.

4 Not, however, as Ramsay, because the water (Geog. Journ. xxii,
1903, p. 392) or the fish was poisonous, since it is not recorded that he
drank the one or ate the other. On sacred fish see above, pp. 244-9.

5 For this world-wide practice see Frazer’s note on Pans, i, 34 (4) ;
for Asia Minor see V. de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, p. 173. Niebuhr
{Voyage en Arabie, ii, 281) records that the Yezidis are reported to
throw gold and silver into a cistern at Sheikh Adi in honour of their
saint and compares the Jebel Sinjar practice.

6 For Mamun at Tarsus see Haji Khalfa, tr. Norberg, ii, 360.

7 Otter, Voyage, i, 67, note : ‘ Гоп montre à Tarsous un endroit que
l’on dit être à la garde des Génies, & à cette occasion l’on fait ce conte ;
qu’un jour le Khalif Meémoun se promenant vers ce lieu, etc.’ [follows
the incident of the fish].

Daniel and the Caliph Mamun 303

cannot tell, but evidently the fish of the river of Tarsus,
like that of Susa, were considered sacred. The location
of Daniel’s tomb at Tarsus probably rested on its two
similarities to that at Susa : (1) that it was in a river
and (2) that the fish in this river were preserved. To
these must be added a third factor, viz. the likeness of
the last syllable of ‘ Tarsus ’ (Tersûs) to the name of
Susa (Sûs), where lies the traditional grave of Daniel,.1
Is it too much to assume that the great Moslem pil-
grimage of the thirteenth century and the great Moslem
pilgrimage of the seventeenth were identical, i.e. that
the * tomb of Daniel ’ is in reality the tomb of Mamun ?

§ 2. Joshua

The veneration of Joshua by Mohammedans is due
particularly to an obscure reference to him in the fifth
book of the Koran (‘ The Table ’). Commentators,
drawing on Jewish sources,2 tell in this context the story
of the Twelve Spies, of whom only two (Joshua and
Caleb) were faithful in keeping secret the gigantic
stature of the inhabitants of Jericho, to the end that the
Israelites might not be unduly depressed. The incident
of the staying of the sun till Joshua had made an end of
slaying 3 is also recorded, with the addition that the day
of the victory was a Friday, on which account Joshua
was unwilling to prolong the slaughter, since by so do-
ing he would break the Sabbath.·*

His position in the Mohammedan world being thus
assured, many tombs of Joshua are pointed out in the

1 This suggestion comes to me from a learned Mohammedan of Tar-
sus through Mrs. Christie.

a Cf. Num. xiv, 6. 3 Cf.Josh. x, 12.

« Sale’s Koran, p. 76, note ; d’Herbelot, Bibl. Orientale, s.vv. Jo-
schova, Falasthin. Clermont-Ganneau heard the legend told near
Jericho of some ruins called the ‘ City of Brass ’ because it had seven
brass walls. The hero is the imam Abu Taleb, whose grave is near the
ruins. The tale includes the staying of the sun (Clermont-Ganneau,
Pal. Inconnue, p. 61).

304 Old Testament Saints

lands of Islam.1 But the only ‘ tomb of Joshua ’ re-
corded in the Turkish area is the well-known sanctuary
on the summit of the Giant’s Mountain Dagbf

now more commonly Yusha Dagh), on the Asiatic shore
of the Bosporus.3 This has generally been identified,
but on insufficient evidence, with the Greek ‘ Bed of
Herakles ’ and more vaguely with the tomb of the giant
Amykos, slain hereabouts by Pollux in the course of the
Argonautic expedition. On general grounds it is prob-
able that we have here to do with a site associated from
very ancient times with some sort of cult, since the
mountain in question is conspicuous and commands a
wide view, especially of the entrance to the much-feared
Black Sea. It is therefore marked out as a place of rain-
making and weather-survey,+ and the constant inhabita-

1 Five reputed tombs are shown in Palestine, according to Le Strange
(Palestine, pp. 337,404,425,496,531). There areothers in North Africa
(R. Basset, Nédromah, pp. 74 ff.) and at Constantinople ; to the last we
shall return later.

1 Walsh, Constantinople, i, 293. Jebar is the Arabic for the Persian
dev, the giant or monster of the Turkish folk-tales.

3 The tomb of Joshua is mentioned by the following authors besides
those cited below : Comidas, Descr. di Costant., p. 79 ; E. D. Clarke,
Ίravels, ii, 441 ; Andréossi, Constantinople, pp. 326 ff. ; Hammer,
Cons tan tinopolis, ii, 288 ; Fontanier, Voyages en Orient, p. 25 ; Gren-
ville Temple, Ίravels, ii, 77 ; B rayer, Neuf Années à Constantinople,
pp. 133 f. ; Constantiniade, p. 183 ; Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολή, ii,
203 ; Skene, Anadol, p. 16 ; Sestini, Lettres, iii, 464 ; Goldziher in
Z.D.P.V. ii, 13-17. None of these, however, adds materially to our
knowledge.

4 Walsh {Journey, p. 23) states clearly that the mountain was so used
in his day, a dervish on the summit signalling the approach of rain
clouds in time of drought and doubtless invoking them by his prayers.
‘ A dervish ’, he says, 4 stands on the top . . . and when he sees a cloud,
he announces its approach. I one day climbed to the same place, and
saw the dervish on the watch, and, 44 I looked towards the sea, and be-
held a little cloud rising out of the sea, like a man’s hand, and gat me
down that the rain stopped me not ”. In effect, it immediately fol-
lowed.’ Such another weather-saint is Yaghmur Baba (‘ Rain-
Father ’), for whom see Ainsworth, Travels, i, 143, and Barth, Reise,
p. 82.

‘Joshuas Tomb o the Bosporus 305

tion of the district and fréquentation of the strait by
shipping would naturally give it a double vogue.

The mosque and tomb of Joshua stand on the summit
of the mountain in a grove of trees. The mosque is
modern and in no way remarkable. Adjoining it on the
south side is a walled enclosure containing the alleged
grave, which is about sixteen metres long, enclosed in
a stone coping, and planted with trees and’ shrubs.
Several trees and a railing at the north end are hung
with threads and rags against fever, and the leaves of
a bay tree near the other end are used for the fumiga-
tion of fever patients.1 Around it are the houses of the
(Nakshbandi) dervishes in charge of the sanctuary. They
say that a turbe was once built over the grave, but the
saint ‘ did not accept it ’ and it fell down.1 Beneath the
mountain in the valley of Beikoz are the tomb and grave
of Joshua’s (anonymous) standard-bearer, who himself
revealed the site to a dervish.

The first mention of a religious establishment on the
mountain is in the middle of the seventeenth century.3
Galland, who made the ascent in 1672, found then ‘un
Turc seul avec sa femme, lequel nous dit qu’il estoit là
pour garder ce lieu qui est un Tekié ou monastère
nommé “ Joucha peyamber ” : c’est à dire Josué.’ ♦
Wonderful accounts of the prodigious size of the buried
prophet were current then as in our own day.5 The

1 For this fumigation (with olive leaves) cf. Halliday, in Folk-Lore,
xxiv, 357. It is probably no more than a coincidence that a laurel with

magic properties grew from the grave of Amykos (Schol. in Apoll.,
Argonautica, ii, 59). 2 3 * 5 See above, p. 228.

3 Evliya, Travels, 1, ii, 73. ‘ People ascend the mountain of Josue to
visit his tomb . . . there is a convent and some fakirs attached to it.’
Cf. Haji Khalfa, Djihan пита, tr. Norberg, ii, 490 : ‘ Sepulcrum
Juschae gigantis . . . cui plurimum religionis tribuitur \

* Journal, ed. Schefer, ii, 128.

5 Ibidp. 133 : ‘ Joucha doit avoir esté un furieux géant ; car, les
barreaux que l’on a faits pour l’environner ne viennent que jusques à
son ombilic, le reste de son corps venant se terminer vis-à-vis un arbre

3295*i

X

306 Old Testament Saints

idea of gigantic dead and gigantic graves comes from the
folk-lore side,1 and is based primarily perhaps on the
conception of a mountain as a grave-mound,2 reinforced
in some cases by the discovery of megalithic remains or
fossil bones. The giant of Turkish, as of other, folk-lore
is generally conceived of as ‘ black ’ or hostile.

A mosque was built in connexion with the ‘ tomb of
Joshua ’ in 1755 by the grand vizir Mohammed Said,3
who was also responsible for the restoration of the
* Mosque of the Leaded Store ’ ( Jamt) at

Galata, in which alleged tombs of Arab warrior saints
were discovered by the contemporary Nakshbandi sheikh

qu’une vieille femme nous monstra.’ Cf. Temple, Travels, ii, 77.
Walsh (Constantinople, i, 294) was told that the grave contained only
the foot, Prokesch only the heart, of the prophet.

1 Cf. the legend of Digenes Akritas’ tomb in Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐς,
no. 131 ; Nebi Os ha in Burckhardt, Syria, p. 353, and Kelly, Syria,
p. 446; Noah in Browne, Nouveau Voyage, ii, 244, and in Kelly, Syria,
p. 95 ; Arba at Hebron, in Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 242 ; Seth in Stan-
ley, Sinai, p. 414. According to the Christian way of thinking, gigantic
stature is characteristic, not of saints, but of ‘ men of old time ’,
especially warriors, who are rarely canonized : Roland, for instance,
remains secular. The whales’ bones at Rhodes are attributed by
Greeks to Digenes (see Chaviaras in Λαογραφία, i, 278), who is again the
paladin type ; a gigantic sword at Brusa was attributed by Franks to
Roland (Belon, Observations de Plusieurs Singularités, III, xlii ;
Thévenot, Voyages, i, 282) and was afterwards associated with a Turkish
dervish warrior-saint (cf. Evliya, Travels, ii, 24, and p. 230, above).
Probably the grave of ‘Antenor’, still to be seen in a street of Padua,
was so named from a discovery of gigantic (i. e. fossil) bones (see Hasluck,
Letters, p. 42). Turks, in contrast to Christians, readily believe in
gigantic saints : Sidi Battal, warrior and saint (below, pp. 705-10 ff.),
was gigantic ; many of the dervishes in religious folk-lore were, or by
their arts could become, gigantic. This is part of the general vagueness
of their division between hagiology and folk-lore, a division vaguer even
than it is in the West. If the Turks find fossil bones, they attribute
them either to a saint or to a dragon. In the former case they bury
them, it being considered indecent and impious to keep the dead above
ground (see above, p. 45, n. 5).

* See above, p. 99 ; cf. Grosvenor, Constantinople, i, 214.

3 Jardin des Mosquées, tr. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 108.

Joshua’s Tomb on the Bosporus 307

Muradzade Mohammed.1 As the present foundation
at the ‘ tomb of Joshua ’ belongs to this same order, it
is not improbable that the same combination of dervish
and minister was responsible for the work undertaken
here.

The author of the Jardin des Mosquées differentiates
the Joshua of the Bosporus clearly from the Jpshua of
scripture (‘ the Joshua buried in this place is not the
prophet, but another holy man’). On the other hand,
a writing which existed till recently at least in the
mosque insists on the identity of the two saints, and
appears to transfer the scene of Joshua’s victory from
Canaan to the Bosporus. A translation of this writing,
given by Walsh,2 runs as follows :

‘ Here is the place of his Excellency Joshua, the son of Nun
(Usha-ben-Noon), on whom be peace, who was not of the
priests but of the prophets. Moses, on whom be peace, sent
him against the Greeks (Roum). Now while his Excellency
Joshua, on a certain day, fought with this nation, in the first
battle the sun went down on account of the Greeks, but while
he was fighting the sun rose again after it had gone down, and
the Greeks could not be saved. They saw this miracle of his
Excellency Joshua the son of Nun, on whom be peace, and at
the time, had he taught them the Faith, they would have re-
ceived it.3 Should any one, either male or female, deny it,
there is in this holy temple a history : let them look to that,
and believe that he became a prophet. The end.’

In Cuinet’s version of the text are appended the
author’s signature and date—‘ Djeziré Moustafa Chakir
Hâfez de Chypre des successeurs de l’émir Vasif, en l’an
1231 [1815-16] ’. The name Djeziré suggests that the
author was of Algerian origin, which perhaps accounts
for his insistence on the identity of the Bosporus Joshua

1 See below, p. 728.

2 Constantinople, i, 294. Λ French version is given by Cuinet,
Turquie (VAsie, iv, 618, apparently from Timoni, Promenades, p. 73.

3 Cuinet has ‘ lorsqu’il leur proposa la vraie foi, ils l’acceptèrent \

X 2

3o8 Old Testament Saints

and the son of Nun. Of the Algerian tomb of Joshua it
is related that a native who once expressed doubt as to
its authenticity was punished1 by the saint himself, who
appeared to him in a dream, ordered him to put out his
blasphemous tongue, and burnt it, the culprit dying
three days after.2

The priginal relation between Joshua and the giant
was evidently that of victor and vanquished. The
grave itself was probably at first considered the grave of
a wicked giant з slain by Joshua, afterwards that of
Joshua himself. A hint of the transition is preserved in
the legend that after Joshua ‘ had conquered the Pro-
mised Land [or the Land of Rum ?], God granted him
as his earthly reward the privilege of living, dying, and
being buried here.’* Somewhat similarly, in the legend
of Sari Saltik, the cave of the dragon slain by the hero
becomes the dwelling-place or the burial-place of the
hero himself.5 We may suspect, but cannot prove, that
the grave of Amykos became the ‘ bed of Herakles ’ in
some such way.

1 For the punishment by God of offence given to saints see Gold-
2iher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 278.

2 For the Algerian tomb of Joshua and its legends see R. Basset,
Nédromahy pp. 74 ff. ; like that on the Bosporus, it is represented as
too small for the saint’s body.

3 In Turkish folk-lore several tombs of wicked giants are recorded.
In his Travelsy ii, 115, Evliya thus describes the tomb of the wicked
giant Balaam on the Egerli Dagh near Erzerum : * I saw on the top
a large tomb, on which I first said a fatihah, and, having measured it
by my steps, I found it eighty paces in length, with two columns,
which marked the situation of the head and the feet…. Ja’afer Effendi
of Erzerum . . . warned me not to visit this place any more, because it
was the grave of Balaam, the son of Baur, who had died an Infidel by
the curse of Moses.’ For the grave of a wicked giant on the Bithynian
Olympus cf. Hammer, Brussuy p. 86 ; cf. Pardoe, City of the Sultansy ii,
83 ; Evliya, ii, 17, says the giant ‘ Sa’dan ’ took refuge there from
Hamza.

4 Grosvenor, Constantinople у i, 213. 5 Below, p. 435.
XX

KORANIC SAINTS

§ I. The Seven Sleepers

I HAVE discussed elsewhere1 the development of‘the
Forty ’ in Near East folk-lore and religion. * Forty ’
is in the first place a mystical number which plays an
important part in magic and ritual. This number is
connected with certain groups of persons, including
both saints and secular figures, by Christian and Moham-
medan alike. The Christians have a predominating
‘ Forty ’ group in the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste.

The ‘ Seven ’ group is on a similar footing.1 Here
again we have a mystical number applied to certain
groups of persons, with the important difference that
the prototype is a group recognized officially in the
religion of both Christian and Mohammedan, the Seven
Sleepers of Ephesus, or ‘ Companions of the Cave ’.

In the case of the Forty we have seen that caves and
crypts, if sufficiently large or elaborate, or containing a
quantity of human remains, tend to be associated with
Forty Saints. In the case of the Seven, who are in the
original legend closely associated with a cave, the sug-
gestions of the same combination point inevitably to

1 In B.S.A. xix, 221-8 ; cf. below, pp. 391-402.
a According to the Synaxaria the less important Christian groups of
seven saints are : (1) the Seven (female) Martyrs of Angora (18 May),
(2) the Seven (female) Martyrs of Amisus (Samsun), who are probably
derived from the above (18 March), (3) the Seven Martyrs of Chaldaea,
of whom the Synaxaria give no details, (4) the Seven Martyrs of Cor-
cyra, who were thieves converted in the prison by SS. Jason and Sosi-
pater (28 April), (5) the Nine Maccabees (father, mother, and seven
children), who are sometimes regarded as a Seven-group (1 August).
A church of the Seven Martyrs is cited at Bor in Cappadocia (Rott,
Kleinas. Denkmp. 371 ; Grégoire, in B.C.H. 1909, p. 142).

310 Koranic Saints

the identification of suitable caves and crypts with that
of the Seven.1 2 3 4 5 We shall consequently find that, especi-
ally on the Mohammedan side, identifications of the
cave of the Seven Sleepers are numerous.

According to the Greek Menologia,* the ‘ Seven
Sleepers endangered by the persecution of Decius,
escaped to a cave on a mountain and prayed to be
delivered from the chain of the body and to be saved
from the Emperor. They then gave up the ghost and
remained dead, the cave being sealed up by Decius,
for three hundred and sixty-two years. At the end of
this time, in the reign of Theodosius, the cave was dis-
covered and its occupants awoke from their long sleep at
the moment when the Resurrection was being discussed.
The cave was eventually their final grave.з

In Greek times a similar legend was related of the
half historical Epimenides.·» In Christian legend the
sleep of S. John 5 in his tomb at Ephesus was firmly
believed in during the Middle Ages.6 7 The Seven
Sleepers legend is of course early and widely spread.
It occurs first in a Syrian version before a.d. 522 7 and

1 Cf. the Jordan cave with cells for seven virgins (Antoninus martyr,
De Locis Sanctis у ed. Toblcr, p. 15, xii) and the makam of the seven
daughters of Jacob at Safed (Kitchener, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 124).

2 22 October.

3 For the cave at Ephesus see Lambakis, ‘Επτά Άστερςς, p. 102 ;
Tavernier, Voyages y p. 35 ; Spon, Voyage y i, 248 ; Le Bruyn, Voyage y

i, 99; Wood, Ephesus, p. 12 ; v. Prokesch-Osten, Denkwürdigkeiten,

ii, 102 ; Willibald, ed. Wright, pp. 721-7.

4 See O. Kern, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-encyclopddie, s.v. ; Diogenes
Laertius, i, 10.

5 Based of course on Christ’s words (John, xxi, 22 ; cf. Matth, xvi,
28 ; Mark, ix, I ; Luke, ix, 27).

6 Daniel hegoumenos (1106), in Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 7; Jor-
danus, Descr. des Merveilles, p. 64 (‘ sicut audivi a quodam devoto re-
ligioso, qui ibidem fuit et auribus suis audivit. De bora in horam audi-
tur ibidem sonus fortissimus, tanquam hominis stertentis ’).

7 J. Koch, Die Siebenscbläferlegende, p. 81 ; Lucius, Anfänge des
Heiligenk.y p. 82.

Seven Sleepers among Christians 311

was current in Europe 1 as early as the sixth century.2
Its localization at Ephesus is probably due to the cur-
rency there of the similar legend of S. John.*

Among eastern Christians the Ephesian cave seems
the only claimant of any considerable repute. A less-
known cave or crypt near Paphos in Cyprus * has never
made its claim good. It is mentioned by many pilgrims
from the latter part of the fifteenth century onwards.
By some of these it is associated with the Seven Sleepers,5
by others with the Seven Maccabees ;6 others, again,
prefer to leave the question open, and call the saints

1 For the Seven Sleepers at Marmoutier near Tours see Dussaulx,
Voy. à Barrège, i ; in Germany ‘ near the Ocean ’, see Paul Diaconus,
De Gestii Longob. I, iv. Pictures of the Ephesian Seven Sleepers were
miraculously found at Plouaret in Brittany (Joanne’s Guide, s.v. Plou-
aret ; cj. Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 25). Other cases are at
Yffiniac in Brittany (Sébillot, iv, 120: cj. i, 399), at Marseilles (Baring
Gould, Curious Myths, ist Ser., p. 103). They appeared to Edward the
Confessor (Hutton, English Saints, p. 159 ; Baring Gould, op. cit., p.
101). For the Seven Maccabees in Europe see Lucius, Anfänge des
Heiligenk., p. 142, and Tuker and Malleson, Christian and Ecclesiastical
Rome, i, 316. For the Seven Sleepers see also Chardry, Set Dormanz
(thirteenth century).

3 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 285 ; cj. Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 147.
Baring Gould {op. cit., p. 100) attributes its introduction into Europe
to Gregory of Tours, who says {De Glor. Martyr, i, xcv) that he got it
from a Syrian.

3 Already in Theodosius {c. 530), ed. Geyer, I tin. Hieros., p. 148.
Cj. Baring Gould, op. cit., p. 109.

4 Described recently by Enlart, Art Gothique en Chypre, ii, 479“^°·

5 Le Huen (1480) in Cobham’s Excerpta Cypria, p. 51 ; Van Ghis-
tele (1483), V Voyage, p. 248; Fra Noe {с. 1500), in Cobham, p. 53;
Affagart (1534), ibid., p. 67 ; Trevisan (1512), in Schefer and Cordier,
Ree. de Voyages, v, 217 ; J. Le Saige (p. 149), quoted by Enlart, loc. cit. ;
de Villamont, Voyages (1598), ii, 258 ; Fynes Moryson, Itinerary, i,
459 ; de Brèves, Voyages (1628), p. 27 ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, II,
i, 226.

6 B. de Salignac, hin. iv, 5 : ‘ in qua [civitate] septem fra très Mac-
chabaei, una cum maire, inclyto martyrio coronati sunt9 (quoted by
I Iackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 464, n. 3) : cf. Possot, Voyage (1532), ed.
Schefer, p. 144.

312 Koranic Saints

vaguely the * Seven Martyrs V Similarly, a deserted
monastery of the Latmos group called Tediler (‘ The
Seven 9) 2 must probably be regarded as a commemora-
tive dedication in honour of the Ephesian Seven. Still
more vague is the cult, founded doubtless on the local
identification of bones found in a cave, or rock-cut
chapel, which Levides cites from the Cappadocian vil-
lage of Selimeh near Soghanlar Dere : this cult is fre-
quented by both religions. 3

In the Greek church the Seven Sleepers are not very
important. I have never met with a church dedicated
to them or with an eikon representing them in a church.
From the fact that small (house) eikons of the Seven
Sleepers are fairly common it seems probable that they
have a wider vogue in popular religion. I was told in
this connexion at Corfu that the Orthodox regarded an
eikon of the Seven Sleepers hung up in the house as an
effectual cure for sleeplessness.*

The popularity of the Seven Sleepers among Moslems
is primarily due to the long narrative of their adventures
in the eighteenth chapter (‘ The Cave ’) of the Koran.
The 4 Companions of the Cave ’ play a great part in
popular religious folk-lore, the root idea, on which their
importance in this folk-lore depends, seeming to be
their immutability, due to the special favour of God.

1 Kyprianos (1788), *Ιστορία της Κύπρον, p. 536; cf. Lusignan,
quoted by Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 456, n. 1.

2 Wiegand, Milet, IH, i, 25 ff., 95 ff. But the tradition, like the name,
connecting the cave with the Seven may be late and Turkish. The
paintings in the cave do not bear out the connexion.

3 Levides, Moval της Καππαδοκίας, p. 118 : Λείψανα σύσσωμα,
καλούμενα Έρενλέρ, ήτοι όσιοι, ατινα καί οι Τούρκοι σέβονται·
Λέγεται δί οτι εισι λείψανα επτά άγιων Κεινται δε ένδον λελα-
τομημένον σττηλαίον. Another vague Seven is at Eskishehr.

4 This is warranted by the Ενχολόγιον, which contains a prayer
called the ‘ Prayer of the Seven Sleepers as follows : Εύγ^ επί
ασθενή καί μη νπνοϋντα η ώς λέγεται των αγίων επτά παιδών.
This prayer is not very old as it mentions S. Athanasius of Athos
(r. 950).

Seven Sleepers among Mohammedans 313

Their names are therefore written on buildings as a
protection against fire, and on swords to prevent their
breaking.1 The Seven seem to be looked on as special
patrons of shipping, especially in the Black Sea,1 the
most dangerous known to the Turks. The names of the
Seven and of their dog Katmir, often written orna-
mentally in the form of a ship,3 are powerful charms to
avert evil.·* The dog is one of the animals admitted tp
Paradise^ and is regarded as a type of guardian :6 a
special kind of dog, named after him Katmir, is ex-
empted from the ban against the keeping of dogs, as
unclean animals, in houses.7 Katmir is regarded as
presiding specially over letters, which go far or which
pass the sea, as a protection to preserve them from
miscarriage.8

The identification of the cave, the whereabouts of

1 Falkener, Ephesus, p. 158. In Egypt their names are commonly
written on drinking-cups and food trays (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 314).

a Von Hammer, Constantinopolis, ii, 60 ; v. Prokesch-Osten, Denk-
würdigkeiten, i, 39$ ; C. White, Constantinople, i, 187. Cf. von Hammer,
in Mines de VOrient, iv, 163 : ‘ Ihre Namen finden sich häufig auf
türkischen Schiffen, auf Trinkgefässen, und auf einigen sehr wohl
gestochenen Talismanen ’ (i.e. engraved stones).

3 The Persians, who are allowed by their religion to represent the
human form, represent them according to the Byzantine art type (cf.
Migeon, Art Musulman, ii, 36).

4 Falkener, op. cit., p. 159. Λ pear-shaped sequin called armudi,
inscribed with the names of the Seven, is worn as an amulet (Comidas,
Costantinopoli, p. 49 ; Falkener, p. 158).

5 The other animals are Jonah’s whale, Solomon’s ant, Ishmael’s
ram, Abraham’s calf, Queen of Sheba’s ass, Salech’s camel, Moses’ ox,
Belkis’ cuckoo, and Mohammed’s ass (Baring Gould, Curious Myths,
ist series, p. 103).

6 ‘ Their dog stretched forth his fore-legs in the mouth of the cave ’
(Koran, Sale’s ed., p. 218).

7 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 7.

8 La Roque, Voyage de Г Arabie Heureuse, p. 74, cited by Sale in his
notes to the Koran. Cf. Chardin, Voyages, ii, 301. Khatm etmek
(Arabic khatern) — to seal. His tail is said to be preserved at Adrianople
(Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, s.v. Animaux* i, 32).

314 Koranic Saints

which was not specified in the Koran, became early
a subject of speculation among Mohammedans and
many caves became more or less associated with the
Seven in widely distant parts of the Moslem world.
Outside the Turkish area we find such caves (1) near
Toledo in Spain,1 (2) at M’Gaouse in Algeria,2 and (3)
near Amman in Palestine beyond Jordan.3 The re-
quisites for such identifications, as is seen from the
Arab stories given at length by Le Strange, were a
sufficiently impressive or curious cave and a quantity
of human remains, preferably mummified corpses : 4 the
number is left vague in the Koranic account. In Asia
Minor many reputed caves of the Seven Sleepers are
mentioned, most of them too vaguely for identification.
Two of them besides Ephesus 5 can be fixed. These, to
which we shall return, are (4) a cave near Tarsus, and

(5) a cave near Albistan. The caves at present unidenti-
fiable, but in some cases described in great detail, are (6)
at Al Albruk, variously identified with Divriji, east of
Sivas, and Arabkir farther south ;6 (7) between Amo-
rium and Nicaea, ten or eleven days from Tarsus,7 and
possibly the same as (8) in a red mountain as one ap-
proaches Constantinople. Here there was a monastery
which feasted on the day of the saints : this cave was
visited by an emissary of the caliph Abu Bekr in 632, who

1 Yakut (thirteenth cent.) in Le Strange, Palestine, p. 277.

2 Shaw, Travels to Barbary, p. 56 ; Maury, in Rev. Arch, vi (1849),
p. 6. CJ. also Prignet, À travers VAlgérie, p. 72.

3 Mukaddasi (tenth cent.), cited by Le Strange, op. cit., pp. 277 ff.
CJ. d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 458, for the Salahie cave.

4 For Greek and Moslem interpretations of a corpse’s failure to de-
compose see above, p. 253.

5 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 155.

6 Ali of Herat (thirteenth cent.) in Le Strange, 0/. cit., p. 119, where
Le Strange identifies Al Abruk with Tephrike (Divriji). He is said (by
V. Yorke, in Geog. Journ. viii (1896), p. 453) to have changed his opinion
since in favour of Arabkir (see Le Strange, in J. R. Asiat. Soc., 1895,
p. 740).

7 Ibn Abbas, ap. Yakut, quoted by Le Strange, Palestine, p. 276.

Caves of the Seven Sleepers 315

saw thirteen dead men lying1 in it. Another such cave
is (9) at a place in the mountains called Al Hawiyah,
between Ladik and Arab territory (Tarsus ?), visited by
an Arab ambassador in 720. The description is similar
to that of (7), but more detailed : in particular, a pool
of water is mentioned. The number of the bodies is
given as thirteen.2 Finally, ( 10),4 in the country of the
Greeks \ was visited by an Arab astrologer sent ex-
pressly for the purpose about 845.3 The description
generally corresponds to that of (8). The number of
bodies is 4 more than eight.’

The cave of the Seven Sleepers at Tarsus, first men-
tioned by Mukaddasi(985),4 is still an important Moslem

1 Yakut (thirteenth cent.), drawing on an eyewitness’s account, in
Le Strange, Palestine, p. 280.

* Mukaddasi in Le Strange, Palestine, pp. 282 fL The cave may
possibly be identified with one mentioned by Haji Khalfa (tr. Armain,
p. 664) near Ermenek, ‘ où Гоп voit une place très large au milieu de
laquelle il y a un bassin d’où sort une source ’, evidently the ‘ mächtige
Höhle, aus der eine starke Wasserader hervorbricht ’ of Heberdey and
Wilhelm’s Reisen in Kilikien {Denk. Wien. Akad., P.-H. CI., xliv, Abh.
vi, p. 129). Well-preserved bodies are said to have been found here in
recent times (Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, ii, 78): ‘On nous a raconté qu’un
fonctionnaire du gouvernement, à force d’argent et en fournissant tous
les moyens en son pouvoir, parvint, il y a deux ans, à décider deux
Bohémiens à atteindre une de ces grottes et à y pénétrer. Ils y décou-
vrirent une très grande chambre taillée dans le roc, dont l’entrée était
gardée par des soldats debout et revêtus de leurs armures. Au fond de
la caverne, il y avait un groupe de femmes, de vieillards et d’enfants.
Tous ces cadavres, qui avaient conservé les apparences de la vie, tom-
bèrent en poussière dès que l’air eut pénétré dans la grotte. On y re-
cueillit néanmoins plusieurs objets très précieux, tels que des armures,
des casques, des armes, des robes de soie, des joyaux, bagues, pièces de
monnaie, etc.’

3 Two accounts of this mission have come down to us from Al
Biruni (a.d. 1000) and Yakut (thirteenth cent.), both professing to draw
on the same eyewitness’s account and quoted by Le Strange, Palestine,
pp. 283 ff.

4 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 281 : ‘as regards the Cave, the city to
which it belongs is Tarsus ; and further, here is the tomb of Dakiyanus ’.
Is this the Dunuk Tash of the legend in Langlois, Cilicie, p. 276 i

3i6 Koranic Saints

pilgrimage, frequented also by local Christians, and
situated on a mountain about an hour and a half north-
west of the town. It obviously owes its popularity to
its position near a populous town and the great pilgrim-
road towards the Holy Cities. It is mentioned by Haji
Khalfa1 and Lucas1 * 4 in the seventeenth century and by
several later travellers.3 Though it is said that this cave
of the Seven Sleepers is accounted one of the principal
Moslem pilgrimages after Mecca and Jerusalem, it seems
to have remained till lately very rustic in externals.
Langlois says of it :

‘ C’est une caverne carrée et voûtée, creusée dans le roc au-
dessous du niveau du sol, et dans laquelle on descend par un
escalier d’environ dix marches. Le jour n’y pénètre que par une
ouverture ménagée dans la voûte. Λ côté de cette même grotte
est une petite mosquée et quelques maisons abandonnées servant
de caravansérail aux voyageurs musulmans et chrétiens qui dans
un but différent vont en pèlerinage sur ce point.’

In the seventies a new mosque was built and some sort
of establishment founded by the mother of Sultan
Abdul Aziz.* The sanctuary has a special reputation as
a cure for barren women who incubate in the cave.5

The identity of the cave at Tarsus with that of the
Seven Sleepers was asserted, as we have seen, in the
Arab period by Mukaddasi and reiterated in the Turkish
by Haji Khalfa (1648). But the identification does not
seem to have been locally known at the beginning of the
eighteenth century. The tale told to Lucas in 1706 is
as follows :

The city of Nimrod above Tarsus was formerly in-
habited by giants. Four of these one day set out to raid
Tarsus, and, taking their midday sleep in the cave, fell

1 Tr. Armain, p. 663. 2 Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 276 ff.

3 Barker, Lares and Penates, pp. 36 f. ; Langlois, Cilicie, pp. 337 f. ;
Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d9 Orient, vii, 172 ; Davis, Asiatic

Turkey, p. 42 ; Schaffer, Cilicia, p. 29.

4 Davis, loc. cit.

5 Schaffer, loc. cit.

Giants in the Cave at Tarsus 317

asleep for 150 years ‘ because, as is the local belief, the
eternal decrees had so ordained to punish the race of
giants ‘ When the four at length awoke, one of them
was sent into Tarsus to get food, and found everything
changed ; the race of giants, which had formerly taken
toll of Tarsus, had been exterminated or driven out,
and the king in whose reign the giants had fallen asleep
was represented by his grandson. This king, *on the
appearance of a surviving giant, feared trouble, and,
not believing the giant’s story, sent a messenger back
with him to the cave to verify it. He eventually made
terms with the four giants that they were to be supplied
with food on condition of not leaving the cave.’ Here
they eventually died.1

The heroes of Lucas’s story are thus not seven holy
men but four impious giants,2 though some episodes oi
the canonical legend are still remembered. One in-
fluence working on the myth has certainly been the
name of the neighbouring city of the giants, ‘Nimrod ’,3
which is also that of the Mohammedan type of tyrant,
Nemrud, the impious fire-worshipper who built the
Tower of Babel and tortured Abraham the friend oi
God.·* The story of the giants has a special interest as

1 Voyage dans a Grecey i, 276 ff.

2 Giants are normally malignant in folk stories ; cf. above, p. 308
n. 3. These were evidently in the end converted to Islam, thougl
Lucas only hints at it (‘ ils supplièrent le Roi de leur faire connoître 1< Dieu qu’il adoroit, parce qu’ils vouloient aussi l’honorer dans la suite . . Il faut croire que le Roi de Tarse avoit donné de bons principes г ces Géants ; car on assure qu’ils menèrent là une vie fort retirée & fori austère ’). 3 The ruined ville de Nimrod seen by Lucas is now marked on oui maps Nemrun, a corruption of the Greek Lampron. 4 Carmoly (Itinéraires, p. 353) considers that the legend in whicb Nimrod throws Abraham into a furnace is of Jewish origin and has beer adopted by the Koran. It seems to start from the [fictitious] etymolog) of Nimrod, which in Hebrew means ‘ to rebel * : see Migne, Diet. de. Apocryphes, ii, 1102 fi. There is a Nemrud Kalesi as far west as Per- gamon, but the original, according to Carmoly, is Birs Nimrud ir 318 Koranic Saints showing a local religious legend decaying temporarily into a secular story, to be afterwards rehabilitated, pos- sibly under literary influence. The cave near Albistan mentioned by Le Strange 1 is here identified for the first time. Six hours west of the town lies the mixed (Turkish and Armenian) village of Yarpuz. Kiepert’s map gives in brackets below the name Yarpuz what is apparently a variant local (Ar- menian ?) form Efsus : both names are in all probability perversions of the ancient Arabissus, the name of an important station at this point on the Roman road.1 An hour north-west of Yarpuz is a holy place called in Turkish 7Aaret Serai (‘ Palace of the Pilgrimage ’) and in Armenian Tot Manug (‘Seven Children’). This cave is still venerated by Moslems (and doubtless by local Christians also) as the cave of the Seven Sleepers.3 The perversion of Arabissus to Efsus and subsequent confusion with Ephesus lie at the back of the identi- fication. A cave of the Seven Sleepers, independent of those we have mentioned above, was found by Taylor in Kurdistan near the village of Hyny, north of Diarbekr. Mesopotamia, where the mound of the furnace is still shown, ashes and all : cf. Ouseley’s translation of Ibn Haukal, p. 70. Afterwards, on Urfa becoming identified with Ur of the Chaldees, the whole cycle was transferred there and two classical columns there are said to be part of the machine Nimrud used to hurl Abraham into the furnace. The Jewish version of this incident seems certainly based on the story of the Three Children. Niebuhr {Voyage en Arabie, ii, 236) heard the Nimrod legend told on the spot, Captain Warren (see P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869, p. 225) in the Lebanon: see also Goldziher in Rev. Arch, ii, 317; Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 31 ff. It is interesting to find in Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 28, that Abraham, when fleeing from Nimrod, was given protection by sheep and refused it by goats, a story which is told by Polîtes (/7α/>αδόσ€ΐ$, no. 191) of Christ fleeing
from the persecuting Jews. 1 No. 5, above.

* See Sterrett, Epig.Jour., p. 288 ; Hogarth, Roads in E. Asia Minor
(R.G.S. Suppl. Pap. Ill, pt. 5, p. 667) ; neither author has noticed the
cave. 3 Jerphanion and Jelabert, in Mil. Fac. Or. iii, 458.

Khidr 319

The site is called Fees or Afisios Daknaoos. The latter
name, a mixture of * Ephesus ’ and ‘ Dakyanus the
eastern perversion of Decius, is due to the identification
of Fees and its cave with Ephesus and the localizing in
it of the Seven Sleepers legend.1 Fees actually repre-
sents the fortress of Phison.2

Other caves associated by Moslems with the Seven
Sleepers are to be found outside Damascus3 ànd in
Mesopotamia, the latter being the site favoured by the
heretic Yezidi.4

§ 2. El Khidr in the Popular Religion of
Turkey

The Moslem saint El Khidr, El Khizr (‘ the Verdant ’),
though not mentioned by name in the Koran, is gener-
ally identified by commentators with the companion of
Moses’ travels,3 who secured to himself immortality by
the discovery of the Fountain of Life.6 In this latter
quest tradition associates him with Alexander the Great.7

1 ‘ The inhabitants have a tradition that the ruins, and a small cave
near it, was the spot tenanted by the Seven Sleepers 9 (Taylor, in
J.R.G.S. XXXV, 39). 2 Φισών (Procopius, De Bell. Pets, ii, 24).

3 Pococke, Descr. of the East, II, i, 126: ‘the grot of the seven
sleepers, where they pretend they slept and were buried ; and the
sheik or imam told us that they suffered martyrdom for Christ \ Cf.
Thévenot (in Harris’s Navig. В ibi. ii, 445) : ‘ half a league from
Damascus is a rough and barren Hill, but natural Rock, where some
Dervices live in little Hermitages. They shew you the Cave where the
7 Sleepers hid themselves when they were persecuted by Darius, who
would have made them renounce the Christian Faith, and are said to
have slept till the Time of Theodosius the Younger \ Cf. d’Arvieux,
Mémoires, ii, 458. This cave, as I am informed by a native of Damas-
cus, is still shown, and it is asserted that the dog Katmir can be seen
lying at the entrance. 4 Layard, Discoveries in Nineveh, p. 206.

5 Sale’s Koran, p. 222 (ch. xviii) : for the literary side of the Khidr
legends see Völlers, in Archiv /. Religionsw. 1909, pp. 234-84 ; Fried-
lander, Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman.

6 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 175 ; Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy
Land, pp. 51 ff. ; Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 627.

7 See Friedländer, op. cit. ; Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand, ii
175 ff. ; Spiegel, Die Alex anders age, p. 29.

320 Koranic Saints

Among orthodox Sunni Mohammedans Khidr has a
certain vague popularity: his day, called the ‘feast of
Lydda ’ (23 Nishan = 23 April, Old Style),1 is observed
all over Turkey as the beginning of spring. Among the
heretical Nosairi sect, whose religion is a perversion of
the Shia Mohammedan, he is a particularly important
figure,1 as he is apparently among the Yezidi,3 and the
Druses.* The same seems to be the case among the
Shia (Kizilbash) tribes of Asia Minor,5 whose points of
contact with the Nosairi and Yezidi are at present in-
exactly known.

In Turkey, generally, Khidr seems to be a vague
personality conceived of mainly as a helper in sudden
need, especially of travellers. He has been identified
with various figures of the Old Testament, notably with
Elias 6 of whom he is considered a re-incarnation, and
with the Orthodox S. George, whose day, together with
the associations of Lydda,7 he has taken over ;8 the

1 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 21. a R. Dussaud, Nosairis, pp. 128-35.

3 A. Grant (Nestorians, p. 319) gives the 24th Nishan (probably by
mistake for the 23rd) as the date of the Yezidi spring festival.

* Petermann, Reisen im Orient, i, 147. 5 See above, pp. 145,148.

6 e.g. there is an Armenian church of ‘Choddre Elias’ at Urfa (Nie-
buhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 330). For the Sinai Arabs’ veneration of
Khidr-Elias see Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 57 ; for the combina-
tion at Samaria see Conder in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 96. For the
traditions of Mount Carmel see d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 294, 306, 314,
417 ; de Brèves, Voyages, p. 68 ; Carmoly, Itinéraires, pp. 144, 448-9 ;
Bordeaux Pilgrim, in Chateaubriand, Itinér. iii, 240 ; Goujon, Terre
Sainte, pp. 63-5.

7 For the church of S. George at Lydda, which was partly left to the
Greeks and partly transformed into a mosque, see Robinson, Palestiney
iii, 52 ; Fabri, Evagat., i, 219 ; Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 107 ; Ludolf,
De Itinere, p. 5° ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 32-3 ; de Brèves, Voyagesy
p. 100 ; V. Guérin, Descr. de la Pales. I, i, 324; Stern, Die moderne
Türkei, p. 170. Two sixth-century travellers mention the tomb and
martyrdom of S. George at Lydda ; see Antoninus of Piacenza, De
Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 28, xxv (cf. Lucius, Anfänge des Heiligenk.y
p. 240), and Theodore in Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 40.

8 e.g. at Beyrut (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 382 ; V. Guérin,

Khidr and S. George 32

characteristics he has borrowed from S. George include
the reputation of a dragon-slayer,1 which S. Georg
himself may have borrowed from a pagan predecessoi

Descr. de la Pales. I, iii, 311-13) ; at Banias (Kitchener in P.E.F.y Qd
for. 1877, p. 172 ; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 38 ; cf. Stanley, Sinai, pj
398-9) ; near Jerusalem (see below, p. 326, n. 6) ; in Albania (Durhan
Burden of the Balkans, p. 208). See especially Rycaut, Ottoman Empiri
Ρ· 68·

1 It is curious that, while in the West legend relates the rescue b
S. George of a princess from a dragon, this is by no means the cas
generally in the East. Thus, in the Byzantine Painters’ Guide, trans
lated by Didron, Iconographie Chrétienne, pp. 369-71, no dragon-killin
type is given for the saint. Early western travellers to the East men
tion his martyrdom and his burial at Lydda (Diospolis), but say nothin
of his dragon fight (see, e.g. Antoninus of Piacenza, ed. Tobler, p. zi
XXV, and the similarly sixth-century Theodore, in Tobler’s Palaes
Descr., p. 40). Their silence is especially notable as Lydda is so nea
Joppa with its traditions of Perseus and the dragon he slew. The bom
of the dragon were shown there in the Christian era: cf. Jerom< Epist., p. 108, and Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii, 7. According to Amélinea (Contes de VÉgypte Chrétienne, Introd., p. liii) the saint is represente in Coptic eikonography as a horseman with a lance but no dragon, th slaying of the dragon being foreign to the Coptic legend. On th other hand, S. Michael slaying the dragon is pictured on horsebac (Amélineau attributes the ultimate confusion to Syrian painters work ing in Egypt, and holds that Michael, not George, replaces the Egyptia Horus). The Martyre de Saint Georges current among the Copt (Amélineau, op. cit. ii, 167 ff.) resembles the early Acta of the saint a given by Baring Gould in his Curious Myths, 2nd Series, pp. 9 ff. Th Acta place S. George’s birth and martyrdom under Dacian, empero of the Persians, and at Melitene : among other tortures, a pillar is lai< on him. The Copts hold that S. George, whom they associate wit Lydda (Amélineau, ii, 208-9), was martyred by King 4 Tatien ’ (Amé lineau, ii, 167), who is several times called a 4 dragon ’ (Amélineau, ii 171, 198, &c. : cf. Hasluck, Letters, p. 193); one torture is to roll column over his body (Amélineau, ii, 174). A reminiscence of this tor ture is found in his church at Beyrut, where a column is rolled oi patients whose backs ache (Pococke, Voyages, iii, 275). The Copt celebrate S. George of 4 Melite ’ on 18 April (Amélineau, ii, 153). A in the Coptic legends, there is no mention in the Acta of the dragoi fight. In fact, according to Baring Gould {op. cit.y p. 31), the firs mention of the princess and the dragon is in de Voragine’s Goldti Legend, that is, not earlier than the end of the thirteenth century 3*95·* y 322 Koranic Samts The identification of Khidr with Elias is found as early as Cantacuzenus, who died a.d. 1380. S. George, he says, is worshipped by the Christians and παρ' αυτών των Μουσουλμάνων τιμαται, ονομάζεται δέ παρ' αυτών χ^τηρ ήλιΛς.1 George of Hungary, our best early authority on Turkish popular saints, spent a long captivity in Asia Minor during the early fifteenth century 2 and makes clear the extraordinary vogue enjoyed by Khidr in his day. ‘ Chidrelles he writes, ‘ is before all a helper of travellers in need. Such is his repute in all Turkey that there is scarce any man to be found that hath not himself experienced his help or heard of others that have so done. He manifesteth himself in the shape of a traveller riding on a gray horse,з and anon re- Thereafter it is normally mentioned by travellers to Beyrut (e.g. Ludolf (c. 1350), De Itinere, p. 38 ; d’Anglure, Saint Voyage (i 395), p. io ; Poloner (1422), in Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 259), and to Rama (,e.g. della Valle, Voyages, ii, 19; Pococke, Voyages, iii, 15). It then appears to have gained general currency in the East as in the West {cf. Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г A sie Mineure, p. 80, where a prince replaces S. George; cf. also modern Greek eikonography).. As, there- fore, its appearance in the East seems not anterior to the Crusades, while it is most prominent at Beyrut, where the Crusaders were strong, and is not found at Lydda in spite of Lydda’s proximity to Joppa, the conjecture may be hazarded that the Crusaders imported this part of the legend, on which point see further below, p. 660, n. 3. Of this an echo may be preserved in the belief held by Moslems that S. George was the patron saint of the Crusaders (Conder, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 98; cf. Hutton, English Saints, p. 88, for his traditional appearance to the Crusaders before Antioch). In virtue of his prowess against dragons S. George is, like S. Michael, a famous healer of diseased minds ; see below, p. 326, n. 2. 1 P. 48. 2 On him see below, p. 494, n. 1. 3 This is evidently a trait borrowed from the Christian S. George, whose horse is invariably depicted as white or grey, while that of S. De- metrius is red. For an apparition of a knight on a grey horse (evidently Khidr) in a modern Anatolian folk-story see Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 5. Jenghiz Khan was visited in a dream by a knight armed all in white and sitting on a white horse ; the knight foretold his future greatness (Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 238). S. Khidr and Travellers 323 lieveth the distressed wayfarer, whether he hath called on him, or whether, knowing not his name, he hath but commended himself to God, as I have heard on several hands.*1 The conception of Khidr as the protector of travellers is. derived for Moslems primarily from Khidr’s own travels as related in the Koran, the Koranic ‘ type 5 of traveller naturally becoming the patron of travellers in general. Travel being considered abnormal and dan- gerous, travellers have special need of a protector in sud- den necessity : this is a phase also of the Orthodox S. George.3 In this respect it seems abundantly proved, from oriental literary sources, that the personalities of Khidr and Elias are distinguished by the learned, the former being the patron of seafarers and the latter of travellers by land.3 But it may be doubted whether the position of the two personalities is clearly defined in popular religion. In inland Kurdistan the roles ol Claude, a military saint and martyr of Antioch, who is apparently con- nected in Egypt with Assiut, appears on a white horse to chastise г sacrilegious emir (Amélineau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, ii, 50). 1 George of Hungary, De Moribus Turcorum (first printed с. 1480) chap. XV (see further below, p. 498). Breuning probably copies froir George of Hungary (Orient. Reyss (1579), p. 106 : ‘ Chiridilles ruffer auch müde unnd matte Wandersleute unnd Pilger an ’). It is perhap worth while to cite in this connexion Péris de la Croix’s 1001 Jours p. 267, where a young man suddenly appears to a princess in a jinn9 castle and is greeted by her with the words, ‘ Je ne saurais croire qu< vous soyez un homme. Vous êtes sans doute le prophète Elie ? ’ 3 Cf., in the Travels of the Patriarch Macarius of Antioch, the author’ invocation of S. George as ‘ the rider upon sea and land ’ (tr. Belfour i, 12) and the incident, often depicted in his eikons, of his rescue of Christian slave from a Moslem master in a distant land (cj. Polîtes IJapaboG€LÇ, p. 798, quoting Spratt, Crete, i, 345~6). Hottinger (Hisi Orient., p. 480), quoting Busbecq, says Turks made fun of this slave a figured in eikons. Didron, Iconographie Chrétienne, p. 372, notes th presence of the slave, but could hear of no explanation of his presence 3 Vollers, loc. cit., p. 262 ; Friedländer, Chadhirlegende, p. 119. Se also Hammer’s extracts from Mejir-ed-Din in Mines de VOrient, i 96; Goldziher, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 324; Lane, Moc Egyptians, i, 293, n. у 2 324 Koranic Saints Khidr and Elias as given above are said to be reversed,1 which looks as if Khidr, the predominant figure, was apt to usurp the element locally of most importance. His connexion with sea-travel 2 is emphasized by the fact that his day is regarded by seamen as the opening pf their season.3 Khidr has also a physical aspect. Whereas in relation t© man he is regarded as a patron of travel and a bringer of sudden help, in relation to the world of nature he is regarded as a patron of spring, being called the ‘ Ver- dant’, partly in allusion to the greenness of that season, while his feast is the beginning of spring and, in Syria, the beginning of sowing.* His discovery of the Water of Life 5 may also have a reference to his connexion with spring, while the physical conception of his functions has probably aided his confusion with Elias, the rain- bringer of the Christians.6 It is probable that this rain- making aspect of Khidr is responsible for the number of hills bearing his name, which are to be found in the neighbourhood of towns and villages. Every Turkish town has its recognized place for the rain prayer. These are always outside the town and in the open air, gener- ally high lying,7 and frequently marked by a turbe or 1 Jaba, Recueil de Récits Kourdes, p. 93. 3 For the marine side of Khidr see Clermont-Ganneau in Rev. Arch. xxxii (1876), pp. 196-204, 372-99 : his special marine associations at Suadyeh (Dussaud, Nosairis, p. 133) are doubtless due to the position of the sanctuary (at the mouth of the Orontes). 3 Sestini, Lettres, iii, 234; cf. Le Bruyn, Voyage (Delft, 1700), p. 177. Cf. also d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 315. 4 Mukaddasi, ap. Clermont-Ganneau, loc. cit., p. 388. 5 See e.g. Spiegel, Die A lex ander sage, p. 29. 6 I Kings, xviii, 41-5 ; M. Hamilton, in B.S.A. xiii, 354, and Greek Saints, p. 20. 7 An exception is to be found in Turkish Athens, where the rain prayer was made at ‘ the columns9 [of the Olympieum] (Hobhouse, Albania, i, 323 ; J. Galt, Letters, p. 167 ; Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d'Orient, i, 161). The open-air pulpit at 1 the columns * is shown in L. Dupré’s plate and mentioned by Randolph (Morea, p. 23). Khidr as a Rain Saint 325 dome, sometimes by a pulpit. At Constantinople, for example, a pulpit for the rain prayer was built by Murad IV on the Archery Ground Meidan) high above the Golden Horn.1 At Cairo Pococke remarked the pulpit on a spur of the Mokattam hills above the citadel.* When, as frequently occurs, the site is marked by a turbe or dome, this building tends to be associated with the name of a saint, who is regarded as the inter- cessor for rain, though in fact it is probably more often a cenotaph or commemorative monument. Thus, at Angora the hill opposite the citadel called Khidrlik is crowned by a cupola on open arches. This dome may have originally commemorated an appearance of Khidr or may merely have been erected in his honour. It is now regarded as the tomb of a saint,з named, as I was informed, Buia Khatun.+ This development is charac- teristic of a simple theology which prefers its own saint unshared to a divinity of wider powers who is shared by many. As to local cults of Khidr, we can point to two areas, the Syrian and the Turkish. In Turkey the connexion between S. George and Khidr seems to be less close than 1 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 89. 2 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 36. 3 M. Walker, Old Tracks, p. 69 ; cf. Evliya, Travels, ii, 234, who seems to regard the place as the grave of a human saint named Khidr. 4 Buia Khatun, whose name betrays her sex, may well have been the lady who built the cupola, perhaps as a prayer place for women. For this practice cf. Burton, Arabian Nights, i, 74 (and note) : ‘ She builded for herself a cenotaph wherein to mourn, and set on its centre a dome under which showed a tomb like a Santon’s sepulchre \ These ceno- taphs might be ‘ dedicated ’ as memorials. At Bagdad in recent times a pasha’s wife built a cupola in honour of the daughter of Noah (Nie- buhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 215). Among ignorant populations such cenotaphs easily come to be accepted as actual tombs (cf. Niebuhr, op. cit., ii, 237, where a cenotaph at Helle, built in honour of the Prophet Elias, is thought his tomb). [At Kastoria in West Macedonia two ruined open turbes in the Moslem cemetery are said to be either the tombs of Janissaries or shelters for mourners.—M, M. H.J 326 Koranic Saints in Syria, where the two seem almost synonymous. 1ТШО- Jems who have made vows to Khidr frequently pay them to his Christian counterpart.1 One of the most fre- quented centres of the cult is a Christian monastery near Bethlehem, which is famous for its cures of mad- ness.* According to Conder, sanctuaries ( )of Khidr in Palestine are often found on Crusaders’ sites, thus suggesting an inheritance from S. George.3 On the strength of his identification with Elias, Khidr has occu- pied a chapel of the latter at Zarephathn Various sites, at Nablus 5 (a spring), Jerusalem,6 Damascus,7 Bagdad,8 1 For the general position of Khidr in the religious folk-lore of Syria see Einsler, in Z.D.P.V. xvii (1894), pp. 42 ff. ; Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, pp. 51 ff. 2 Robinson, Palestine, ii, 321, 325 ; Einsler, loc. cit., p. 69 ; Balden- sperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 208, cf. p. 36 ; Hanauer, of. cit., p. 52 ; d’Ar vieux, Mémoires, ii, 231 ; Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 501 ff., who quotes the Anon. Allât, as already (r. 1400) mentioning the chain, beating with which formed part of the cure; Thévenot, V oyages, ii, 639; Le Bruyn, Voyage (Delft, 1700), p. 277; Fabri, Evagat. ii, 187; Guérin, Descr. de la Pales. I, iii, 312. The Copts’ convent of S. George in Jerusalem also possesses a chain of the saint which cures lunacy ; see Tobler, op. cit. i, 370-1, and Tischendorf, Terre-Sainte, p. 204. 3 Survey of West Palestine, v, 257, and P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 98. 4 Robinson, Palestine, iii, 412 f. ; cf. Goujon, T erre Sainte, p. 56, and La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 16. The fourth-century S. Paula men- tions the tower of S. Elias at ‘ Sarepta y (Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 13), as does the sixth-century Theodore (Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 42) ; cf. Antoninus of Piacenza, ed. Tobler, p. 4, ii. 5 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 512. 6 Ibid., p. 164; cf. Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 505, 529; Mejir-ed-Din, tr. v. Hammer in Mines de POrient, ii, 90 ; Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 61. 7 Le Strange, Palestine, pp. 253, 264. Monconys (Voyages, i, 340) and Pococke {Descr. of the East, ii, 119) mention a ‘ tomb of S. George 9 at Damascus, but this is rather S. George the porter, for whom see also Porter, Damascus, p. 16, and Thévenot, Voyages, iii, 49. Khidr is said to attend prayers in the Great Mosque {Kitab of Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, p. 36, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 116). 8 Tavernier, Voyages (London, 1678), p. 86, mentions a chapel of Khidr in Local Cults 327 and Mosul,1 are associated with his name. The last three seem to be regarded as tombs, the rest, and prob- ably all originally, as places where he has appeared tt>
mortals2 or merely as memorials.

. As regards Turkish lands, Khidr, who is recognizable
by the fact that one of his thumbs is boneless, is said to
have appeared at Constantinople several times, at S.
Sophia 3 and at the Valideh Atik mosque in Skutarj.·*
There is a ‘ station ’ of Khidr in the mosque of Aatik
Ali Pasha in Stambul.5 Bars of iron engraved by the

Khidr frequented by Christians. A ‘ tomb ’ is cited by Massignon in
Rev. Hist. Relig. lviii (1908), p. 336.

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 442 ; cj. Sherif-ed-Din,
Hist, de Timour, tr. Pétis de la Croix, ii, 262. For the tomb of ‘ Nebbe
Gurgis ’ at Mosul see Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 291, and for his
martyrdom there Masudi (quoted by J. Friedrich in Sitzb. Bayr. Akad.,
Ph.~Pb. Cl., II, ii, 181) and Baring Gould, Curious Myths, 2nd Series,
P· ”·

2 Stanley (Sinai, 268) makes some interesting remarks on the alleged
tomb of Khidr at Surafend. ‘ Close to the sea-shore ’, he says, ‘ stands
one of these sepulchral chapels dedicated to “ El-Khudr ”, the Mo-
hamedan representative of Elijah. There is no tomb inside, only
hangings before a recess. This variation from the usual type of Mussul-
man sepulchres is “ because El-Khudr is not yet dead ; he flies round
and round the world, and those chapels are built wherever he has ap-
peared A miraculous light was seen, added the peasants who gave
Stanley the above information, every Thursday evening and Friday
morning at the chapel. This miraculous light at tombs frequently
figures in legend : see above, p. 254. For his association with Surafend
see also d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 4.

3 For Khidr’s connexion with the building of S. Sophia see above,
pp. ίο-n. For his appearance there in the reign of Selim II see
Evliya, ii, 61.

4 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, iv, 640 ; Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-
Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 90 (749). For this mosque see above,
P· 273·

5 Jardin des Mosquées, p. 30 (312). Aatik Ali Pasha was a vizir and
died in 1511. It is a curious coincidence, if no more, that in the Valideh
Atik mosque and in Aatik All’s mosque there should be a station of
Khidr, the only Moslem saint who goes on horseback. It would be in-
teresting to know whether an alleged footprint of his horse were shown
in these mosques.

328 Koranic Saints

boneless thumb of the saint are shown in the mosque of
Mohammed II,1 while he is said to be present daily at
one of the five prayers in the mosque of Sultan Ahmed.*
Near Adrianople, Covel in 1677 notices a ‘ place of
Khidr ’ with an imperial kiosk said to occupy the site of
a church of S. George.3 At Gallipoli a mosque called
Khizr и Ilyas Magami, ‘the station of Khidr and Elias,’
is supposed to commemorate an appearance of the saint
to the poet Mehemed Yazijioglu.·* In Albania, near
Elbassan, a hot spring bears the saint’s name.5

In Asia Minor, Khidr has replaced at Elwan Chelebi
the dragon-slaying S. Theodore.6 This is the only
proved instance of his intrusion in Turkey on a Chris-
tian cult. But in many places the name Khidrlik
(‘ place of Khidr ’) is given to hills or ‘ high places ’ of
which the Christian traditions, if any ever existed, have
disappeared. Such hills exist near Angora,7 near Sinope8
above Geredeh(Krateia Bithyniae),9 near Changri (Gan-
gra),10 near Ladik(Pontus),11 near Tarakli(Dablae),12 and
at Afiun Kara Hisar.*3 There is a mountain
Dagh near Kebsud,1·* while places named Kheder Elies are
recorded near Kula in Lydia *5 and above Tripoli on the
Black Sea.16 Père de Jerphanion, in his new map of
Pontus’7 marks a village Khedernale (‘Horseshoe of

1 Cuinet, loc. cit.

2 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 98 ff.

3 Diaries, p. 248 ; cf. Jacob, Beiträge, p. 15, and Rycaut, Ottoman

Empire, p. 69. 4 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry y i, 393.

5 Von Hahn, Alban. Studien, iii, 59, s.v. AiScrc. 6 Above, p. 48.

7 Evliya, Travels, ii, 230; Ainsworth, Travels, i, 133; see also
below, p. 449. 8 Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 349.

9 Von Diest, Tilsit nach Angor a, pi. iii.

10 R. Kiepert’s Kleinasien. 11 Evliya, Travels, ii, 211.

12 R. Kieper t’s Kleinasien.

*з Von Hammer, Osman. Dichtkunsty i, 63.

M R. Philippson’s Karte des W. Kleinasiens.

*5 R. Kiepert’s Kleinasien. 16 Ibid.

x7 Carte du Bassin du Téchil Irmak. R. Kiepert gives the name as
Hidirnal.

Khidr and S. Elias 329

Khidr ’) near Sivas, which probably claims, like Elwan
Chelebi, to possess a hoof-print of the saint’s horse.
Professor White of Marsovan seems to find Khidrlik
almost a generic name for a holy place in his district,1
which has a large Shia population.1

On the grounds of Orthodox Greek practice we
should, perhaps, expect that S. Elias was the saint
displaced on hill-top sites.3 But the functiens and

1 Cf. the use of χιζνρης {=holy man) by the Greeks of Silleh near
Konia (Dawkins, Mod. Greek, p. 288).

3 Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 156 ; cf. de Jerphanion in Byz.
Zeit. XX, 493, where the cult of Elias at the site (Ebimi) of a temple of
Zeus Stratios (Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 172) is identified as a Khidrlik.

3 Elias, on the perfectly good ground of his biblical history, is the
saint of rain {cf. Shishmanova, Légendes Relig. Bulg., pp. 134 ff.), and
is the most popular hill-saint in Greek lands, not because he replaces
Helios, the ancient sun-god, but because of his original connexion with
Carmel, where his memory is still alive {cf. Pierotti, Légendes Racontées,
p. 43 > Goujon, Terre Sainte, pp. 63-5 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 294,
306, 417 ; de Brèves, Voyages, p. 68). In the same way the other
common (but far less common) hill dedications in Greece are connected
with Tabor {Μςταμόρφωσις Σωτηρος) as Athos and the Great Monas-
tery of the Meteora, or with Olivet {*Ανάληφις) as Olympus. The idea
that Elias chapels were survivals of Helios worship (for which see, e.g.,
Petit de Julleville, Recherches en Grèce, in Arch, des Miss., 2nd ser., v
(1869), p. 519 ; Deschamps, La Grèce dyAujourd’hui, p. 322 ; Lawson,
Modem Greek Folklore, p. 44 ; M. Hamilton {Greek Saints, p. 19) was
opposed already by Lenormant {Voie Éleusin., pp. 451-2) in 1867, and
seems not to be known to Buchon in 1843, though in general he is very
ready to find ancient survivals in modern Greece. The theory is based
partly on nomenclature and partly on the art-types of Helios and Elias.
It is true that Helios Ç Ηλιος) looks rather like Elias (*Ελιάς) and that
* Ηλιου sounds very like Έλίου. But the usual genitive of * Ελιάς is *Ελία.
It is also true that there is a certain similarity in their art-types, Helios
being the charioteer of the sun, and Elias being received up into heaven
in a chariot of fire. But art types are not of great importance in rustic
sanctuaries, and both Helios and Elias are more frequently represented
in other ways, while, if the chariot be thought away, there remain the
opposite types of an ephebe and a bearded ascete. Solar survivals more
probably belong to S. John, whose feast is the summer solstice, his
birthday being six months before that of Christ {Luke, i, 26), which is
the winter solstice. Thus, when Monte Cassino was founded, in 529,

330 Koranic Saints

conceptions of Khidr are at once so varied and so vague

as to adapt him to replace almost any saint, or indeed to

S. Benedict is said to have found there a much-frequented temple of
Apollo, which he replaced by a church of S. Martin, the destroyer of
idols, replacing Apollo’s altar by a church of S. John, the solstice saint
(Beugnot, Destr. du Paganisme, ii, 285, quoting the nearly contem-
porary Leo of Ostia). That is, S. Benedict ‘ disinfected ’ the locality
by buildÿig the church of S. Martin and ‘ transferred ’ the solstice
fèstivàl to S. John. S. Elias comes rather late for a solstice saint, being
celebrated on 19 July ; it is, however, true that midsummer fires are
lit on S. Elias’ day in the chapel of S. Elias on the summit of Taygetos
(M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, p. 20), but this is an isolated case not
justifying a general rule. It is also to be noted that Helios was never
a popular god in Greece at all under that name, except at Rhodes,
where he is thought identical with Zeus Atabyrios ; in modern Rhodes
Mt. Ata’ira retains the name and Mt. S. Elias is a separate peak. Nor
was Apollo in classical (as distinct from Homeric) Greece addicted to
mountain-tops. Survivalists attempt to turn this difficulty by referring
to the late Roman solar cult introduced by Aurelian, the conqueror of
Palmyra, from Syria. But this was a Syrian city cult, favoured by a
Roman emperor in Rome, and not associated with hills or country.
Survivalists also quote the equally late solar cult of Mithras, which was
derived from Persia, had a great vogue in Rome, and is associated with
the frequent Roman coin-legend SOU INVICTO COMITE But
the Mithras cult does not seem to have had much vogue in Greece, and
it was essentially a popular cult particularly affected by soldiers and
developed, not in rustic places, but in towns and camps. The typical
Mithraeum, moreover, was a cave or underground chapel made to re-
semble a cave. The hill-cult of Elias is unknown in the West, where
these solar cults were prominent, and it seems to be found only once in
South Italy (near Cotrone, Baedeker, S. Italy, p. 256), which remained
long Greek (Mt. S. Elias in Alaska is due to Russian influence deriving
from Greek practice). Elias is still a hill-saint in Syria (e.g. on Carmel,
as above ; on Sinai, see Tischendorf, Terre-Sainte, p. 76 ; Stanley,
Sinai, p. 75 ; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 57 ; elsewhere, see Tobler,
Palaest. Descr., p. 8, and Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 712 ; Stanley,
Sinai, p. 251; Pococke, Voyages, iii, 263, 394), where the influence of
Greek language and custom can scarcely have been important. That is,
in Syria, a country where Greek was never the language and “Ηλιος
meant nothing, Elias is associated with three mountains which were
well within the range of Christian pilgrims. Further, the chief and
characteristic hill-god of antiquity was Zeus the cloud-gatherer (found
on Athos, Olympus, Dicte, Anchesmos ; cf. Lykaios, Atabyrios), the

Origins of Kbidr’s Functions 331

occupy any site independently. His sudden appear-
ances make it specially easy to associate him with any
spot already hallowed by previous tradition or notable
for recent supernatural occurrences,1 while his functions
as.a patron of spring vegetation and as a rain-maker
recommend his cult to primitive pastoral or agricultural
populations.

Without claiming to solve the various fusion? of cult
and legend which have produced the mysterious and
many-sided figure of Khidr,2 we may perhaps make the
following tentative suggestions з as to the origin of his
functions and vogue in popular religion.

(1) In the Koran the unnamed Servant of God.
generally interpreted as Khidr, travels with Moses and
commits three seemingly unjust deeds.* A probable
original 5 of this story is the Talmudic tale of Rabb

corresponding hill-goddess being Cybele-Rhea (found on Ida, Dindy-
mon, &c.). Zeus the cloud-gatherer would be a not unnatural pre-
decessor of Elias, in which connexion it is curious to find in Trede
Heidentum (1889-91), i, 316, that ‘ der Heilige Elias hatte kürzlich seir
Fest [at Naples] und sah man seine Statue mit einem Rad, in der Hane
den Blitz des Zeus ’. And finally, as Elias chapels are generally con-
nected with villages, though on their outskirts, and many villages ar< recent or not on ancient sites, most Elias chapels are probably recen and no survival of any sort. 1 Cf. the Kurdish tale of the ‘ Wishing Rock ’ (in Jaba’s Recueil di Récits Kourdes, xxxvi), where a naked man praying is taken for Khidr The ‘ places of Khidr ’ seem generally regarded as praying places of th< saint (cf, Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 393). 2 On this subject see d’Herbelot, Bibl. Orientale, s.vv. Khedher, Elia von Hammer in Eheol. Studien und Kritiken, 1831, pp. 829-32 ; Cler mont-Ganneau, Horus et S. Georges, in Rev. Arch, xxxii (1876), pp 196-204, 372-99 ; Friedländer, Chadhirlegendey passim. [See als< Hastings’ Encycl. of Relig. s. v. Khidr, for an article by Friedländer, an< s.v. Saints and Martyrs, p. 81, no. 6, for an article by Masterman ; nr husband did not live to see either.—Μ. Μ. H.] 3 [It is to be noted here that my husband did not regard this chapte as sufficiently advanced for publication, and that it is published on my responsibility for the sake of its material.—Μ. Μ. H.] 4 Sale’s edition, pp. 222 ff. 5 See below, p. 699. 332 Koranic Saints Jochanan’s travels with Elijah,1 so that its being told of Khidr would indicate another case of identifying Elias with Khidr. Such an identification, however, raises the difficulty that the association of Moses with Elias involves a serious anachronism. But it may .be doubted whether that matters much in popular theo- logy, while there is some reason to suspect that the con- fusion dates from a period considerably anterior to the composition of the Koran, from the sixth century in fact. Antoninus of Piacenza, who travelled in the Holy Land about a. d. 570, visited Suez and came c ad ripam, ubi tjansierunt filii Israel et exierunt de mare [sic]. Ibi est Oratorium Moysis.’ 2 3 4 Variant readings are : ‘ Et in loco, ubi [or quo] exierunt de mari, est Oratorium Heliae. Et transcendentes [transeuntes] venimus in locum ubi intraverunt mare. Ibique [or ubi] est Ora- torium Moysis.’ Tobler has little doubt that the second better represents the original reading, the copyist having inadvertently omitted part : this would also ex- plain the mare for mari in the text.3 Granted, then, that two É oratories ’, of Moses and Elias respectively, existed, as Tobler supposes, on the Red Sea, the popular mind would readily associate them with each other, however distinct they may have been in the beginning, and would thus pave the way for the anachronism in the Koran to pass undetected. There Moses is said to have found Khidr where the sea of the Greeks joins that of the Persians, that is, at Suez.« In this sphere of activity Khidr may therefore with some probability be said to derive from the Hebrew Elijah. (2) In his discovery of the Water of Life Khidr is 1 Polano, Selections from the Lalmud, pp. 313 if. 2 De Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 44, xli. 3 This opinion I share : it seems preferable to that of Friedrich Tuch {Antoninus Martyr, p. 39), who thinks only one ‘ oratorium ’ existed, the attribution being changed, for no good reason, from Moses to Elias. 4 Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 627, drawing on Weil, Bibl. Leg. Origins of Khidr* s Functions 333 brought into connexion with Alexander, whose vizir he is said to have been. This story seems mostly to depend ultimately on the Pseudo-Callisthenes1 but gathers up a number of legends which connect Elias with Enoch and Khidr.2 From the Jewish composite figure of Elias + Enoch + Phinehas з come several of Khidr’s aspects, e.g. (3) His association with learning.« Various traditions associate Elias with books. He is said to delight in the studies of Jewish rabbis,5 to have written certain apo- crypha,6 and to have personally instructed Maimo- nides.7 The Turks, besides confusing Elias with Enoch,8 hold that Enoch was a great sage. (4) From the same composite figure comes Khidr’s association with the high priesthood.9 Elias is believed to perform daily sacrifice in the Temple underground.10 His contact with Phinehas is early and has been used by Moslem theologians as a proof that Khidr and Elias are separate persons.11 1 See Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand, ii, 176 ; Spiegel, Die Alex- andersage , p. 29. 2 Enoch was held by some Jewish thought to have been an early in- carnation of Elias, neither having died. The Talmud records Enoch’s ascent to Heaven in a chariot of fire (Polano’s Selections from the Lalmud, p. 21). Elias and Enoch are both in the terrestrial Paradise (Villotte, Voyages, p. 56). In medieval French tradition ‘ un nommé Énoc ’ finds the Fountain of Life, bathes in it against Alexander’s orders, and is punished (Meyer, op. cit. ii, 175). Masudi identified Elias with Enoch (Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 324). 3 On him see Hottinger, Hist. Orient., pp. 87-9, with reff. ; Eders- heim, Life of Jesus, ii, 703 ; Çoldziher, loc. cit. 4 c El Khudr ’ converts the heathen blacks (Lane, thousand and One Nights, p. 312). 5 Edersheim, ii, 705. 6 Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 219 ff. 7 Wiener, Sippurim ; Sammlung Jüdischer Volkssagen, pp. 6 ff. 8 e. g. Masudi, quoted by Goldziher, loc. cit. 9 On Khidr as the Kutb see Goldziher, loc. cit., and Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 293 ; the latter adds that many Moslems say Elijah was the kutb of his time. 10 Cf. Pierotti, Légendes Racontées, p. 22. 11 Goldziher, loc. cit. 334 Koranic Saints (5) Khidr’s association with travel comes explicably enough in view of the above from Elias’ wandering life, he being the type of the eternal wanderer. In com- memoration of this, Jews lay a place for him at their Passover,1 the idea arising especially from the text, ‘ And it shall come to pass, as soon as I am gone from thee, that the spirit of the Lord shall carry thee whither I know not.’2 Immortality is the connecting link between the com- ponents of the Enoch+Phinehas+Elias figure and leads to (6) Khidr’s identification with S. George, whom the tyrant king tried in vain to kill.3 This entails the fusion, it will be noted, of the aged ascete Elias with the young soldier George.' Khidr ( verda, àei 5 would, on this showing, be merely an epithet derived from the immortality of the Elias prototype.6 The results of our analysis thus tend to show that in Khidr there is no independent Moslem or pre-Moslem element. The Elias part can all be paralleled in Jewish tradition, while the George part is all Christian : only his adventure with Moses is of somewhat uncertain origin, but even that, in view of the early date of the Talmudic story,7 is probably descended from a Jewish ancestor. 1 Hastings’ Encycl. of Relig. s. v. Elijah. 2 I Kings, xviii, 12. On this see Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 293. 3 For Masudi’s account of this see J. Friedrich in Sitzb. Bayr. Akad., Ph.-Ph. C/., II, ii, 181. Masudi places the martyrdom at Mosul, where Niebuhr notes (Voyage en Arabie, ii, 291) the existence of his tomb. The Copts also have a tradition of S. George’s resuscitations (Ameli- neau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, ii, 213). 4 It is not likely that such a fusion could have been made except in a religion which forbade the making of images : Greeks, for example, could scarcely have done so, cf. above, p. 49, n. 2. 5 So Beidawi, quoted by Hottinger, Hist. Orient., p. 87. 6 Cf. d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 314 : ‘ ils ne nomment jamais ce S. Prophète Elie, qu’ils n’y ajoûtent l’épithete de Khdr, qui veut dire verd, verdoyant, qui est le symbole de la vie, parce qu’ils sont persuadez que ce Prophète est encore vivant ’. Cf. also the Mémoires, ii, 315. 7 See below, pp. 699-700. Khidr in Shia Propaganda 335 In conclusion, it may be remarked that the protean figure of Khidr has a peculiar interest fot the study of popular religion in Asia Minor and the Near East gener- ally. Accepted as a saint by orthodox Sunni Moham- medans, he seems to have been deliberately exploited by the heterodox Shia sects of Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and Albania—that is, by the Nosairi, the Yezidi, the Kizilbash, and the Bektashi—for the purposes of their propaganda amongst non-Mohammedan popula- tions. For Syrian, Greek, and Albanian Christians Khidr is identical with Elias and S. George. For the benefit of the Armenians he has been equated in Kurdisr tan with their favourite S. Sergius, and, just as Syrian Moslems make pilgrimages to churches of S. George, so do the Kizilbash Kurds of the Dersim to Armenian churches of S. Sergius.1 As regards Christianity, Khidr is only one of many points of contact in the Shia heterodoxies. The Kizil- bash Kurds, for example, hold that Christ was rein- carnated in Ali, that the Twelve Apostles and the Twelve Imams are identical, and that SS. Peter and Paul are the same persons as Hasan and Husain.2 The 1 Molyneux-Seel, in Geog.Journ. xliv (1914), p. 66; for the equation of Khidr to S. Sergius among the Anatolian Kizilbash see Grenard in Journ. Asiat, iii (1904), p. 518, and for Armenian confusion between SS. Sergius and George see, among others, P. della Valle, Viaggio, ii, 258. It seems to me possible that there was a young military frontier saint George known before the Acta of the (Arian) George of Alex- andria became current. Melitene, where one version of the Life places his birth (Baring Gould, Curious Myths, 2nd series, p. 9 ; cf. S. George of Melite in Amélineau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, ii, 153) is a typical frontier place. Again, at Mosul, another frontier town, Nie- buhr remarks his tomb {Voyage en Arabie, ii, 291), a Moslem tradition ascribing his death to the king of Mosul (Masudi, quoted by J. Fried- rich in Sitzb. Bayr. Akad., Ph.-Pk. Cl., 1899, II, ii, 181). S. Sergius, for whom see Lucius, Anfänge des Heiligenk., pp. 234 ff., is clearly a border saint, so that this may be the point of contact between him and the soldier George. * Molyneux-Seel, loc, cit.> pp. 65 f. ; above, p. 145.

336 Koranic Saints

Albanian Bektashi equate their own saint Sari Saltik to

S. Nicolas and other Christian saints.1 Such points of
Contact ma y be regarded either as inheritances from
Christianity or introduced with the deliberate purpose
of conciliating Christians to a form of Islam. It .is
obvious that at all times conversion from Christianity
to Islam has been aided by the considerable material
advantages to be gained from it. The Shia sects to
which we have referred are not forbidden outwardly to
observe Sunni forms, and frequently do so ; at the
same time their real religion, with its many natural or
artificial points of contact with Christianity, offers a
compromise which spares the susceptibilities of the con-
vert and may well have been the refuge of many harassed
Christian tribes.

1 On this question see below, pp. 435 ff.
XXI

TRIBAL SAINTS

THE evidence for the existence of a class of Turkish
saints venerated as the eponymous ancestors of
tribes rests, in default of fuller and more accurate
knowledge, on the following considerations.

The worship of tribal ancestors is established among
the Turks of Central Asia and among the nomad Turkish
tribes of Persia (Azerbeijan). Of the latter Bent writes :

‘ The office of “ pir ” or elder of the tribe or “ eel ” is
hereditary, and the “ pir ” generally traces his descent
from some holy man, whose worship is general through-
out the tribe … his tomb is generally in some well-
known spot amongst their summer haunts, and a great
object of veneration.’ 1 In Asia Minor itself Crowfoot
found a Shia village in Cappadocia containing the vene-
rated tomb of a saint Haidar, from whom the villagers
claimed descent.2 3 Among Tsakyroglous’ notes on the
nomad Turkish tribes of Asia Minor is given the name
of the chief of the Sheikhli tribe, Sheikh Baba Zade
Selim, i.e. Selim, descendant offather (or * saint ’) Sheikh : з
this implies that the tribal name is derived from that of
the founder or common ancestor.

Taken together, this rather slender evidence seems to
warrant us in supposing that the cult of tribal ancestors
was carried by the nomad Turks into Asia Minor, and

1 ‘ The Nomad Tribes of Asia Minor/ in Report Brit, Ass., 1889
(Newcastle), Sect. H, p. 178.

* J, R, Anthr. Inst., XXX, 309 ; cf. above, p. 52 and below, p. 404.

3 Ilcpi Γιονρούκων, p. 17· In this tribe’s district (Uluborlu) a foun-
tain famous for its healing properties owes its curative qualities to the
tomb of ‘ un Solitaire Mahometan nommé Chek baba ’ (Lucas, Voyage
fait en 1714, i, 180) ; see below, p. 339.

3195.1 2

338 Tribal Saints

that the tribal ancestor was the ‘ eponymous hero ’ of
the tribe. When, therefore, we find a saint bearing the
name of a tribe, we may regard it as probable that,
originally at least, this saint was regarded as the epony-
mous ancestor of the tribe in question.1 But this method
of identification is hampered by the fact that we possess
no approximation to a complete list of tribes, and the
existence of many can only be inferred from the occur-
rence of village-names resembling in type those of
known tribes : these names are, moreover, in many
cases obscured by the perversions of popular etymology,
having ceased to have any meaning for the modern
population.

The Azerbeijan Turks, as we have seen, give their
eponymous ancestor the Persian title of fir. Among the
Anatolian nomads the chief is usually called sheikh or
beg, the eponymous ancestor being called baba (‘ father ’)
or dede (* grandfather ’). None of these words seems
originally to have had a religious connotation ; the
temporal chief was also the spiritual head of the tribe,
and only later, in a more complicated society, have the
offices been distinguished. Pir, dede, baba, and to some
extent sheikh, have now in Turkey a predominantly
religious colour. Consequently, when folk-stories tell
as of the thousands of ‘ dervishes ’ led by sheikhs who
:ame into Asia Minor under the Seljuks and were
settled by ‘ Ala-ed-din we shall probably not be far
wrong if we interpret the legend as referring to nomad
tribes under their priest-chiefs, who established them-
selves at this period in the sultanate of Rum.

1 In the Sinai peninsula there is the tomb of Sheikh Szaleh, whom
юте call the ancestor of the tribe Szowaleha, others Szaleh of the
Koran, and others a local saint. His festival in late June is much fre-
quented by the Beduin (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 489 ; cj. p. 527 for the
Beduin offerings brought to the tomb of a sheikh at Sherm on the Red
>ea).

1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de l’Asie Mineure, pp. 212 ff.

Ίητ Hasan Veli 339

The most famous of these legendary priest-chiefs is
Tur Hasan Veli, who was given lands on.the slopes of
the Hasan Dagh near Caesarea. He is probably histori-
cal and may be identified with the chief named Hasan
mentioned by Anna Comnena 1 and a contemporary
crusading writer * as ruling this part of Cappadocia
about a. D. 1100. The grave of Tur Hasan is still vene-
rated on the summit of the Hasan Dagh,3 and the name
of his tribe survives in Tur Hasanlu, a village in the
neighbourhood of Kirshehr. The tribal name is formed,
as usual, by adding the adjectival termination to the
name of the tribal chief. Tur Hasan Veli is therefore
the best documented of the tribal saints, since we have
evidence of his historical existence, a village bearing his
tribal name, and a cult surviving to our own day. In
‘ Chek Baba ’, a Mohammedan hermit, whose tomb and
the adjacent miraculous spring in the neighbourhood of
Isbarta* were formerly at least a frequented pilgrimage,
we may probably recognize the eponym of the already
mentioned Sheikhli tribe, whose present habitat is still
in this district between Afiun Kara Hisar and Uluborlu.5

Other tribal saint cults of the same type seem to have
been taken over by the Bektashi sect, and the saints’
personality often obscured by their adoption into the
cycle of hagiographical legend propagated by the order
in its own interests.6 Thus, the saint Haidar of Haidar-
es-Sultan, though the village still regards him as its
common ancestor, is identified under Bektashi auspicfes
with a Bektashi saint and given an alternative name.7
Similarly, Yatagan Baba, who is worshipped in a Bektashi

1 XIV, i.

г Quoted by Tomaschek, Sitzb. Wien. AkadPhil.-Hist. CL, cxxiv
(1891), viii, 85.

3 Carnoy and Nicolaides, op. cit.y p. 213.

4 P. Lucas, Voyage fait en IJI4, i, 180. This is presumably the

Sheikh Baba who saved Egerdir from Timur (Hammer-Hellert, Hist.
Emp. Ott. ii, 118). 5 Tsakyroglous, IJepl Γιονρουκων, p. 13.

6 Below, pp. 565 ff. 7 Crowfoot, loc. cit. : see also below, pp. 4.03 ff.

34° Tribal Saints

convent near Buldur 1 as the ‘ master 5 of the Bek-
tashi saint AbdalMusa, is probably in origin the eponym
of the Yataganli tribe, which is still to be found in a
northern part of the same vilayet.2 3 Another Bektashi
saint, Kara or Kara ja Ahmed, whose numerous tombs
are shown in various parts of Asia Minor and even in
Rumeli, though now recognized as a Bektashi apostle
sçnt by* Ahmed Yasevi to Asia Minor, is probably in
reality a disguised tribal saint.з No tribe Karaja (‘ black-
ish ’) Ahmedli is known to our lists, but the Kara (‘ black’)
Ahmedli is a sub-tribe of the Rihanli ♦ who live north-
west of Aleppo, and Kizil (‘ red ’) Ahmedli 5 was a tribe
of some importance in Paphlagonia. There is, further,
a village Karaja Ahmedli near Nefes Keui (Tavium).

Sari Saltik, the Bektashi apostle par excellence of Ru-
meli, seems to have had a similar history. He appears
to have been originally the saint of a Tatar tribe in the
Crimea,6 7 which emigrated to Baba Dagh in Rumania,
carrying its cult with it. Developed by the Bektashi,
Sari Saltik loses every trace of his real origin and figures
as one of the missionary saints sent by Ahmed Yasevi for
the conversion of Europe.7 4 Saltik’ has now no meaning
in ordinary Turkish, though many interpretations are
put forward ;8 * but (significantly) there are villages
called Saltiklu in both European 9 and Asiatic10 Turkey.

1 For the tekke see Lucas, Voyage fait en i, 171.

c Περί Γιουρούκων, p. 15.

3 On Karaja Ahmed see below, pp. 403 ff.

4 Burckhardt, Syria, p. 634 ; cf above, p. 138.

5 Tribal names frequently run thus in pairs differentiated by colour
epithets, see above, p. 128.

6 Here he figures in the fourteenth century as Baba Saltuk, a

diviner * (i. e. a chief and medicine-man ?). See Ibn Batuta, tr. San-
guinetti, ii, 416, 445.

7 For the mythical history of Sari Saltik see below, pp. 429 ff.

8 See p. 576, n. 3. 9 Near Eski Baba in Thrace.

10 Near Sandikli (which may itself be a popular corruption of Saltikli)

in Phrygia.

Haji Bektash 341

Haji Bektash, the reputed founder of the Bektashi,
was probably, before the usurpation of his name and
grave by the Hurufi, about 1400, such another tribal
saint. The whole legend-cycle connecting him with
the court of Orkhan is admittedly late,1 and the earliest
notice of him we possess denies its authenticity and
calls Haji Bektash the É brother of Mentish V ‘ Men-
tish 5 is obviously the eponym of the widely-scattered
tribe of Mentish (Mentesh), which has left its name in
villages all over Asia Minor from Sivas to Caria. Bek-
tashli is a rarer, but widely scattered, village-name, oc-
curring so far west as Cape Lectum3 and often, curiously
enough, quite near villages called Mentish.4 We infer
that c Bektashli5 and ‘ Mentesh 5 were tribes which ac-
knowledged themselves akin and that the original Haji
Bektash was the eponymous ancestor of the former.

1 See below, pp. 483-93.

3 Ashik Pasha Zade (c. 1500), quoted by J. P. Brown, Dervishes,
p. 141. The testimony carries especial weight, since this author was
from the district of Kirshehr, where the tomb of Haji Bektash is still
shown.

3 This village is at least as early as the seventeenth century, being
mentioned in the British Museum MS. Harl. 7021,/. 422 vso.

4 Outside the district of the saint’s tomb, where it is common, it
occurs south-west of Divriji, near Sandikli in Phrygia, near Sivriji in the
Troad, and near Kumanovo in Serbian Macedonia (von Hahn, Belgrad
nach Salonik, p. 57). Beteshli is a village near Benderegli in Pontus (von
Diest, Perg. zum Pontus, i, 81), but the connexion cannot be pressed.
XXII

SAINTS AND DEMONS OF THE SEA

IT is, indeed, very natural that simple persons should
assume that the sudden mishaps of a seafaring life are
occasioned by local sea-demons.1 The apparent vindic-
tiveness of wind and wave, with their at times almost
animal voices, makes these demons intensely concrete
conceptions. They are conceived of as human, bestial,
or monstrous in form, and of course hostile to man ;
their cult, if any, is deprecation. To this substratum
of4 black 5 superstition may be added the ‘ white ’ con-
ception of a divine force acting beneficently on man’s
behalf against the perils of the sea ; this beneficent
action is invoked through an intermediary who is apt
ultimately to usurp the placatory cult formerly offered
to the demon, as also, like all such intermediaries, to be
considered largely independent of the supreme power.
Such is the process of transition from the placation of
a local sea danger personified to the invocation of a
local sea-saint.

We have thus the following typical forms :

(i) the local sea-demon,

(2) the local sea-hero or sea-saint.

The latter becomes in favourable circumstances :

(3) a widely potent or even universal sea-saint.

In modern times we have at least two instances of
Greek sailors’ belief in sea-demons of this sort, con-
ceived of as inhabiting dangerous parts of the coast, and
of a cult of deprecation directed to them. Sibthorp * in

1 For demons causing the winds see Maury, Croy. du Moyen /ìge>
p. 105.

* In Walpole, Memoirs, p. 286 : ‘ We weighed anchor in the port of
Cephalonia. As our sailors rowed by Cape Capro, they made libations
of bread, using the following words.’ See also Polîtes, Παραδόσεις,

Карго and Linguetta 343

the latter years of the eighteenth century transcribed
the prayer directed by his sailors with jn offering of
biscuit to the eponymous demon of Cape Kapro near
Cephalonia. The emended text is as follows :

Fcià σου, Κάπο Κάπρο
μ€ την Καποκάπραινά σου
καί μ€ τα Καποκαπρόπουλά σου.
Να Κάπρο, να Κάπραινα,

να τα Καποκαπρόπονλα.

Φάτ€ το παξιμάδι
iaeîç ψάρια μ€λανονρια.

Greeting, Саре Карго, to you,

And to Mrs. Cape Kapro
And the little Cape Kapro*s.

Here’s for you, Kapro and Mrs. Ка-
рго,

Here’s for you little Cape Kapro’s.
Eat up the biscuit,

T ou melanouria fish.1

A similar cult was observed by von Hahn at Cape
Linguetta in Albania. Here, according to his sailors,
dwelt a marine she-demon named Linguetta, to whom
ships passing her abode offered a handful of salt with
the invocation ‘ Here ’s your bread, Linguetta, and send
us (fair) voyage.’ 2 Similarly, in classical times we may
regard Scylla as the typical example of a sea-demon.

1209 ; ib. (biscuit to Cape Volpo, cf. Z./. Anthropol., p. 215) ; see note
on no. 558 for all such practices.

1 The melanouria, as actual inhabitants of the water, accept the offer-
ing, apparently as proxies for the Cape Kapro family.

2 Alban. Studien, i, 131 f. ; cf. Polîtes, IJapaSôaeiç, no. 558 and note.
Bread is thrown into the sea at Gaza (Baldensperger, in P.E.F., Q.S. for
1893, p. 216) ; food is sent by Arab sailors ashore for Hasan el Merabet
on an island in the Red Sea (Burckhardt, Arabia, ii, 347) ; bread is
thrown into the Nile at Bibbeh at a saint’s tomb (Bussierre, Lettres, ii,
57). The relatives of Sheikh Selim (for whom see Lady Duff Gordon,
Letters from Egypt, pp. 45, 304) on the Nile have to be tipped before
dahabiehs can get under way (King, Dr. Liddon’s Lour, p. 75). In
rough weather Moorish pilgrims invoked a saint, hung a basket of bread
for him to the masthead, threw a bottle of oil and a basket of couscous
into the sea, arid tied a written charm to the masthead (Pococke,
Voyages, iv, 213). On S. Andrew’s day at Sinope cakes of wheat, sugar,
and flour are baked, consecrated in S. Andrew’s church, and part eaten
by the fishermen who subscribed the money for the cakes. Part, how-
ever, is kept and carried to sea in the boats ; when the sea is rough,
crumbs are sprinkled on the waves with an appeal to S. Andrew for
protection (White, in Mosl. World, 1919, p. 15).

344 Saints and Demons of the Sea

Scylla, as her name implies, was originally conceived of
as a dog (or#a 4 sea-dog 5 or shark=κύων ?) and bears
traces of her origin in her later art-types.1 The ‘ dog-
mounds 5 (κυνόσσημα)οί the Hellespont, later connected
with Hecuba,2 3 and that on the modern Cape Volpo з in
Caria, probably celebrated similar demons.

For the development of a demon-cult to a corre-
sponding saint-cult an important link is furnished by
travellers’ accounts of the Turkish cult of Baba at
Lectum. Turkish saint-cults are much less trammelled
by ecclesiastical tradition than Christian,* and conse-
quently show more clearly the rude natural conception
of such a cult. The first notice, then, of the Lectum
cult dates from about 1550. It comes to us from the
monk Pachomios Rousanos, who was shocked to find
that Christian sailors took part in the placation of the
‘ demon His words are as follows :

‘ As we sailed by Lectum, a promontory of Troy, I saw and
heard the sailors preparing food for a demon who once dwelt or
still dwells there, called in the Turkish or the Arabick Papa.
And they prepared for him of their own victuals, breaking bread

1 Roscher, s. v. ; Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. For a dog-headed sea-

monster on a clay seal see Evans in J.H.S. xxxii, 291.

3 The connexion is evidently made through the dog-goddess Hekate
(‘Εκάτη), of whom Hecuba (‘Εκάβη) is a by-form (cf. Pauly-Wis-
sowa, s.v. Hekabe, p. 2660). Cf. Strabo, XIII, i, 28.

3 Polîtes, op. cit. ii, 1209. Cf. Strabo, XIV, ii, 15. The locality is still
dreaded : cf. the Symi folk-song in Michaelides, Καρττ. “Αισμara,
no. io :

Πανερμιώτη Συ рса к e S. Michael of Panormos on Symi,

Kal ‘Αγία Σοφία τής Μπόλις, And S. Sophia of Stambol,

Kl * At Δημήτρι Βονργαρε, And Bulgar S. Demetrius

άττου το Σαλονίκι. From Salonica.

Ex~votos from ships in danger find their way automatically to S.
MichaePs church there, as Professor R. M. Dawkins, to whom I owe the
translation of the difficult Παν€ρμίώτη, informs me ; cf. a similar story
told of a church of S. George in Egypt (Amélineau, Contes de VÉgypte
Chrétienne, ii, 240). 4 See above, p. 255.

Baba of Lectum 345

in a plate and setting thereon cheese and onion . . . which also
they cast into the sea calling on him after the Qentile manner.
Howbeit I gave them no countenance, but upbraided them for’
their superstition.’1

From the notes of later travellers it is clear that the
4 demon 5 invoked in passing the dangerous cape was
for devout Moslems a perfectly legitimate recipient of
worship, c Papa 5 being merely the title ‘ Baba·5 given
familiarly to old men and often, with no lack of respect,
to popular Turkish saints.

The passages relating to the 4 Baba 5 of Lectum are of
sufficient interest to be given in full. Des Hayes3 says
of him :

‘ Les Turcs appellent [le Cap de Saincte Marie] Bababournou,
qui en leur langue signifie Le nez du perey à cause que . . . l’vn
des six-vingts quatre mille Prophètes, dont Pay parlé au discours
de la Religiô,3 y est enterré : c’est pourquoy tous les Turcs qui
y passent, iettent à son intention plusieurs morceaux de biscuit
à des oyseaux, qui demeurent continuellement aux enuirons.’

Le Bruyn,4 some fifty years later, gives substantially
the same account :

e Il y a à ce Bababarnouè un de leurs Saints qui y est enterré ; on
le nomme Baba, qui signifie Pere. Les Barques y jettent toû-
jours quelque morceau de pain : mais les Plongeons, qui y sont
en grande quantité, en emportent la meilleure partie.’

Egmont,5 in the next century, adds some details as to
the traditional personality of the saint, called by hin\

* a dervise or Babay who always gave the Turks intelligence when
any rovers were in the neighbouring seas. This cape is very
dangerous, on account of sudden squalls from the mountains.
In passing by it with a fair wind, the Turks, out of respect to the
memory of the above saint, throw pieces of bread into the sea,

1 Published by Polîtes in Δϊλτίον Чсгтор. *Εταιρείας, i, 108 ; cf, the
same author’s ΠαραΒόσας ii, 1208.

1 Votage, p. 340. з P. 257. 4 Voyage, i, 510.

5 Egmont and Heymann, Travels (1759), i, 162 f. ; cf. also Galland’s
Journal, ed. Schefer, ii, 158, where the tomb of the Baba is mentioned.

346 Saints and Demons of the Sea

tho’ they pee them immediately carried away by a sp CV-1CÖ VJ1
sea-fowl comnpon in these parts : and the more devout among
them add to this offering a prayer, for the happiness of his soul.’

We have here exactly the ritual of the demon-cults
down to the peculiarity, already observed at Cape Кар-
го, that the offering is actually accepted, not by the
saint himself, but by his famuli or protégés, in this case
birds. ‘But the saint is conceived of as a person who, in
his lifetime, acted in the interest of mariners and con-
tinued his beneficence after death.

Whether the Baba of Lectum ever existed or not is
immaterial. Hermits with special powers over the
weather (and this, not the signalling of pirates, was
undoubtedly the function of the Baba) have certainly
been reputed and placated elsewhere. In Morocco, foi
instance (and from North Africa much sea-lore and
superstition must have come to the Turks, who are them-
selves no seamen), Teonge, in the seventeenth century,
records that ‘ on the top of Apes’ hill lives a Marabotl
wizord or Inchanter ; and what vessell soever of the
Turks goes by, gives him a gun as shee goes, to bej
a fortunate voyage.’1 Evliya mentions a somewhat simi-
lar sailors’ saint, Durmish Dede of Akkerman, buried ai
Rumeli Hisar on the Bosporus, who foretold the for-
tunes of mariners on their way to the Black Sea in th(
reign of Ahmed I.* A prophet of this sort is supposée

• 1 Diary (1675), p. 33 ; cf. p. 141 : 4 It hath been very tempestuou
all night, and so continues. Wee may suppose their Marabotts are a
woork to drive us from their coasts ; but God is above the Devili.
Pierre Gonçalez, a Dominican friar of the thirteenth century at Tuy ii
Gälicia, is the patron of Spanish sailors, being invoked as S. Elm< (Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 436-7). 2 Ίravels, I, ii, 70; cf. 27; cj. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott xviii, 85. Durmish Dede is still placated with offerings by seamen though his personality is entirely changed. He is now represented a a dervish of the period of the Turkish conquest, who miraculousl; crossed the Bosporus on foot and established himself (durmak =4 stop, ‘ remain ’) at the spot now occupied by the (Khalveti) convent bearing At Dangerous Points 347 to influence the luck as well as to foretell it. The late Professor van Millingen once told me that in his father’s time a dervish on the Bosporus was regularly consulted by Black Sea sailors and was credited with power over the wind.1 The sea-demon and the local sea-saint are propitiated for the same reason, viz. for security in passing danger- ous points in a voyage, but in a different sense, the demon, being ‘ black ’ or hostile, producing the danger, the saint, as a rule ‘ white ’ or beneficent, averting it. The cult both of demons and of saints owes its exis- tence, or its interpretation in a marine sense, to the notorious dangers of their locality. Consequently, we find their sanctuaries located at such critical points on sea-routes as promontories,1 where violent winds might be expected, localities affected by currents з and danger- ous shoal waters ;4 it is the permanent and (locally) fixed nature of these phenomena which tends to per- petuate a cult of some kind at such points. The exact site of the local sanctuary may therefore vary, but within a radius limited by the area affected by the natural phenomena which necessitate supernatural help. So long as these exist, there is apt to be a cult, but the personality of the numen is liable to a complete change. The cult at Lectum was in all probability directed in ancient times to Palamedes, the sailors’ god to whom the invention of lighthouses was attributed, and whose sanctuaries are always found on littoral sites.5 In the case of Lectum the Palamedeion was some miles north of the grave of the Baba. In the Middle Ages we may his name. Cf. the cult of Barbarossa (Khair-ed-din) (see above, p. 279). and of the ancient Protesilaos (Philostratos, Her. 291, Herodotus, vH, 33)· 1 с/. King, Dr. Liddorfs Lour, p. 75, and Duff Gordon, Letters from Egypt, PP· 45. 3°4· 2 e.g. at Lectum, Thracian Chersonnese, Malea, Taenarum. 3 e.g. Hellespont, Bosporus. 4 e.g. Black Sea. 5 See Roscher’s Lexikon, s.v. Palamedes, especially pp. 1271-2. 348 Saints and Demons of the Sea infer from the name ‘ Cape S. Mary ’ that a chapel of the Virgin 1. existed on Lectum and that she was in- voked by sailors as the Baba was later. The three persons are wholly different in conception, but succeed one another as sailors’ intercessors largely on account of the position of their sanctuaries.3 Further, the placation of a local sea-demon and the invocation of a local sea-saint and universal sea-god are logical. The local demon, like the local saint, is locally potent, the universal sea-god is potent over the whole area. The evolution of a universal sea-saint needs explanation. In the case of the Turks, who look on Noah as the patron of shipping^ and propitiate him before under- taking a voyage,·* the choice is perfectly logical.5 But S. Nicolas, who has actually attained in the Eastern 1 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 315, comments on the invocation of the Virgin of Mount Carmel by Turks, Moors, and Arabs. Lucius ( Anfänge des Heiligenk., p. 522) says the stella Mariae idea dates from Isidore of Sculli and that till then her connexion with the sea was incidental only. * Some sort of parallel is given by the succession of seamen’s saints on the Bosporus (Zeus Ourios, S. Michael, Durmish Dede), on the Hellespont (Protesilaus (?) and Hecuba, S. Euthymius of Madytos, Ghazi Fazil), and on Malea, where Moslem influence never penetrated (Apollo, S. George (Orthodox), and S. Michael (Catholic)) ; cf. B.S.A. xiv, 173. [A marginal note of my husband’s on the MSS. says ‘ this gives a wrong impression ’. The warning was presumably directed against using such a sequence of saints to support theories about the permanence of the sanctity of a once sacred spot. In general, his in- vectigations had led him to question most cases of alleged permanent sanctity. In the present case he would probably have wished to em- phasize once more the changes in the personality, even in the sex, of the successive saints, the variation in actual site of the sanctuaries, and the point that the permanent factor was not sanctity, but danger, at the places in question.—M. M. H.] 3 He was the patron of sailors’ guilds at Constantinople, as of the shipwrights’ (Evliya, travels, I, ii, 128, 129, 135). 4 Cf. Seaman’s Orchan, pp. 71-2, where the Turks before their first crossing to Europe invoke Noah ; Evliya, Travels, I, i, 63. His name is a protection against snake-bite, because poisonous beasts laid aside their venom as a condition of entering the ark (J. H. Petermann, Evolution of Sea-Saints 349 church the position of Poseidon, was a bishop ; S. Phocas,6 who preceded him, was a gardener ; S. Spyridon, who enjoys great local vogue*in the Adriatic, again a bishop ; while S. Paul, who travelled by sea more than any saint, has, on the contrary, no honour among Greek sailors on that account. It seems thus probable that two main causes determine the maritime importance of particular saints. First, the chief saint of a seafaring population tends to become a specialist ; 7 second, a saint, what- ever his character, who possesses a church on a notori- ously dangerous piece of coast, becomes the natural person to invoke against the local perils of that coast, exactly as the local demon. If, in the one case, the local seafaring clientèle is numerous and important, or if, in the other, the coast is sufficiently frequented, its local sea-saint may, by the widespread fame of his miracles, obtain a wider reputation. The first cause seems to account for S. Phocas’ vogue,8 the second for Reisen itn Orient, ii, 303). For the pretty legend of Noah and the swallow in the ark see Comtesse de Gasparin, À Constantinople, pp. 189 ff. 5 So, too, with Jonah. Moslems hold that he was thrown up by the sea at the village of Gie on the Syrian coast and they never fail ‘ de demander permission au Prophète de passer devant chez lui ’ (D’Ar- vieux, Mémoires, ii, 329). A Cherbourg sailor prayed to him at Fécamp for much the same reason (Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, iii, 237), though he thought of him as a great sailor changed into a fish. A mound at Nineveh marks where he preached ; Moslems think also that his tomb is there and jealously exclude Christians, whom, however, they allow to join in the three days’ fast they observe in honour of the prophet (Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 174). Another reputed grave of Jonah is in Galilee and is equally difficult of access for Christians (Le Bruyn, Voyage, p. 318). 6 For food thrown to him see Lucius, op. cit.y p. 294, n. 3. 7 A curious case is given in Polîtes, ïlapaSoaetSy no. 205 ; at Spetsa, an island whose inhabitants are largely seamen by profession, S. Aimi- lianos, who has a chapel at the entrance to the harbour, is regularly placated by seamen leaving the port, though not usually a sea-saint. Similarly, S. Edmund became a fisherman’s saint because east coast fishermen liked him (Hutton, English Saints, pp. 138 ff.). 8 As in classical times for that of Isis at Alexandria. 350 Saints and Demons of the Sea S. Nicolas’,1 whose original church lay on the Kara- manian coast and was passed regularly by the two streams of Christian pilgrim traffic (from Constanti- nople and Venice) towards the Holy Land. Among the Turks the sea-saint of this class remains local. The characteristic sea-saints at Lectum and the Hieron (Durmish Dede) were in their lifetime given to the service pf seafarers. On the other hand, Ghazi Ahmed Fazil of the Hellespont, whose grave was formerly saluted by Turkish ships, like the ‘ Marabott ’ of Teonge and doubtless with the same purpose, had,2 3 4 as his name implies, no connexion with the sea till the position of his grave decided for him. We have still to consider a secondary class of gods and saints who acquired the general reverence of sea- farers in virtue of their patronage of travellers and a special attribute, that of sudden help. This phase is represented in the ancient world by Hermes the luck- bringer, in the Orthodox area by S. George, and in the Moslem by Khidr. Hermes and S. George з alike give their names to many capes in the Greek area.·* 1 Interesting is the cult of S. Nicolas in undis (Molanus, Hist. Imagi- num, p. 390). In France S. Nicolas is now patron of fresh water only (Paul Guérin, Vie des Saints, Dec. 6; Peyre, Nvnesy Arles> Orange,
p. 209).

a Walpole in Clarke’s Travels, iii, 82.

3 For S. George see Covel, Diaries, p. 277 (at Selymbria) ; Pouque-
ville, Travels in the Morea, p. 322 (at Prinkipo) ; Macarius, Travels, tr.
Belfour, i, 12 (Virgin, S. Nicolas, S. Simeon the wonder-worker, S.
George the rider on sea and land, S. Demetrius at sea, are the saints in-
voked by travellers ; cf. the list in Grünemberg, Pilgerfahrt, cd. Gold-
friedrich, p. 134, which includes S. Catherine of Sinai, S. Nicolas of
Bey rut, S. Mary Magdalene of Marseilles, and S. James of Galicia) ;
cf. Amélineau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, ii, 210, 240 (in Egypt) ;
Boucher, Bouquet Sacré, p. 428 (a Georgian refuses to commit the
sacrilege of embarking the evening before or the day after S. George’s
feast) ; Le Bruyn, Voyage, p. 177 (vows in general at sea) ; Miller
Latins in the Levant, p. 621 (Skyros).

4 [The chapter could not be completed. М.М.Н.].
XXIII

BOGUS SAINTS

THUS far we have treated of what we may term
‘ authentic 5 saints, real persons, that is, who by
their piety, learning, valour, or other distinctions dui
ing life, have gained a more or less extended vogue in
popular religion, or who have posthumously proved
their saintship by the miracles performed at their graves.

There is also a very large and important class of saints
who may be labelled 6 bogus V These owe their
origin, generally speaking, either to (i) development or
to (2) discovery. We have elsewhere 2 given reasons
for believing that many apparently orthodox saint cults
are in reality developments from the propitiation, gene-
rally apotropaic, of folk-lore figures,jinns^ Arabs’ (which
are in reality a form oî jinn), and giants, originally re-
garded as hostile. Of these, plain jinns may be found
almost anywhere, giants are perhaps specially addicted
to mountains,3 and ‘ arab ? jinns to caves, springs, and
buildings, especially baths and ruins ; even statues may
be haunted by them.* The 4 dragon 5 of folk-lore,
naturally enough, remains a hostile or ‘ black 9 form and
in religion figures regularly as the vanquished opponent
of the hero-saint, who is generally a dervish.

The discovery of bogus saints depends primarily on
accidents such as the fall of an old wall,5 or the observa-

1 Cf. the false tombs mentioned at Cairo by Al Makrizi (in Gold-
ziher, Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 1880, p. 329).

2 Above, p. 223.

3 Cf. Joshua, supra, p. 305. Moslems like to be buried on as lofty a
site as possible (von Schweiger-Lerchenfeld, Armenien, p. 3).

* For ‘ arabs9 see below, pp. 730 ff. For jinns haunting wells see
Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 44, and Mod. Egyptians, i, 282.

5 See above, pp. 237, 253. This disclosed the grave of a Jewish

352 Bogus Saints

tion of phosphorescent lights,1 which seem to be re-
garded as a divine substitute for the lights placed by
men on the graves of the sainted dead. More tangible
revelations, such as the discovery of an uncorrupted
body, a sarcophagus, or remains of buildings resembliQg
a grave or a mausoleum, are similarly accepted, under
favourable conditions, as adequate grounds for the in-
stitution of a cult. Ross in the forties relates the follow-
ing instance from Cyprus of the canonization of an un-
corrupted corpse.

< The Turks six weeks ago found in their cemetery a corpse shewing hardly any signs of decay, a phenomenon here easily explained, since the soil is in such close proximity to the salt- lake and the sea that it is strongly impregnated with salt and saltpetre. Further, according to those who live in the imme- diate neighbourhood of the cemetery, the corpse cannot have been buried more than a matter of twenty or twenty-five years. . . . The Turks have made a saint of the corpse though they can- not put a name to it ; sceptics say they do not even know its sex. . . . The old Pasha at Nicosia was delighted that this occur- rence should have taken place under his administration, and hopes it will lead to his being specially commended at Con- stantinople. He at once had a small house of prayer built in the cemetery over the corpse, and summoned a Dervish to take charge of it. I went one day with the English Consul to investi- gate it. We found a small white-washed house in which the unknown saint reposed in a kind of catafalque under a green carpet ; the Dervish sat cross-legged in one corner smoking his pipe with the indispensable coffee-set by him. This was the extent of the whole cultus.’1 A more extraordinary story is related by Lady Mary saint at Maon in Syria (Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 244). Lucius (Anfänge des Heiligenk., p. 144, n. 5), on the authority of an Egyptian monk of the fifth century, hints at the same superstition. Possibly the super- stition is very ancient and dates from some notorious case, where a wall fell revealing a tomb. 1 See Evliya, 1, ii, 68, for an instance. * Ross, Reisen nach Kos, pp. 198 f. Mummy of Tedi Kule 353 Montagu in 1717 of an Egyptian mummy sent by way of Constantinople as a present to Charles XII of Sweden* then at Bender.1 4 The Turks she says, 4 fancied it the body of God knows who ; and that the state of their empire mystically depended on the conservation of it. Some old prophecies were remembered upon this occasion, and the mummy was committed prisoner to the Seven Towers.5 2 This might be disregarded as the empty gossip of contemporary Constantinople, were it not corroborated nearly a hundred years later. Pouque- ville says that the story of the mummy was told in a Turkish history, of which part was translated for him by M. Ruffin ; 3 the mummy, which was sent ninety- four years before as a present from the King of France to the King of Sweden, 4 was about to be forwarded to its destination when it was stopped by the Janissaries upon guard at the gate of Adrianople. Being sealed with the signet of the kaimakam, it was supposed to be the relic of some saint, and was deposited at the Seven Towers.5 * The reason of Pouqueville’s interest in the mummy was that he had himself happened to re-dis- cover it, during his captivity in that fortress, in a cham- ber of the northern tower of the Golden Gate. He 4 never heard it said, as Lady Mary Wortley Montague affirms, that the Turks attached to it the idea of a palladium on which hung the preservation of the em- pire 5, a statement which he regarded as 4 one of the pleasing fictions of her work 5. But in the light of the prophecies which have circulated for so long among Greeks and Turks alike of the saviour-king who should arise from the dead to deliver the city from the Moslem yoke, it is probable that Lady Mary Montagu’s story is substantially correct, and that in the occurrences she relates is to be found one source of the modern tradi- 1 Charles XII took refuge in Turkey after the battle of Poltava (1709). 3 Works (London, 1805), ii, 198. 3 Chargé d’affaires, 1805-6. 4 Travels in the Morea, p. 257. 3295 A a 354 Bogus Saints tion locating the tomb of Constantine Palaiologos1 at the Golden Gate. For our present question it is in- teresting to remark that the Turkish guardians are said to light to him a lamp every night and to cover him with a shawl which they renew once a year.2 Of a cult initiated by the discovery of a sarcophagus з Miss Pardoe gives a striking case from the Constanti- nople of her own day : ‘ About ten days before I left the country [i.e. in 1836], some workmen, employed in digging the foundation of an outbuilding at the Arsenal, brought to light a handsome sarcophagus of red marble, containing the bodies of Heraclius, a Greek emperor, who flourished during the reign of Mahomet, and his consort. The two figures representing the Imperial pair are nearly per- fect. That of the Emperor holds in one hand a globe, and with 1 Polîtes, in his commentary on his TlapaSôaetç, no. 33, gives full re- ferences for this whole legend-cycle. When the years are fulfilled, the victorious army of the Greeks is to enter Constantinople by the Golden Gate, and the saviour-king, who dwells iv τή πρώττ) άκρα τής Βυζαντί- 8os, will rise from the sleep of death to lead them in. The site suits the Golden Gate well enough, standing, as it does, at the south-west corner of the triangular city, but in the traditions there is a discrepancy on one essential point, namely, the identity of the sleeper at the Golden Gate. He is either the emperor Constantine Palaiologos, or his pre- decessor, John Palaiologos, or S. John the Evangelist (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 103). All these traditions are historically almost equally incredible. But the intrusion of S. John, who, according to medieval traditions, sleeps without tasting of death in his tomb at Ephesus, is at least intelligible in this setting. The figure of John Palaiologos, on the other hand, seems to be no more than a bridge effecting the transition between the deathless saint, John, and the deathless emperor, Palaiologos, of popular tradition. This hypo- thetical development seems to suit the existence at the Golden Gate of a body marvellously preserved and therefore reputed that of a saint, who was first identified by the ignorant for obvious reasons with S. John and was later swept into the cycle of local legends concerning the sleeping saviour-king. * Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 103 ; cf. Po- lîtes, ϊίαραδόσας, no. 33. 3 For a cult at the sarcophagus of Nebi Shaib in Palestine see Capt. Warren in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869, p. 228. Heraclius 355 the other grasps a sceptre ; while the Empress is represented with her crown resting upon her open palm. At their feet are the busts of two worthies, supposed to be the portraits of cele- brated warriors, but the inscriptions beneath them are nearly obliterated. ’ ‘ Immediately that the identity of the occupants of this lordly tomb was ascertained, orders were given that an iron railing, breast-high, should be erected to protect the relic from injury, the Turks having a tradition that Heraclius died a Mahomedan. The fact is, however, more than doubtful.1 . . . The Turks claimed the sarcophagus as the tomb of a True Believer ; and a marble mausoleum is to be built over it, similar to those which contain the ashes of the Sultans.’a It would be interesting to know how and by whom this sarcophagus was identified. It is obvious that Heraclius, at once the supposed crypto-Mohammedan,з the Christian conqueror of Jerusalem, and the restorer of the Cross, is an ideal centre for an ambiguous cult. The reigning sultan (Mahmud II) was a known leveller and closely in touch with the Mevlevi order, who in former times seem to have forwarded these ambiguous cults with a view to the fusion of religions, and may have been in part responsible for the identification. 1 Cf. Gibbon, Decline and Fall (ed. J. B. Bury), v, 395 ; Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii, 261 f. ‘ [Mohammed] wrote letters to the Emperor Heraclius . . . exhorting him to embrace Islam. . . . Heraclius said neither no nor yes, but sent presents to Mohammed in acknowledgment of his communication. Arab writers boast that he was really converted to Islamism, Greek writers affirm that Mohammed came and’did homage to him.’ For the letter sent to Heraclius see Le Strange, Palestine, p. 139. * City of the Sultans, i, 420 f. 3 On secret conversion see below, pp. 445-9. XXIV A PROVINCIAL PANTHEON HE following description of the pilgrimages and holy places of the large provincial town of Mona- stic all of a simple type, little, if at all, affected by the learned classes, may be deemed not without interest for Turkish mythology. There are four tekkes, all small, belonging respectively to the Rifai (2), Nakshbandi, and Bektashi orders. Of these that of the Nakshbandi alone seems to be of im- portance for popular religion. The first Rifai tekke stands off the main street of the town. Its precincts have been much curtailed by the widening of the street. It contains the tomb of Mah- mud Dede the founder, who is supposed to have lived at the time of the conquest. The second, which stands on the outskirts of the town, was founded by Sheikh Nazmi Efendi in 1276(1859-60), who is there buried with other saints, including Sheikh Mehmed of Aleppo. The Bektashi tekke, also on the outskirts of the town, has outwardly the appearance of a well-to-do Turkish house and is discreetly walled. It contains the tomb of the martyr Husain Baba in an octagonal turbe built in 1289(1872-3). The Nakshbandi tekke, in the same quarter, is more- important from our point of view as containing the tomb of Hasan Baba, which is famous for its miracles. The saint is said to have fallen under the displeasure of a sultan,1 who sent men to hang him. Fleeing from them, the saint had turbes built at many places through 1 The name of the sultan was given as ‘ Avranoz 9 ; there is possibly a confusion with the famous family of Evrenos descended from the early Ottoman ghazi of that name buried at Yenije Vardar. Hasan JJaba 357 which he passed, in order to deceive the sultan into believing him dead. Consequently, cenotaphs of Hasan Baba exist in various parts, as at Kossovo, Uskub, Adrianople, Constantinople (in Divan Yolu), Anatolia, and Egypt.1 Beside each turbe is a mosque. Monastir naturally claims the authentic tomb. The humble turbe containing the grave of the saint is specially fre- quented by women who cannot bring forth and children who cannot walk. The former find relief by contact with the beads of the saint, and the latter by being supported three times round the grave and leaving behind them the wooden pattens with which the cir- cumambulation is performed.2 Kurban is performed in a shed erected for the purpose outside the turbe ; by a miraculous coincidence the saint receives every year exactly three hundred and sixty-six such offerings, one for each day. Many rags are affixed to the turbe windows. The following pilgrimages are unconnected with dervish convents : Bunar Baba. This is a sacred spring, apparently Turkish in tradition but patronized also by Christians, in a private garden on the outskirts of the town. It is said to have been discovered by Bunar Baba, a pupil of Hasan Baba, who was digging to find the body of his master with a view to being buried beside him. The spring is almost at ground level, but, however much water is taken from it, does not decrease. The wafer has miraculous virtue against all illnesses, if washed in 1 These names were given to me, possibly at random. One of the cenotaphs seems to be in the once famous tekke at the village called Baba at the entrance to Tempe ; see above, p. 118. 3 Émile Deschamps saw quantities of children’s boots left in an Armenian church of S. George at Nicosia, probably for the same reason as they are left at Monastir {Au Pays d’Aphrodite, p. 64). In Pontus persons with mouths awry pay a small fee and are slapped on the mouth by an attendant with the slipper of a certain saint (name not given) ; see Prof. White in Mosl. World, 1919, p. 9. 358 A Provincial Pantheon or drunk during the hour after midday on Fridays : at other times it has no power. The tomb of Bunar Baba, who was 0buried here by his wife, is shown close by. Khirka Baba. This pilgrimage is again in a private garden on the outskirts of the town. The chief object of the cult is the habit ( khirka) of Kulah Mufti Sheikh Mahmud Efendi, a learned Nakshbandi divine from whom the present owners of the garden are descended.' The relic is kept in a chest in the upper story of the hula or tower, which was formerly the residence of the family ; water in which the khirka has been dipped * has the virtue of killing or curing sufferers from chronic diseases ; it is said sometimes to be administered with- out the knowledge of the patient by his sympathetic (or impatient) relatives. The sheikh disappeared myste- riously and none knows where he died or was buried ; the clothes he was wearing, including the were found in the garden, the spot being marked by an enclosure resembling a tomb, on which candles are lit. Another relic is a hair of the Prophet’s beard, which was sent to the sheikh ; this is preserved in a bottle by the sheikh’s descendants, and taken, three days before Ramazan Bairam, in procession to the large mosque, where the Faithful kiss it.3 The sheikh’s wife also ‘ disappeared ’ : the belt she left behind is still shown and is worn by childless women in the hope of its removing their sorrow.* In the cemetery on the hill north of the town are the graves of the following saints : Kirhor Dede, said to be a very ancient saint. The grave is very simple. Beside it to the south is a mul- 1 The oldest, who is ninety, says he represents the sixth generation from the sheikh. * This is evidently based on the similar procedure with regard to the Prophet's cloak at Constantinople (C. White, Constantinople, i, 215). 3 Μ. Μ. H. (1923). 4 Ibid. Chetim less 359 berry tree, in the trunk of which fires have frequently been lighted, but the tree has never been consumed.' South of this again is a pit for kurban.t Chetim Tess Baba. This is again quite an ordinary grave, except that there are holes bored in the head- and foot-stones : these are said to have been made by the saint, who was an abdal (fool saint) in his lifetime. Barren women pass two eggs through these holes and eat them ; people suffering from wounds which refuse to heal, bind them with cloths that have been passed through in the same way.* Kurban is not practised at this grave, but the saint is propitiated with candles, for which a sheltered niche is provided at the end of the 1 This is evidently a debased version of Moses and the Burning Bush. Carmoly (Itinéraires, p. 263) records that both Jews and Moslems light lamps on the three tombs of Rabbi Eleazer at Alma. One Friday evening one of the trees that overshadow the tombs caught fire from the lamps. As it was their Sabbath, the Jews could not put out the fire and the Moslems refused to do so, yet next morning the tree was found unharmed. The same author (p. 318), quoting another source, attributes to pious scruples the refusal of the Moslems : God had given the saint power to manifest His glory in this fashion. The details of the Bible story are more closely followed in a French tale in Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, ii, 282 : when the bush had burned twenty- four hours, it was found intact, with the image of N. D. de l’Épine in it. Pictures of the Virgin are commonly discovered in this way in the West : see, for instance, Collin de Plancy, op. cit. ii, 235, 247, 257 ; Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 299 ; de Smet, Manuel du Culte de la Ί. S. Vierge, passim ; Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 120, 121, 134. Cases also occur in the East. The Παναγία Μνρτώίώτισσα of Cythera was found in a myrtle-bush some three hundred years ago, for example (see her *Ακολουθία, Athens, 1909), and the Παναγία τοΰ Κάπου Δαγ at Cyzicus, I was informed, is periodically lost and found in a bush. No doubt many of these ‘ discoveries * are as suspect as ‘ discoveries ’ in general, but sometimes the miracle may have a foundation in fact. N. D. de Carentoir was placed in an oak for veneration (Sébillot, op. cit., iv, 369), as was perhaps the stone image mentioned by Collin de Plancy (ii, 356) and twenty years later seen almost surrounded by the trunk of the tree. For the possible meaning of Byzantine representa- tions of the Virgin in a burning bush see Hasluck, Letters, p. 93. 2 Cf. above, p. 185. Збо A Provincià ’l Pantheon grave ; however high the wind may be, the candles are never blown'out. In the cemetery near the horse-market is an open turbe much used for the rain-prayer in times of drought; contrary to Moslem custom in ordinary prayers, the hands of the suppliants taking part in the appeal for rain must be extended palms downwards or the prayer has no effect. , The turbe, according to tradition, marks the spot where a khoja was buried. Some one dreamt that the grave contained a girl, and on examination it was found that the body of a Christian king’s daughter had been miraculously substituted for that of the khoja.1 Pomruk Baba, called also Jigher Baba, is buried on the hill south of the town, near the armoury. He is propitiated with pieces of liver ),which are hung on a nail and mysteriously disappear while the suppliant is still on the spot. In the town, near Yeni Hammam, is a little yard containing two very simple turf graves, said to be those of Bektashi saints, one of whom is named Merhum Baba. They are frequented for all kinds of sickness and propiti- ated with candles, lamps, and kurban : no rags are tied. In a small enclosure off the courtyard of the Nsllii Jami is the grave of Khalil Baba, dated 1183 (1769-70) by its inscription ; the headstone is crowned with the taj of the Bektashi. The saint is propitiated with lights. 1 The legend seems based on the Mohammedan tradition that un- worthy Moslems are removed by divine agency from the cemeteries of the Believers and their place taken by Christians, who are secretly or naturally Mussulman. See above, p. 73, and especially below, .pp. 446 ff. PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY JOHN JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY XXV PLATO IN THE FOLK-LORE OF THE ΚΟΝΙΑ PLAIN 1 ABOUT fifty miles west of Konia, the capital of the Seljuk princes of Rum, is a spring with a remark- able Hittite monument, known locally as the 4 Spring of Plato ’ (Eflatun Bunari). The monument consists of a mass of masonry built of colossal stones, the chief face being decorated with a number of rude human figures sculptured in relief.2 The connexion of Plato’s name with this monument has long, and rightly, been regarded as due not to Greek but to medieval Turkish traditions.3 In the learning of the Arabs, Plato 4 the divine ’ holds a distinguished place. In Persia several philosophic sects claim to be his followers.4 The culture of the Seljuk Turks was entirely derived from the Persian, and Konia has been from 1233 onwards the seat of the philosophic Mevlevi dervishes. We are not surprised to find that, at the Zinjirli medreseh in the neighbouring town of Karaman, students of the highest class were officially called 4 Platonists ’,5 or that the name of Plato should be known, at least to the learned, in medieval Konia. The connexion of Plato with the Hittite monument which bears his name is still not obvious. Some new light is thrown upon the question by the traditions still current in Konia 6 concerning the philosopher and 1 The first edition of this chapter appeared in B.S.A. xviii, 265 ff. 2 See Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 350 ; W. H. Ward, in A.J.A. 1886, 49 ; Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, p. 123 ; Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. de Г Arty iv, 734 ff. and fig. 356. з Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 177. 4 Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, ii, 272 f. 5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 232, 405. 6 These came almost without exception from Sir W. M. Ramsay’s servant, Prodromos Petrides. в 2 364 Plato in the Folk-lore 1 f the Konia Plain by stray references to him in the description of this part of Asia Minor by the seventeenth-century Turkish geographer Haji Khalfa.1 These references are three in number. The first records the existence of a ‘ tomb of Plato the divine ’2 in the citadel at Konia.3 This is also mentioned earlier by the thirteenth-century geographer Yakut,4 one of Haji Khalfa’s acknowledged sources. Yakut adds that the tomb was ‘ in the church by the mosque \5 This church is identified with that of S. Amphilochius by a note in the Pilgrimage of the Merchant Basil (1466) : ‘ il y a là une église chrétienne [consacrée] selon eux, à Platon, &, selon nous, à Amphilothée (sic). Il repose entre la grande porte & la porte septentrionale [de l’autel]; et l’huile sainte découle de lui jusqu’à présent.’6 The church of S. Amphilochius, a fourth-century bishop of Iconium, is still standing,7 and in it is said to exist a ‘ spring of Plato ’,8 probably the ay asma of the saint, considered as a well devised for astrological purposes.9 1 Tr. Armai n, ii, 651 ff. 3 Plato, Aristotle, and Socrates are given the title of 4 divine ’ as having admitted a Prime Cause in their philosophies ; the tomb of Plato is placed by Haji Khalfa immediately after the orthodox Moham- medan pilgrimages at Konia. 3 P. 670, cf. Otter (Voyage, i, 61), who borrows direct from Haji Khalfa, as often, e.g., in the case of the Ivriz relief ; a comparison with Haji Khalfa shows that he never visited this monument, though he is generally credited with the discovery. 4 The date of Yakut’s Geography is generally given as 1224. 5 Ap. Sarre, op. cit., p. 34, note ; cf. p. 125. 6 Ed. Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 256. 7 Ramsay and Bell, Thousand and One Churches, figs. 328-30 inch ; Ramsay, Cities of Sì. Paul, p. 380 and pi. xiv ; Pauline Studies, pp. 170 f. 8 Pauline Studies, p. 170. 9 For a well of this sort see Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 60 : 4 . . . the astro- nomer’s well, which is one hundred and five cubits deep, and was dug by the famous astronomer Ali Kushje for astronomical observations ’ {temp. Murad IV) ; cf. E. M. Sykes, Persia and its People, p. 140. The use of the well is of course a form of lekanomancy analogous to the 4 inkpool ’ method of divination still used in the East. Associai 'd with Water 365 The church is still vaguely connected with Plato : some hold that it was his observatory, others £ have heard ’ that his tomb is there. I could see no trace of tomb or ayasma inside the building, nor does the saint share ‘ Plato’s ’ connexion with the underground river sup- posed to flow beneath it. The second reference 1 is to the so-called 4 river of Plato ’ by a village (not marked on our maps) called Bunarbashi, near Madenshehr and the 4 Thousand and One Churches.’ In both these passages, as at Eflatun Bunari, Plato’s name is associated with water-springs,2 and that in a country where the water supply is regulated by mysteri- ous and still imperfectly known channels.3 Pre-Hellenic Iconium had a legend of a deluge in which the entire 1 Op. cit., p. 735 : c Maaden Schari, alio nomine Eflatun Sui5 in Norberg’s translation (ii, 529). 2 I do not know this country well enough to say whether plane-trees, which in some parts habitually grow by springs, or some Greek place- name derived from πλάτανος [plane-tree], may have suggested the connexion. 3 Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 323 ; cf. Hamilton, op. cit., i, 482 ; ii, 342. With these channels arc probably connected strange places like the c devil-haunted ’ lake of Obruk (Sarre, op. cit., p. 74). In his Παραδόσεις, nos. 59-67, Polites gives instances of places βουλι,αγμόνοι, for sins (no. 59 : Kopais blocked the outlet for spite). Similarly im- perfect knowledge is responsible for the tale heard by Goujon to the effect that objects thrown into the Jordan emerged at Messina because there was an underground connexion between the two (Terre Sainte, p. 225). A Lebanon herdsman blocked the outlet of a lake there : as a result a river in Persia dried up, but the herdsman’s staff, having fallen into the lake, appeared in Persia, and so was instrumental in ultimately discovering the herdsman, who for a heavy reward unblocked the out- let of the lake (Kelly, Syria, p. 60, from Lamartine, Voyage en Orient, iii, 118 ff., cf. ibid, iv, 67). A similar mysterious underground connexion was supposed to exist between a well in Cairo and Zem-Zem at Mecca (Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 50 ; Le Bruyn, Voyage, Delft 1700, p. 188). It is instructive to compare with these the procedure followed in the case of the vanishing and reappearing stream of Samaden, Switzerland {Bund, Berne, 4 September, 1919). 366 Plato in the Folk-lore о the Konia Plain population perished.1 The whole plain was, and is, subiect to floods. j The missing link in the connexion is supplied by Haji Khalfa’s third reference to Plato : ‘ The inhabitants of the country 2 say that the plain of Konia was once a sea, which Plato caused to disappear.’ 3 In our own times, Hamilton, the discoverer of Eflatun Bunari, heard at the lake of Egerdir a converse tradition that ‘ eight hundred years ago it was all dry land and that a river ran through it until its course was stopped by a magician named Eflat ’.4 The same legend is cur- rent at Beyshehr, where ‘ Plato ’ is supposed to have blocked the outlet of the lake in order to bring its water to Konia, but to have desisted on finding that a town was flooded by his operations.5 Similarly, Eflatun Bunari is regarded as the spot where ‘ Plato ’, with cotton, pitch, and large stones, blocked the outlet of a subterranean river which threatened to flood Konia : this legend is current also at Konia itself. The figure of Plato has become very vague. He is generally de- scribed as a Turkish bey, but is said by the more imagi- native to have come from Bagdad. The role of the magician-philosopher-engineer Plato in the plain of Konia thus proves to be similar to that of the Minyans in Boeotia and of Herakles in Thessaly, at Lerna, and at Pheneos. He represents not only superhuman skill, magical or divine, but also the superior science of an age long past and dimly remem- bered by its monuments.6 The conception of the £ ma- 1 Ramsay, ibid., pp. 319 ff. 5 About Ismil, east of Konia. 3 P. 671, the saltness of L. Tatta and others in the district suggests a ‘ sea 9 rather than a mere freshwater inundation. 4 Op. cit., i, 482. 5 From Prodromos Petrides. 6 This non-magical side is well illustrated by the strictly utilitarian and rather commonplace works ascribed by Orientals to Apollonius of Tyana (=^Belinas, see Steinschneider in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. xlv, 439 ff. and Gottheil, ibid, xlvi, 466). Such are an economically heated bath at Caesarea Mazaca (Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 676 ; cf. H. Barth, Magicians Water 367 gician ’ who makes water appear and vanish is doubt- less aided in this particular instance by the frequency,of mirage effects in the district,1 and that of the engineer by the subterranean water channels alluded to above. But the manipulation of the flow of water by ma- gicians is not effected by ordinary means, or subject to the ordinary hydraulic rules. An apocryphal work of 4 Belinas ’ (Apollonius of Tyana) claims for its alleged writer that he 4 directed the flow of waters by talismans У that is, by the enchantment of spirits, persons, animals, Or objects for the furtherance of that end. The 4 talis- mans ’ were generally buried in the earth or set up on columns. The belief in such 4 talismans ’ still persists in the East. In comparatively modern times a Pasha of Egypt, induced by a 4 Frank ’ to dig for treasure, stumbled in the process inadvertently on the 4 talisman ’ which prevented the silting up of a branch of the Nile.3 The 4 talisman ’ in this case was a huge negro holding a broom, with which, evidently, he was supposed to remove the silt. We may surmise with some probability on the analogy of other talismans, that the Pasha’s actual discovery was an ancient statue or relief, possibly in black basalt and therefore supposed to represent a negro.4 Similarly, Plato at Eflatun Bunari, having blocked the opening of the river, set 4 talismans ’ to guard it in the shape of the figures of the Hittite relief. His intention Reise, p. 57) and the canal at Damascus (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 266). On the other hand, the really remarkable engineering works of Alex- ander become so exaggerated as to be inexplicable save by magic (cf. e.g. Haji Khalfa, ii, 685). In western folk-lore the rich legend-cycle of Virgil covers the whole ground (see Comparetti, Virgil in the Middle Ages, passim). 1 Sarre, op. cit., p. 96. 2 Gottheil in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. xlvi, 470. 3 See below, p. 732, and n. 1. 4 For the ‘ idolum in forma pueri Aethiopis5 seen by Fabri see be- low, p. 730, n. 2. 368 Plato in the Folk-lore the Konia Plain was of course beneficent, and ill-intentioned persons who wished to disturb his arrangements would be faced by a crowd of angr у jinns.Somewhat similarly, one of the two giant columns at Urfa (Edessa) is regarded as a talisman, the removal of which would let loose floods on the city.1 Whether in Christian tradition S. Amphilochius or any other saint was credited with a beneficent miracle similar to Plato’s, as the archangel Michael certainly was at Colossae,2 we cannot say. The fact that ‘ Plato’s tomb ’ was shown in a Christian church seems to favour such a supposition, but the substitution of names may have been made on quite untraceable grounds ; 3 even a supposed resemblance between ‘ Eflatun ’ and some perverted form of Amphilochius is not impossible.' Nor is there any need to suppose a survival or continuous tradition, since the natural conditions of the country have at all times been sufficient to account for the 1 This tradition, which appears not to be recorded elsewhere, I have orally from Mr. John Orchardson of the MacAndrews and Forbes Com- pany. The other column at Urfa is held to conceal an immense treasure, but no one dares search for it for fear of mistaking the right column and causing a flood. 2 Ramsay, Cit. and Bish.9 p. 215. For S. Michael’s association with waters see Lueken, Michael, pp. 53, 131. 3 So the origin of the Ivriz river, with its mysterious source and dis- appearance, was locally attributed, for reasons entirely lost to us, not to Plato but to one of the Companions of the Prophet, see above, p. 106, n. I. 4 Note especially the form Amphilotheos in the Pilgrimage of Basil, which would help the identification as containing the consonants,/, /, /. The similarity (?) between the names of saint and sage, suggested by me as a possible reason for their identification, was brought forward spontaneously as an explanation at Konia. It is of course possible that the original dedication of the church was to S. Plato of Ancyra, mar- tyred under Diocletian and celebrated by the eastern Church on 18 Nov. ; he was sufficiently important to have had a cult at Con- stantinople, but nothing connects him with Iconium. S. {patos) Am- philochius was never a full-fledged saint and many churches are known by their founders’ names rather than by those of their patron saints. Legendary Floods 369 genesis of so simple a type of myth. At Dineir, for instance, where somewhat similar conditions prevail, we need not connect the ancient legends of the Deluge 1 with the modern folk-tale, located apparently at Sheikh Arab Gueul, of an ‘ infidel ( g) dervish ’ who flooded a town in revenge for ill-treatment.2 Nor is a deluge- legend necessarily evidence of floods : the very instruc- tive series of flood-legends given by Carnoy and Nico- laides3 as current at Caesarea seems based merely on a gradual identification, probably by Armenians, of Argaeus with Ararat.4 1 Ramsay, Cit. and Bish.y pp. 669 ff. 2 Laborde, Asie Mineure, p. 105. The hero may again be Plato. Giaur is used as well as but~parast to designate pagans (von Diest, Tilsit nach Angora, p. 38, n. 6). 3 Trad. de Г Asie Mineure, pp. 222-3 ; cj. Scott-Stevenson, Ride through Asia Minor, p. 206 ; Tozer, Turkish Arm.y p. 333. There are interesting deluge legends in Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, ii, 89. A lake is expected one day to burst through and flood Granada (W. G. Clark, Gazpacho, p. 156). 4 Cf. Hume Griffith, Beht7id the Veil in Persia, p. 177 ; Leclercq, Mont Ararat, p. 79. XXVI CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM UNDER THE SULTANS OF ΚΟΝΙΑ 1 AT the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk had already been living for two centuries side by side in the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljuk sultans of Rum. The political history of this period is still emerging from obscurity : the social and religious history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine his- torians, concerned only incidentally with provinces al- ready in partibus, give us no more than hints and we have none of those personal and intimate records which are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than the most elaborate chronicle. The golden age of the Sultanate of Rum is undoubtedly the reign of Ala-ed-din I (1219-34), whose capital, Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly educated man and an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople.2 One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I (1192-9, 1204- 10), who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, nearly became a Christian and married a Christian wife.3 He was more than suspected of infidelity to Islam by his stricter Moslem neighbour of Aleppo.4 Ala-ed-din’s grandson, Az-ed-din, the son of a Chris- tian mother, was said by the bishop of Pisidia to have 1 This chapter is reprinted, with some additions, from the B.S.A. XIX, 191 ff. 2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Evip. Ott. i, 31. 3 Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, pp. 39 f. 4 C. Huart, Konia, pp. 214 f : see above, p. 168, n. 1. Ala-ed-din and Jelal-ed-din 371 been a Christian, and his sons, when at Constantinople, were admitted to the Sacrament.1 Both Ala-ed-din and his house were therefore familiar with Christianity and, if not actively sympathetic to it, at least without prejudice against it. Beside Ala-ed-din stands another striking figure, that of Jelal-ed-din, the mystic poet of Bokhara, who came to Konia in 1233 and is represented as a close and in- fluential friend of the temporal ruler. Jelal-ed-din, with his friend and master in philosophy, Shems-ed-din of Tabriz (d. 1246), originated the order of dervishes known by the name of Mevlevi, who have throughout their history shown themselves humane and tolerant towards Christians and regard all religions as reconcil- able on a philosophic basis.2 Jelal-ed-din himself seems to have been acquainted with Greek 3 and to have as- signed to Christ as a prophet a much higher position than his strictly orthodox Moslem.contemporaries.4 He appears, further, to have regarded himself specially as a missionary to the Greeks, and is reported by Eflaki to have said that ‘ God had a great regard for the Roman people ’ (i.e. Rumi, 'Ροψαΐοι), and, in answer to a prayer of Abu Bekr the first Caliph, made them ‘ a chief recep- tacle of his mercy ’ : in the same passage the metrical poems and rhythmic dances of the Mevlevi are repre- sented as devised to attract the mercurial temperament of the Greeks to Islam.5 Several tales illustrating the 1 Pachymeres, ii, 24 ; iv, 5 ; Hammer-Hellert, i, 4.5-7 ; Pears, Destr. of Greek Etnpire, p. 56. 2 See especially Eliot, Turkey in , p. 185 ; cf. Ramsay, Revo- lution in Turkey, p. 202. 3 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 152 ; of Jelal-ed-din’s son some rhyming Greek verses of a mystic-philosophic sort, written in the Persian character, have come down to us (Krumbacher, Byz. p. 811 ; Meyer, in Byz. Zeit, iv, 401). 4 C. Field, Mystics and Saints of Islam, p. 205. 5 Acts of the Adepts { 1310-53), in Redhouse’s translation of the nevi, p. 27 (13). 372 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia success of the Mevlevi propaganda among Christians are related in Eflaki’s collection.1 Specially notable is the anecdote of the abbot of the ‘ monastery of Plato ’ (to which we shall return), whose reputation for learn- ing extended to Constantinople, Trebizond, Sis, and the land of the Franks ; Jelal-ed-din himself visited the monastery, and there spent seven days and seven nights sitting in a cold spring. At the end of this time he came out unharmed and walked away, singing a hymn, to the astonishment of all. The abbot ‘ made oath that all he had read about the person and qualities of the Messiah, as also in the books of Abraham and Moses, were found in Jelal, as well as the grandeur and mien of the prophets, and more besides ’.2 Two generations later, there lived in the same monastery an aged monk who had had similar relations with Jelal-ed-din and was visited by the dervishes of the neighbourhood. He told some of these that once, when Jelal-ed-din had spent forty days in meditation at the monastery, he had taken advantage of the occasion to ask him what was the ad- vantage of Islam over Christianity, since the Koran said all men alike should come to hell fire. Jelal replied by putting the monk’s cloak, wrapped in his own, into an oven : when they were taken out, the monk’s was found to be scorched and charred by the fire, Jelal’s only puri- fied. The monk at once professed himself the disciple of Jelal.3 From all this it seems clear that Jelal-ed-din, like his royal master, was conciliatory in his attitude towards Christianity and Christians. In the previous chapter + I have pointed out that the old church of S. Amphilochius at Konia, transformed by the Turks into a mosque, was venerated by Moslems from the thirteenth century onwards as the burial-place 1 Acts of the Adepts (1310-53), pp. 22 (7), 51 (33), 66 (53), 90 (85) ; the latter may refer to the conversion of Καλοιωάννης, the architect of the Blue Medreseh at Sivas. 2 Ibid., p. 72 (63). 3 Ibid., p. 87 (81). 4 Cf. also above, p. 17. Plato a Link 373 of ‘ Plato the divine Philosopher while the Christian tradition, persisting despite the transformation of the church, still held that the grave in it was that of the Iconian bishop and saint Amphilochius. So late as the fifteenth century both religions shared in the ambiguous cult.1 The Moslem veneration of Plato at Konia, which is possibly to be traced to the influence of theMevlevi der- vishes, or even to that of Jelal-ed-din himself, may have been expressly intended as a cult which Christian and Mohammedan might share on equal terms. For the learned of both religions ‘ Plato ’ may be considered a philosophic abstraction, somewhat akin to Justinian’s £ Holy Wisdom of God ’ ; for the unlearned and super- stitious Moslems he was a great magician and wonder worker ; for the Greeks and Armenians he remained, in Konia at least, S. Amphilochius. The case for such a rapprochement between Islam and Christianity as seems implied by the cult of Plato will be materially strengthened if we can find other evidence of friendly relations between the Mevlevi and the Christians. À certain amount of tradition points in this direction. In a rocky gorge an hour north of Konia stands the ancient Greek monastery of S. Chariton. The monas- tery2 is enclosed on three sides by walls and on the fourth by a precipitous cliff. The enclosure contains three churches, all wholly or partially excavated in the rock. Beside them is a small mosque of similar construction. The mosque is simple and unobtrusive, a rectangular chamber with a plain prayer-niche ( ) cut in the rock. The Christians in charge of the monastery explain its presence by a legend that the son of Jelal-ed-din, fall- ing, when hunting, from the cliff above the monastery, 1 Khitrovo, Itin. Russes,p. 256. 2 Niebuhr found it inhabited {Reisebeschreibung, iii, 119) and saw a stone with an inscription of Michael Comnenus (see below, P· 383)· 374 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia was preserved from injury by a mysterious old man who was afterwards identified from the eikon in the church with S. Chariton. The miracle is still commemorated by a yearly present of oil1 from the successors of jelal- ed-din—the Superior of the Mevlevi order is always a descendant of the Founder—who, further, spend every year one night in prayer in the mosque.2 3 Chris- tian tradition thus represents Jelal-ed-din as at least half converted to Christianity by the miracle of S. Chari- ton. Mevlevi tradition, on the other hand, asserts that the abbot of the ‘ monastery of Plato ’ was converted by the miracles of Jelal-ed-din to his philosophy ; the ‘ monastery of Plato ’ is evidently identical with S. Chariton’s.3 We have thus found two originally Christian sanc- tuaries adapted for the veneration of both religions by the intrusion of the ambiguous ‘Plato’ figure. One of these compromises certainly (possibly both) is due to the Mevlevi dervishes. Is there a corresponding con- cession on the Moslem side ? In the great convent of the Mevlevi at Konia the 1 The church of Sylata, a Greek village near Konia, receives a similar present of oil, and here, too, the practice is referred to the Seljuk period, the Greeks attributing it to Ala-ed-din himself (Pharasopoulos, 7α Συ- Αατα,ρ. 132) and the Mevlevi to Jelal-ed-din (from Sir Edwin Pears, who was so informed by the present Superior of the Mevlevi). A similar story is told by Lady Duff Gordon of Egypt, where Copts still give offerings to the family of Abu-l-Hajj'aj, the local saint of Luxor, in commemora- tion of a Christian saint’s appearance to a descendant of Abu-l-Haj’jaj {Letters from Egypt, p. 283). 2 Mr. Vassos Vaianos of Sylata informs me that the then Chelebi also made a grant of land to the monastery : the title-deeds were for some time at S. Michael’s, Sylata, but are now lost. The 4 cell of the Dedes ’ (underground) has Mohammedan inscriptions referring to the Mevlevi on its walls. 3 Acts of the Adepts, p. 87 (81). The 4 monastery of Plato ’ is here said to have been c situated at the foot of a hill, with a cavern therein, from whence issued a stream of cold water ’—evidently the ayasma of S. Chariton. Jelal-ed-din and his Christian Friend 375 founder, Jelal-ed-din ‘ el Rumi lies buried. His tomb is a place of pilgrimage for pious Mohammedans and especially for members of the Mevlevi order. Beside it is another tomb of which a curious legend is told. It is said to be that of a Christian who gave Jelal-ed-din such proofs of friendship and faithful service that the latter insisted that they should be buried side by side. There are at least three variant traditions as to the personality of the faithful friend. An Armenian version, told two hundred years ago to Paul Lucas, represents him as a bishop and even gives his name, Efsepi (Eusebius).1 The Greek version states that he was the abbot of S. Chariton,2 on whose relations with Jelal-ed-din we have remarked above. The Mevlevi themselves say that the second tomb contains a Christian monk converted by Jelal-ed-din.3 Thus the essential part of the legend, i.e. that a Christian ecclesiastic is buried beside Jelal-ed- din, is acknowledged by all parties. Whether in point of fact the supposed tomb is indeed such may be ques- tioned. It may well be a cenotaph which has come to be regarded as a tomb. In this case we can point to a modern parallel of some interest. In the convent of the Mevlevi at Canea (Crete), founded only forty years ago, are two saints’ tombs, side by side and exactly 1 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 151. The legend is referred to also by other writers (J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 52 ; Macarius, Travels, tr. Belfour, p. 8). 2 Orally in 1913 from Prodromos Petrides ; the abbot of S. Chariton is introduced in the version of Levides {Μοναί της Καππαδοκίας, pp. 156 f.) : cf N. Rizos, Καππαδοκικά, p. 130. Both probably owe something to the Περιγραφή of the Archbishop Cyril, who says (p. 42) : πλησίον τον ίδιον Μεβλα [i.e. Mevlana — Jelal-ed-Din] είναι καί μνήμα ενός καλόγερόν ηγονμενον τον *Άκ Μοναστηριον [White Monastery/ the modern Turkish name of S. Chariton’s] . . . ταφεντος εκεί κατά διάταξιν τον ίδιον νπεραγαπώντος αντόν, εφ> ω εκειτο
καί μ^χρί τίνος μανρον καλογηρικον σκέπασμα, το οποίον απο
χρόνων σχεδόν τριάκοντα μετεβαλον εις άλλο χρώμα, διά να μη
γνωρίζεται.

3 On the spot through Prodromos Petrides,

3 j6 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Koni a

similar in outward appearance. One of these is that of
the founder, the other admittedly a cenotaph erected
by the terms of the latter’s will to commemorate his
revered teacher.1 Similarly, at Konia Jelal-ed-din may
have intended what is now called the ‘ tomb of the
monk ’ rather as a commemorative monument to his
honoured friend ; and this would be quite in keeping
with their traditional relations.

Whether the legend or any part of it is true or not,
we have here to all appearance the compromise on the
Moslem side we have sought. For a third time an
Iconian sanctuary is artificially rendered accessible to
Christian and Moslem at once : the sanctuary is in this
case the centre of the Mevlevi dervishes, the tomb-
chamber of their Founder himself.

Second only to Jelal-ed-din in the veneration of the
Mevlevi of Konia is Shems-ed-din of Tabriz, who lies
in a much humbler mausoleum in a different quarter of
the town.2 This also has been a celebrated shrine.
Schiltberger, one of the Christian prisoners of the battle
of Nicopolis (1396), notes it alone of all the wonders of
Konia. In ‘ a city called Könia ’, says he, ‘lies the saint,
Schenisis, who was first an Infidel priest, and was secretly
baptised ; and when his end approached, received from
an Armenian priest the body of God in an apple \з
This legend, rendering needless a second tomb, has the
same effect as that of the central convent. Moslems
could visit and venerate the tomb of Shems-ed-din, the
dervish philosopher, while Christians saw in the same
person a holy man who, born in darkness, had at length
turned to the light, and as proof of his sanctity wrought
mighty works after his death.

We have thus found in Konia the temporal capital of

« F. W. H.

2 The authenticity of the tomb seems somewhat doubtful (see Eflaki,
in Redhouse’s Mesnevi, pp. 108 f. and preface, p. x),

3 Hakluyt Society’s edition, p. 40.

Religious Fusion 377

the Seljluk dynasty and the spiritual centre of the Mevlevi
dervishes, four sanctuaries which might be visited with-
out violence to conscience by Christian and Moham-
medan alike. We have found also in Ala-ed-din an
enlightened and liberal monarch with no bias against
Christianity, in Jelal-ed-din a philosophic mystic with
Christian leanings, and in the abbot of S. Chariton—
if he is historical—a Christian ecclesiastic evidently
attracted by the spiritual personality of Jelal-ed-
din.

To Ala-ed-din politically, as to the Mevlevi philo-
sophically, the assimilation of Christian and Moslem
was desirable. The Greek Church, here in central Asia
Minor, was spiritually at a low ebb during the period in
question.1 It seems, therefore, possible that some sort of
religious compromise on a philosophic basis was devised
between Ala-ed-din, Jelal-ed-din, and the local Chris-
tian clergy, and deliberately fostered by some or all of
these parties.

The idea is not without parallels elsewhere : Akbar,
the Mogul emperor of India, an enlightened ruler and
a philosopher, made in his time a somewhat similar
attempt to reconcile the various creeds of his subjects.2
The movement at Konia may be regarded as a local and
artificially accentuated manifestation of ideas widely
current in the mystic heterodoxies of Islam, which
would find great scope among the heterogeneous, and
in religion primitive or degraded, population of medieval
Asia Minor. Similar ideas of religious fusion formed in
the fifteenth century the motive-power of the rebellion
of Bedr-ed-din of Simav 3 and are to some extent potent
to-day among the Bektashi sect in Albania, whose doc-
trines and organization seem to have been used for

1 For the diocese of Iconium about this period see Wächter, Verfall
des Griechentums, pp. 16-18.

3 Bonet Maury, in Rev. Hist. Relig. xi, 152 ff., li, 153 ff.

з See below, pp. 568-9.

3295·*

с

378 Christianity and Islam, under Sultans of Konia

political purposes by Ali Pasha of Yannina.1 Such
religions in countries of mixed population cater alike for
the educated and the ignorant, providing for the former
a philosophic standpoint, for the latter a full measure of
mystery and superstition, and for all alike a convenient
compromise and a basis of mutual toleration.

1 See below, pp. 586-92 and reff.
XXVII

THE INSCRIPTIONS OF S. CHARITON’S

THE following inscriptions from the monastery of
S. Chariton near Konia are here published from the
texts given in the extremely rare pamphlet of the patri-
arch Cyril VI on the province of Konia,1 of which the
Archaeological Society of Athens is fortunate enough to
possess a complete copy. Of the author a short notice,
to which nothing material seems to have been added by
recent investigators, is given by Papadopoulos-Vretos.3
He w^s born at Adrianople about 1750, became Arch-
deacon of the Patriarchate, and subsequently (after
1802) Metropolitan of Iconium and of Adrianople. In
1813, on the resignation of Jeremias IV, he was elected
Patriarch as Cyril VI. In 1819, in consequence of an
intrigue, he was deposed in favour of Gregory V and
retired to his native town, where he was hung by
the Turks at the outbreak of the Greek Revolution in
June 1821. The map of the province of Iconium, to
which the Description forms a supplement, was pub-
lished in 1812 at Vienna.3 It was reproduced on a
smaller scale by Kiepert.4

The monastery of S. Chariton, near Konia, is de-

1 ‘Ιστορική Περιγραφή τοΰ εν

φ ι, к ον 7 τίνακοςτης ρ-εγάλης ‘ Αρχισατραπ πρώτον

τυποις εκ8οθεΐσα. Έν τω Πατριαρχικά) ετει

1815» sm. 8νο, ρρ. 73, of which the last seven (67-73 inclusive) are de-
voted to a (not very valuable) Περιγραφή της ΆΒριανονπόλεως καί
τινων των περιξ της Θράκης μερών.

1 For A. Papadopoulos-Vretos see Sathas, Νεοελληνική Φιλολογία,
pp. 212 Г. For Cyril cf. Sathas, op. cit., p. 678, and Z. Mathas, Κατά-
λογος Πατριάρχων, Athens, 1884, p. 166 (Nauplia, 1837, p. 276).

3 Πίναξ χωρογραφικος της μεγάλης ‘Αρχισατραπίας εν

Βιέννη, ΐ8ΐ2.

4 Memoir über die Karte von Kleinasi, pl. in and pp. 180 ff.

380 The Inscriptions of S. Chariton’s

scribed by Ramsay 1 2 3 and recently by myself.* Cyril’s
description is as follows :

4 Among the hills near Sylata, in a ravine about an hour east
of the latter and about an hour west of Konia, is the monastery
of S. Chariton the Confessor, called in Turkish Monastic
[‘ White Monastery ’] from the hills of white stone which sur-
round it, a foundation of S. Chariton. The monastery possesses
a church dedicated to the Most Holy Mother of God of the Cave,
spacious and hewn out of the rock like a cave ; also all the cells
and chapels, six or seven in allp are rock-hewn caves : the door
of the church is to the south. . . . Outside the enclosure is the
Sacred Well below the level of the earth, which the Blessed
Chariton excavated by a miracle from a sheer rock.’· In front
of the monastery are gardens and vineyards.’ 5

The memory of S. Chariton is celebrated by the Greek
church on September 28. According to the
he was a native of Iconium, who lived in the time of
Aurelian as a hermit in Palestine, where he died at
an advanced age. A cave church founded by him was
shown at a lavra called Pharan. Amongst other mir-
acles he is recorded to have brought 4 5 clear water out of
a sheer rock ’ (e£ άκροτόμον πέτρας διαυγές έζενεγκων).
The scene of this miracle is not recorded, but it is
evidently conceived of on the lines of the striking of
the rock by Moses. It does not suit the c of S.

Chariton ’ at Konia, which is a well some depth below
the surface and approached by a flight of steps. The
difficulty is realized by Cyril, who slightly twists the
words of the Synaxaria (άνώρνζ άκροτόμον λίθον’) 6 to
fit the Iconian monastery, which is probably a colony
from Palestine.

1 Pauline Studies, p. 188 ; cf. Cities of St. Paul, p. 375.

2 In B.S.A. xix, 193 ff. with a photograph : reprinted above, pp.

373ff·

3 There are now two, dedicated to S. Sabbas and S. Amphilochius.

4 άνώρνζεν εξ άκροτόμον λίθον.

5 Περιγραφή, pp. 45-7. 6 λίθον for πέτρας.

Text and Commentary 381

The inscriptions existing in Cyril’s time at the monas-
tery of S. Chariton 1 are as follows :

I. Over the door of the church outside : 2

Μεγάλη εστ’ιν η δόξα του οΐκου τούτον η την

πρώτην. πόνημα Μάρκου μονάχου, εν
έβδομης.

The year of the world 6576 = a.d. 1067-8; the
seventh indiction places our inscription in 1067. Konia
was not taken by the Seljuks till 1086. If, as we suspect,
S. Chariton of Konia was a foundation from Palestine,
the date is explicable as that of a time of exodus from
Palestine of monks driven out by Saracen oppression :
this movement was the cause of the foundation of the
monastic colonies of Latmus and, probably, Athos. A
monk Mark is known to have been abbot of S. Sabbas
about this time,3 but the name is not enough to make
good the connexion. The wording of the inscription 4 *
is evidently influenced by the prophecy of the second
temple, saying, ‘ the glory of this latter house shall be
greater than of the former’. 5

II. Above the same door, inside : 6

Τίνος το εργον ; το γράμμα ού λόγου, θεός γάρ οΐδεν ό
ερευνών καρδίας,άνεκαινίσθη, καί ό πάνσεπτος

Ναός της ύπεραγίας Δεσποίνης ημών Θεοτόκου καί αειπάρθενου
Μαρίας, της επιλεγόμενης Σπηλαιωτίσσης, πατριαρχοΰντος τοΰ
οικουμενικού πατριάρχου κυροΰ Γρηγορίου, και επί Βασιλείου
τοΰ εύσεβεστάτου Βασιλεως και Αύτοκράτορος * κυροΰ

Ανδρονίκου, εν ταΐς ήμεραιςΒασιλεύοντος μεγαλογενους Μεγά-

λου Σουλτάν Μαχσοΰτι τοΰ Καϊκαούση και Αύθεντου ημών,

1 They are given Περιγραφή, ρρ. \ό-‘]· Nos. 1-4 are also given,
evidently after Cyril’s copies, by N. S. Rizos, Καππαδοκικά, pp. 132 if.

2 επ’ αυτήν [sc. την πύλην] εξωθεν είσι γεγραμμένα εν λίθω τάδε-

3 See Krumbacher, Byz. Litteratur, p. 154.

4 Given by Rizos, p. 132. 5 Haggai, ii, 9.

6 ” Εσωθεν επάνω της αυτής πύλης. The inscription is given by

Rizos, p. 133.

382 The Inscriptions of S. Chariton’s

έτους ίνδικτ. β. υπόμνημα Ματθαίου ίερομονάχου καί
τάχα ‘Ηγουμένου.

The year of the world 6797, indiction 2, corresponds
to a. D. 1289. Of the potentates mentioned, the patri-
arch Gregory (II) reigned from 1283 to 1289,1 the
emperor Andronicus (II) from 1282 to 1332, and the
sultan of Konia, Masud, son of Izz-ed-din Karkaus II,
from 1283 to 1294.2 The relations between Christianity
and Islam under the Seljuks of Konia were very friendly.3
The Greeks were to know no such liberty in church
building as this till the reign of the reforming sultan
Mahmud II (1808-39), in whose reign we find again
church inscriptions recording the Christian bishop and
Turkish sultan.4

III. ‘ The grave of this abbot lies outside the same
door of the church, on the right as you go in, near the
wall, buried in the earth.’ 5

”ΕνθaSe /сети των Μοναστών το κλέος, αειμνήστου κτίτορος
κόρου Ματθαίου,και καθηγουμένου те τής μονής έν

έτει ,^ως·, ίνδικτιώνος ια’ Νοεμβρίου а .

The date (6806, indiction i) is a. d. 1298. Κτίτωρ’^
used, as often on Athos,6 in the secondary sense of
restorer or considerable benefactor, the monastery of
S. Chariton having been founded, as we have seen, much
earlier.

IV. ‘ Within the church opposite the door towards the

1 On him see Krumbacher, op. cit., p. 98.

1 Huart, Konia, p. 247. з See above, pp. 370 ff.

4 e.g. my article ‘ Bithynica ’, in xiii, 294.

5 Του όποιου ‘Ηγουμένου το μνήμα τής αυτής

πόλης του ναοΰέκ δεζίων είσιοϋσι πλησίον του τοίχου κεχωσμένον

εις την γην. Rizos gives the inscription, p. 133.

6 See F. W. Hasluck, Athos, pp. 61-2.

Text and Commentary 383

west, is a grave in the floor, on which is a marble sarco-
phagus with the following inscription : ’ 1

5Ενταύθα κειται πορφυρογέννητων γόνος Μιχαήλ Άμιρασχά-
νης, εγγων τον πανευγενεστάτον δισέγγονον των άθλίμων πορ-
φυρογέννητων Βασιλέων κυρίου Ίωάννου Κομνηνοΰ εν ετει ^ω^,
ίνδικτ. ια’ μηνι Νοεμ. α’,

This inscription still survives and good texts have
been published by Sterrett2 and Cumont,3 which show
that our archbishop was but an indifferent copyist.
The person mentioned in the inscription was a descen-
dant of the royal house of Trebizond, who died in exile
at the court of Konia in 1297.

V. c In the left aisle of the church, near the northern
door of the screen in the wall of the προσκομιδή outside,
is another sarcophagus with these letters : 5 4

Ενταύθα κειται ειΑγενέστατων είκών, καθαρόν τε λέγω τον
μακαρίτου, είκών δε τρισμάκαρος *Αχη 5 παγκάλον υίοϋ δε
πανενγενοΰς.

It seems impossible to get much from this text con-
taining neither name nor date. Omissions seem to have
occurred in Cyril’s copy.

VI. A sixth inscription from S. Chariton is given by
Sterrett in his Epigraphical Journey 6 from a copy by
Diamantides.

1 *’Ενδον του ναοΰ αντίκρυ τής πύλης προς δύσιν, εν τω εδάφει τής
γής εΐναι μνήμα, και επ’ άυτω μάρμαρον ώς κιβουριον. For this
use of κιβουριον (ciborium) see Du Cange, Glossarium, s.v. ciborium.

2 Epig. Jour., no. 229, from a copy by Diamantides : see also Gré-
goire, in Rev. Instr. Pub. Belg. lii (1909), p. 13.

3 In Byz. Zeit. iv (1895), pp. 99-105, from a new copy by Diaman-
tides.and a photograph. It is also found in Rizos, op. cit., p. 133.

4 *Ετι εις τον αριστερόν χορόν του ναού πλησίον τής βόρειας πύλης
του Ιερού βήματος εις τόν τοίχον τής προσκομιδής εζωθεν ετερον
κιβουριον με γράμματα τάδε.

3 For “Αχη see Karabashek, in Num. 7,eit. ix (1877), p. 213 (quoting
Ibn Batuta), further below, p. 506, n. 3. 6 No. 243.
XXVIII

THE BLESSING OF THE WATERS

THE annual Blessing of the Waters at Epiphany,
known to the Orthodox Church as the Great Con-
secration (Meya? Αγιασμός), is one of the most picturesque
rites of modern Greece. The ceremony, which takes
place in the open air, has been well and fully described
in Miss Mary Hamilton’s book, Greek Saints.1 The
officiating priest plunges a cross into the sea, a river, or
even a cistern, according to the locality, and, taking it
out wet and dripping, sprinkles the bystanders. In
some places the cross is thrown in bodily and retrieved
by one of the bystanders. The first person to touch the
cross after its immersion is considered particularly lucky.
After the official blessing the water is held to have
beneficent power and the bystanders drink or wash in
it. The sea and waters in general are consecrated by
the ceremony for the ensuing year. In seaports this has
a peculiar importance for shipping and seafarers, and in
former times even Turks did not venture to put to sea
until the waters had received their (Christian) blessing.2

In 1915 a hitch in the procedings at Levkas caused
considerable consternation. The cross thrown into the
water stuck in the sand and could not be retrieved :

* Pp. 112 ff.

2 Busbecq, Lettres (Paris, 1748), ii, no. Two doves are released at
Athens as the cross is thrown into the water. This liberation of birds
at church festivals is widespread : in Brittany the Pardon des Oiseaux
is the festival of S. Jean du Doigt, when various birds are released (see,
e.g., Quetteville, Pardon0/Guingamp, pp. 365 ff.); in Russia it is pious

to loose birds at the Annunciation (Romanoff, Rites of the
Russian Church, p. 125) ; cf. also the Roman custom at the feast of
SS. Philip and James (Tuker and Malleson, Christian and Ecclesiastical
Rome, i, 187). It is scarcely necessary to say that in these cases the
symbolism is not the same as in the Greek Blessing of the Waters.

Among Greeks 385

this was considered a presage of great disasters in the
ensuing year, and it was particularly noted that the
ceremony had no effect on the storm which was raging
at the time of its performance.1

Miss Hamilton makes a gallant attempt 2 to show that
the Greek ceremony is a rain-charm and hints at a clas-
sical survival. It is true that the elements of the forms
used, the immersion of a sacred object and the wetting
of the persons assisting at the ceremony, are used as
rain-charms both in Greece and elsewhere. But the
supposed allusions to rainfall in the songs quoted in
support of the theory rest on mistranslation alone. The
first song quoted (from Imbros) expresses the quite
orthodox idea of consecrating springs and waters ; the
second* also from Imbros, refers only to dew ; the
third, which in the translation appears the strongest
proof of all, refers not to rain, but merely to ‘wetting’,
which is an ordinary use of the transitive verb

So far from the ceremony being even remotely a
classical survival or peculiar to Greece, it is matched
in nearly every detail by the corresponding Armenian
ceremony. The latter is thus described by Struys, a
Dutch traveller of the seventeenth century, who wit-
nessed it at Shamakh:

1 Πατρίς, η Jan. 1925 : Σννεπεία του γεγονότος τούτου ίτροε-
κληθη εύλογος συγκίνησις καθ’ ολην την Λευκάδα, Ιδιαιτέρως δε
οΐ θρησκόληπτοι και δεισιδαίμονες χαρακτηρίζουν το πράγμα ώς
προοιωνίζον μεγάλας καταστροφάς, τρομερά ατυχήματα. . . . Χαρα-
κτηριστική διά την απαισιοδοξίαν και απελπισίαν η οποία εχει κατα-
λάβει τούς προληπτικούς, εϊνε και ή παρατηρησίς των, ότι, και
μετά τον αγιασμόν, η θάλασσα εξακολουθεί να φαίνεται ταραγμένη.

2 Ορ. eit., ρρ. 119 ff-

3 P. 127, [μ^α πέρδικά] . . . βρέχει τον αφέντη και πάλιν ξαναβρέ-
χεται και βρέχει την κυρά της, και πάλιν ξαναβρέχεται καί βρεχει
τα φτερά της, which Miss Hamilton translates : * It sent rain down on
the Lord, and again it rained and rained on our Lady, and again it
rained and rained on its wings \ The true rendering is 4 it [the par-
tridge] wetted (i.e. sprinkled with water) our Lord, and again wetted
itself and wetted our Lady, and again wetted itself and zvetted its wings.5

386 The Blessing of the Waters

* L’Evêque commence par chanter la Masse plus matin que
du coutume; puis il fait un sermon sur un Texte pris dans
L’Evangile de ce jour ; à la fin duquel il annonce la bénédiction
de la Rivière qu’on appelle Chatsche Schuran.1 Pendant le ser- ·
mon de l’Evêque, tous les Arméniens du Pays se rendent autour
du lieu où se doit célébrer la Fête, avec la Croix & la bannière
. . . [L’Evêque] fit un signe auquel des Arméniens tous nus
sautèrent sur la glace & la rompirent en plusieurs endroits,
pendant que l’Eveque s’amusoit à lire & le peuple à chanter des
Himnes, des Pseaumes, & des Cantiques. Lorsque la glace fut
rompue, le peuple se tut, & l’on entendit le son des cloches, des
cimbales & des trompettes, durant lequel l’Evêque avança vers
l’endroit où l’eau paroissoit ; & après y avoir répandu de l’huile
bénite, il la bénit avec une Croix enrichie de pierres précieuses
& pour confirmer la bénédiction il la plongea par trois fois dans
l’eau, fit la même chose avec sa Croce, & dit ensuite quelques
prières qui ne durèrent pas long-temps. A peine les eut-il finies
que le peuple accourut en foule, les uns pour boire de cette eau,
& les autres pour s’en laver les piés, les mains, & le visage. Et
comme il y en a partout d’une dévotion singulière, plusieurs se
dépouillèrent, & sautèrent tous nus dans l’eau, le zélé & la fer-
veur les empêchant de sentir le froid qui étoit extreme.’2

The Armenian ceremony is also described by Taver-
nier, though by some misconception he places it on
Christmas Day. His account is as follows :

‘ Then in all the Cities and Villages where the Armenians live,

1 ‘ Nous croyons que ce mot devrait se transcrire plus exactement
khatche tcbrouin qui veut dire croix de l’eau, ou faite sur l’eau, signe
distinctif de cette cérémonie ’ (Note by E. Boré in L’Arménie, vol. ii of
Chopin’s Russie in the L’Univers Series, p. 134). Boré thought the
ceremony peculiar to the Armenian Church.

2 Struys, Voyages, pp. 245 f. The Armenian ceremony at Constanti-
nople is mentioned by À. Ga\\anà,J ournal,i, 31. There is a picturesque
account of the Blessing at Moscow in The Voyage of Osep Napea (1557),
in Hakluyt’s edition. Mrs. Bishop (in Persia, ii, 312) de-
scribes the Nestorian Epiphany, Vaujany {Caire, p. 332) the Coptic,
and della Valle {Voyages, iv, 370) the Persian * Aspersion of Water ’ on
5 July, which may be a derivative from the Christian Epiphany. In
Albania Miss Durham saw sheaves, evidently firstfruit sheaves, dipped
in the water {Burden of the Balkans, p. 124).

Among Armenians 387

if there be any River or Pond, they make ready two or three flat
bottom’d Boats, spread with carpets to walk upon ; in one of
which upon Christmas day they set up a kind of an altar. In the
morning by Sunrising all the Armenian clergy, as well of that
place as of the parts adjoining, get into the Boats in their Habits,
with the Cross and Banner. Then they dip the Cross in the
water three times, and every time they drop the Holy Oyl upon
it. After that they go through the Ordinary form of Baptism.’1

To students of the Holy Land, but not to those in-
terested in Greece, it is probably a commonplace that
almost all the details of the Greek and Armenian cere-
monies are derived from the very early celebration of
the Baptism of Christ Himself at the River Jordan.
Antoninus of Piacenza, a sixth-century pilgrim, de-
scribes, the Epiphany ceremony at the Jordan at some
length, not omitting some miraculous occurrences which
he, in common with other devout pilgrims, doubtless
believed he saw.2 The following is a rough translation
of Antoninus’ execrable Latin :

‘On Epiphany Eve a great service is held attended by count-
less people, and at the fourth or fifth cockcrow the vigil is
celebrated. After Matins, at the first sign of daybreak, the con-
gregation rises and the service is continued in the open air. The
priest, supported by his deacons, descends into the river and,
as soon as he begins to bless the water, the Jordan, roaring
mightily, returns upon itself, the water above the place of bless-
ing piles up, and the water below runs down to the sea, accord-
ing to the words of the Psalmist, The sea saw andfled, Jordan was
driven back.s All the Alexandrians who have ships send men on
that day with pails 4 full of perfumes and balsam, and at the
time when the water is blessed, before the baptism begins, they
plunge these pails into the river and take of the consecrated
water to use for asperging their ships before they put to sea.5

1 Voyages, pp. 171 f.

J Ed. Geyer, I tin.Ilieros., p. 200 (ed. Tobler, p. 15, xi).

3 Ps. cxiv, 3. 4 MSS. colaphos, obviously for calathos.

5 Curiously, Jordan water was considered unlucky on board ship, at
least by western pilgrims ; cf. Fabri, Evagat. ii, 36, 43, and Fiisslein,
ap. Mirike, Reise, p. 221.

388 The Blessing of the Waters

When the baptism is finished,everyone goes down into the river
for a blessing, wearing shrouds and other garments of all sorts
which are to serve for their burial.1 When all this has been
done, the water returns into its own bed.’

The Greek and Armenian Epiphany ceremonies thus
derive directly from a common source in Palestine, the
fountain-head of the Christian religion. For the study
of all such antiquities the principle here involved is
important and too often neglected. In Greece particu-
larly it has been kept in the background by the more
fashionable idea of classical survival. A typical instance
is the supposed equation of S. Elias to Helios.2 The
occupation of nearly every conspicuous height in Greece
by chapels of S. Elias does not imply that the saint
replaces Helios, though the arguments brought förward
to support the theory are most ingenious. The proto-
type of the mountain dedicated to Elias is to be found
at Carmel in Palestine, and the Elias of the Old Testa-
ment is a rain-making saint. No further explanation is
needed. Of the mountains in Greece not dedicated· to
Elias a large majority, including, ., Mt. Athos,3 are
dedicated to the Transfiguration. Here, again, the
connexion with the Bible story and Palestine is obvious.
A further instance of a slightly different sort is that of
S. Nicolas, the sea-saint of Orthodoxy,4 who, despite
the attempt to represent him as a survival of Artemis,5
owes his vogue among seafarers simply and solely to the

1 The cheap printed cotton shrouds sold for this purpose at Jeru-
salem are well known to all tourists : according to Tobler (Topogr. von
Jerusalem, ii, 706) they were already mentioned by Antoninus of Pia-
cenza. Mohammedans similarly wet their grave clothes in the water
of the well of Zem-Zem at Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 276). For the
Kerbela practice see Cuinet, Turquie (TAsie, iii, 202.

2 See further above, p. 320, n. 3.

3 Wrong in Hasluck, Athos, p. 19, n. 1.

4 The Athos Guide to Painting ascribes no sea miracles to him
(Didron, Iconographie Chrétienne, pp. 365-8).

5 Anichkof in Folk-Lore, v, 108-120.

Palestinian Prototypes 389

position of the church on a dangerous coast passed by
every pilgrim ship from Constantinople or the West on
its way to the Holy Land.1 2 The local coincidence has
here made a bishop as at Sinope a gardener (S. Phocas),3
and at Pelusium a monk (S. Isidore),3 all landsmen, into
sea-saints, while S. Peter the fisherman and S. Paul the
seafarer receive no special honour from mariners. S.
Michael in Symi4 or S. George at Herakleia Perinthos5
may also from the position of their churches develop
a reputation as sea-saviours. The personality of the
saint is of very small importance as compared with his
own position as the chief saint of a seafaring popula-
tion, or with that of his church, on a site conspicuous
from tjie sea or near a well-known point of danger.

What is true of ceremonies and cults is true also of
buildings and superstitions. The church of the Sepulchre
and the Mosque of Omar in the Holy City have left
their mark even on western Europe in the ‘ round
churches ’ of the Templars.6 The ‘ sweating column ’
of S. Sophia’s 7 is a parody of the miracle in S. Helen’s
Chapel at Jerusalem.8 The Greek Church has at all

1 See above, p. 350.

2 On the cult of S. Phocas see Radermacher, in Archiv/. Religionszv.
vii, 445 ff.

3 The frequency of capes dedicated to S. Isidore {e.g. the eastern
point of Crete) shows he was a favourite saint with sailors, presumably
Egyptians. Whether S. Isidore of Pelusium is meant or S. Isidore of
Alexandria (and Chios), a soldier, is immaterial.

4 Dawkins, in Emmanuel Coll. Mag. xviii, 18 ff. ; cf. Michaelides,
Καρπ. ‘Άισματα, p. 22. See also above, p. 344.

5 Covel, Diaries, p. 277 : 4 The chief thing he is famed for is the
deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d up to
him infinities of αναθήματα, dedicated by poor creatures which had

escaped shipwreck ; most are little short pieces of halsers or cables or
smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.5 6 Hasluck, Letters, App.

7 See Antony of Novgorod in Khitrovo’s I tin. Russes, p. 90 ; Sandys’s
Travels, p. 25 ; Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire, p. 138 ; Einsler in
Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303.

8 Fabri, Evagat. i, 293. Similarly, the legend of the chain of Khoja

390 The Blessing of the Waters

times been in more or less close touch with the Holy
Land· The pilgrimage thither, though not held, ex-
cept among the Russians, of such spiritual importance
as the pilgrimage to Mecca among Mohammedans, has
nevertheless exercised a great influence on the lay popu-
lation. In religious ceremonies, cults, buildings, and
superstitions alike the connexion between the Orthodox
world and Palestine is much stronger and more un-
broken than that between the Orthodox world and
classical antiquity. It has not been affected by ethno-
logical changes and it has been fostered, not discouraged,
by the clergy. In all such questions of , there-

fore, parallels should be sought first in the Holy Land
and the way thither.1 ,

Mustafa Jamisi, Constantinople (for which see Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Folklore de Constantinople, p. 112 ; Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 28 ; van
Millingen, Churches in Constant., p. 107) comes, under Mohammedan,
not Christian influence, from Jerusalem {cf. Besant and Palmer, Jeru-
salem, 1908, p. 469 ; Le Strange, Palestine, pp. 151 ff.).

1 Lucius {Anfänge des Heiligenk., App. I, p. 507) remarks instruc-
tively on the small number of new ideas in religion.
XXIX

‘ THE FORTY’ 1

IN Turkish geographical nomenclature certain ‘ round ’
numbers are regularly employed in an arbitrary
sense. Most important of these are ‘ a thousand and
one ’ ( bin bir),used to express the idea of ‘ countless

and ‘ forty ’ {kirk), which is similarly used for ‘ numer-
ous V As examples of the first may be cited the well-
known ‘ thousand-and-one-column ’ Bir Direk)

cistern at Constantinople and the ‘ Thousand and one
Churclies ’ {Bin Bir Kilise) in Lycaonia. For the second
we may instance several rivers called Kirk Gechid
(‘ Forty Fords ’, in Greek Sarandâporos), the town
Kirk Agach (‘ Forty Trees ’), springs called Kirk Gueuz
(‘ Forty Eyes ’), districts called Kirk In, Kirk Er (‘ Forty
Caves ’) and numerous others.

Side by side with names like the foregoing, which ex-
plain themselves if we read ‘ numerous ’ for ‘ forty ’, we
find certain localities denominated simply ‘the Forty’
(Tk. Kir klar y> Gr. Saranda).* They are especially

1 This chapter is reprinted with additions from B.S.A. xix, 221 ff.

2 Numbers below forty, with the curious exception of five (cf Wal-
pole, Travels, p. 205 ; Arundcll, Asia Minor, i, 75), generally keep their
strict numerical value. ‘ Five 5 therefore seems to signify c several
‘ two or three 5 ; ‘ forty ’ estimates a number greater than the eye
counts naturally, while 4 a thousand and one ? implies a number beyond
counting altogether. Arabs call the centipede the ‘ mother of forty-
four legs ’ (Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 267).

3 Kirklar is shown by the plural termination to be a substantive, not
an adjective.

4 For numbers other than forty used as place-names cf. Dokuz
(‘ nine ’) near Konia (Huart, Konia, p. 126), where we happen to
know that the full name is Dokux Hani Dervend (‘ Post of the Nine
Houses *). jTrianda (τα Τριάκοντα, Ducas, p. 193 в), between Ephesus
and Smyrna, is usually interpreted as commemorating the thirtieth

392 * The Forty ’

common in Pontus 1 but occur also elsewhere, as
in Mysia, where there are at least two villages called
Kirklar,3 and in Caria, where the name is applied to
a site with ruins of a church near the ancient Loryma 3
and to an ancient tomb east of Knidos.4 Similarly
mysterious are names like Kirklar Dagh (‘ Mountain
of the Forty’, not ‘Forty Mountains ’) which, like the
foregoing, imply an association with forty persons.
These ‘ forties ’ call for explanation.

We have particularly to take into account the mystical
associations of ‘forty’ in Turkey and the Near East.
Both in profane and sacred connexions the number forty
(days, &c.) and groups of forty (persons, &c.) meet us at
every turn. As to the first, in Turkish folk-tales the
hero’s wedding-feast regularly lasts ‘ forty days and
forty nights ’. The ‘ forty days ’ after child-birth,5
after marriage,6 and after death,7 are critical periods,
and during the ‘ forty days ’ between November 27 and
January 5 evil spirits are unusually active.8 Robbers,
ogres, jinns,and peris go about in bands of forty,9 and the
number appears again and again in magic prescriptions.10

milestone on the Roman road, but it should be remarked that there is a
village of the same name in Rhodes, where this explanation is ob-
viously impossible.

1 Grégoire in B,C.H. 1909, p. 27 ; Jerphanion in Mél, F ac. Or,
(Beyrut), 1911, p. xxxviii.

2 (1) Near Pergamon and (2) west of Balia (Philippson, Karte des
IV, Kleinasiens) ; the latter is an old site (Philippson, Reisen und For-
schungen, i, 36)·

3 Chaviaras in Παρνασσός, xiv, 537 ff.

4 Halliday in Folk-Lore, xxiii, 218.

5 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Aste Mineure, pp. 308-310.

6 Ibid., p. 315. 7 Ibid,, p. 324. 8 Ibid,, p. 305.

9 Two references to Kunos’ Türkische Volksmärchen aus Adakale
(pp. 84, 90), which I owe to Mr. Halliday, go far to prove that 4 the
Forty ’ without further definition are recognized in Turkish folk-lore
as a band of spirits.

10 Cf,, e.g.,Abbott,MacedonianFolklore,ip.22<)({oTtyipaces); [Blunt], People of Turkey, ii? 257 (candle made from the fat of forty children) ; Among Christians 393 In the religious lore both of Christian and Moham- medan the same number constantly recurs. The great fasts of the Christians are of forty days, dervishes of the Khalveti order likewise practise fasting and mortifica- tion for periods of forty days,1 the noviciate of the Mevlevi dervishes (a thousand and one days) is divided into periods of forty days.2 There are forty Traditions of Mohammed 3 and so on.4 As regards persons, again, we find in religion, corresponding to the secular groups of forty ogres, fort yjinns,&c., numerous groups of forty saints. On the Christian side the most important arc the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste 5 (Sivas), who met their death in a lake, still shown in the sixteenth century,6 near the town. Remains of the bath associated with their martyrdom are pointed out at the present day,7 as are their reputed graves in an Armenian cemetery.8 d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 240 (carrying a corpse forty paces to burial ex- piates forty sins) ; and passim. 1 D’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 308. 2 Huart, Konia, p. 203. 3 D’Herbelot, s. v. Arbain. The use of the number forty occurs also in the ritual of the ancient Greeks, but seems to have been derived by them from a Semitic source (Wide, Archiv f. Religionsw. 1909, p. 227), just as it has been by modern Greece and Turkey, and to some extent by Latin Christianity ; forty days’ indulgences, e.g., are common in the Roman Church. Dr. Roscher’s exhaustive essays on the number forty among the Semites {Abh. Sächs. Ges., Phil-Hist. Cl., 1909, Abh. 4) and among the Greeks {Verh. Sächs. Ges., Phil.-Hist. Cl., lxi (1909), Abh. ii) render further elaboration of this point unnecessary. 4 Beduin, when ill, bathe for forty days in Pharaoh’s bath at Sinai (Bussierre, Lettres, ii, 235). 5 Synax. CP. 9 Mar. They are mentioned already by Greg. Turon. De Glor. Mart. I, xevi. See further above, p. 50. 6 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 245. 7 Cumont, Stud. Pont. ii, 225. A bath on the shore of the lake was heated to induce the freezing martyrs to recant and is usually depicted in the art-type of the Forty of Sebaste. Its introduction into the legend of the Forty Martyrs seems strange : see Hasluck, Letters, p. 106. From the references given there the Forty seem to be bath beris. 8 From Mr. Ekisler of Smyrna. The Forty of Sebaste are reverenced 3295-3 D 394 4 The Forty 9 Other groups of Forty (Christian) saints are connected with Sinai,1 Melitene,2 Adrianople3 and other parts of Thrace,4 and Rome.5 In Palestine d’Arvieux records a ruined church of the Forty at Hebron 6 and a monas- tery similarly dedicated close by.7 On the Mohamme- dan side we have certain groups of unlocalized spirits, such as the Forty Saints on Earth,8 the Forty Abdals,9 the Forty Victims,10and a group of Forty Saints half localized by their appearance in S. Sophia.11 Localized groups of Forty Saints are found all over the Moslem world. At by the Armenians, to whom they are known as Kasùn Мят/g ==‘ Forty Children ? [of the Church]. The ‘ Monastery of the Forty ? at Sivas visited by Ainsworth (Travels, ii, 12) was probably Armenian. In the West they figure already among the early paintings of S. Maria Antiqua at Rome (Rushforth in Papers B.S.R. i, 109). 1 Robinson, Palestine, i, 159, 181 ; Agnes Lewis, Horae Semiticae, p. ix; Ebers, Durch Gosen, pp. 34I-54i Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 320, and reff. ; Goujon, Perre Sainte, ρ. 317 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 528. See especially Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 119. 3 Procopius (de Aed. i, 7) mentions the finding of their remains at Constantinople. Phree martyrs of Melitene are mentioned in the Synaxaria under date 21 July ; but the tradition of the Forty and a church said to contain their relics survive at Melitene (Malatia) itself (Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 35). 3 Synax. CP. I Sept. But the Forty Saints (of Sebaste) are cele- brated at Adrianople on 9 Mar. as elsewhere (Lavriotes, in Θρακικη Έπζτηρίς, i, 32 ff.), and the monastery of Xeropotamou on Athos, which is specially connected with the Adrianople district, feasts on the same day. 4 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, pp. 278, 281. 5 Ibid. : other western groups are at Marseilles (Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, ii, 341-3) ; at Lyons (Lucius, Anfänge des Heiligenk p. 147), near Benevento (Baedeker, S. Italy, p. 221). 6 Mémoires, ii, 236 : cf. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 31, who is perhaps our most important authority. 7 Ibid., ii, 244. For the forty Martyrs at Jerusalem see Theoderi- cus, De Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 120. Cf. also Fabri, Evagat. ii, 475. Hahn mentions a group in Albania (Alban. Studien, i, 90). 8 DOhsson, P able au, i, 104. 9 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 156. 10 J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 163. 11 Evliya, Pravels, I, i, 60. Among Mohammedans 395 Medina are the graves of Forty Martyrs who fell for the Prophet,1 while Tunis boasts a corresponding sanctuary of the Forty Volunteers of Sidi Okba, the conqueror of North Africa.2 Other Moslem Forties are venerated at Tekrit (on the Tigris),з in the mosque of El Aksa at Jerusalem,4 at Ramleh,5 at Damascus,6 in northern Syria on several mountains in the country of the Nosairi,7 and in Egypt at Menzaleh and elsewhere.8 Other Moslem ‘Forty ’ cults are to be found in Cyprus,9 at Yoros-Keui10 and at Ak-Baba 11 near Constantinople, I Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Mcdinah and Meccah, London, 1906, i, 274. 2 N. Davis, Ruined Cities, pp. 355 ff. 3 G. L. Bell, Amurath to Amurath, p. 217. 4 Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, p. 60. 5 Ibid., p. 13; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 28; de Breves, Voyages, p. 103 ; Tobler, Popogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 828-35 ? Goujon, Perre Sainte, p. 106 ; V. Guérin, Descr. de la Pales. I, i, 42 ; Stern, Die Moderne Pürkei, p. 171 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 572. 6 Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, p. 317 ; Lady Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 314. Here they are called the Forty Companions of the Prophet. I was told by a native of Damascus that the attraction of this sanctuary is a miraculously suspended stone which exudes a liquid good for sore eyes. This cult may or may not be derived from the one men- tioned by Thévenot (in Harris, Voyages, ii, 445) : * In an hole the Forty Martyrs are buried, who were put to Death by the King or Basha of Damascus for defiling a mosque, tho’ ’t was done by a Jewish Child ; these Forty Christians taking it upon themselves to deliver the rest, who suffer’d much for it in Prison.’ See also Pococke, Descr. of the East, II, i, 126, and Goujon, Perre Sainte, p. 31. 7 Walpole, Ansayrii, iii, 340, mentions one of these ‘ Mountains of the Forty ’ (Jebel el Arbain) near Latakia. Colonel T. E. Lawrence tells me there are several. The Anatolian É Kizilbash who are sup- posed to profess a similar heresy to that of the Nosairi, have also a group of Forty Saints in their hagiology (Grenard, in Journ. Asiat., iii, 1904, p. 516). Farther east Sir P. M. Sykes found a volcano of the ‘ Forty * in Persian Baluchistan (Pen Phousand Miles in Persia, p. 134). 8 Goldziher, in Globus, lxxi (1897), p. 239. At the mosque of the Forty at Suez 40 sheikhs, whom Napoleon shot, are buried (Le Bouli- caut, Au Pays des Mystères, pp. 23-4). 9 This cult is discussed below. 10 Evliya, Pravels, I, ii, 73. II This is a group of forty female saints known as Kirk Sultan (F.W.H.). D 2 396 ‘ The Forty ’ and at Larissa 1 in Thessaly. The idea, then, of the Forty Saints has in it nothing new or strange for Mohammedans, so that it is natural to find them at-, tracted rather than otherwise towards Christian cults bearing the name.2 The Forty Saints of Sinai, though Christian, are said to have been held in special honour by the fanatical sultan Selim I,3 and of the numerous monasteries and churches dedicated to and containing relics of the Forty Saints of Sebaste at least one seems certainly to have been adopted into Islam under the name of Kirklar Tekke (‘ Convent of the Forty ’). This sanctuary, at a village, probably the ancient Sarin, near Zela in Pontus, is still visited by Christian as well as Moslem pilgrims.4 In Cyprus, conquered by the Turks only in 1571 and al- ways largely Christian by population, there is also a convent of the Forty (Kirklar Tekkesi). This sanctuary (near Nicosia) is likewise frequented both by Christians and Turks, though outwardly Mohammedan.5 Some at least of the Moslem Forties cited above may have had a similar Christian past ; Tekrit in particular was a Christian centre with a great monastery as late as the 1 The graves of the Larissa Forty were formerly shown at the mosque (now destroyed) which bore their name (Kirklar Jami). 2 In Carmoly’s Jewish Itinéraires it is remarkable that the number Forty does not occur : instead, the saints are grouped in sevens, twelves, or multiples of these numbers. 3 P. Meyer, Athosklöster, pp. 65 ff. Though Selim was a fanatical Sunni Moslem, he was rather conciliatory than otherwise to Christians, owing, it was said, to the influence of a Greek wife. Cf. especially Hist. Pol., ap. Crusius, Furco-Graecia, p. 40, ήνέωξζ και ναούς ήμζτέρους, οϋσττ€ρ άπεκλεισεν ό πατήρ αυτόν. For his connexion with the monastery of S. Catherine on Sinai see Burckhardt, Syria, p. 543. 4 See above, p. 50 and below, p. 574. 5 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Lukach, City of Dancing Dervishes, p. 80 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47. Mr. Luke informs me that there are at this tekke some twenty-three tombs below ground, and one large one, supposed to contain the remains of the other seventeen saints, above ground. Transferred to Islam 397 tenth century,1 and the Ramleh Forty are claimed by the Christians to this day as replacing, or identical with, the Forty of Sebaste.2 At Kirk Kilise in Thrace there are traces of such a development. The name of the town is in all probability derived not, as would seem at first sight, from ‘ forty churches ’, but from a church of the Forty Saints, per- haps those associated with the neighbouring town of Adrianople. The name and possibly also the site of this hypothetical church may be still commemorated by the modern and outwardly Moslem3 ‘ Convent of the Forty ’ (Kirklar Tekke). Significant is the Turkish tradition that ‘ the true orthography of the name [of the town] is Kirk-Kemsi, forty persons, because the town was once sanctified by being the residence of that number of holy men, to whom they have dedicated a small mosque, or oratory If Kirk Kilise stands really for Kirklar Kilise it is 1 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 57. Sachau (Am Euphrat und Tigris, p. 88) refers the Forty group of Tekrit to a Christian original. 2 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 833 ; de Breves, Voyages (1605), p. 103 ; Goldziher, in Globus, lxxi (1897), p. 239; Conder in Survey of Palestine, ii, 270 ff. This tradition may well be true, but there are some half-dozen Moslem pilgrimages of the Forty in Palestine (Conder, loc. cit. V, 269). A ‘ Mosque of the Forty 9 at Seilun (Conder, loc. cit. ii, 368 ; Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Pal. ii, 299) is an ancient building of doubtful origin, by some supposed to be a synagogue. Goldziher (loc. cit.) remarks on the frequency of Moslem Forties both in Syria and Egypt, citing for the latter a * Forty ? at Menzaleh, which he considers not of Moslem origin. Bernard the Wise (a.d. 867, ed. Wright, p. 24, mentions a monastery of the Forty outside the western gate of Alexandria, showing that the Christian cult came early to Egypt. 3 F. W. H. The c Convent of the Forty 9 is mentioned and this derivation of the name of the town suggested by M. Christodoulos, Ή Θράκη, pp. 196, 245. The modern town of Kirk Kilise seems to have begun its existence as a road-station between Constantinople, Shumla, and Rustchuk : we know nothing of it in Byzantine times. 4 Walsh, Journey, p. 147 ; cf. Frankland, Travels, i, 70, where the holy men are qualified as santons. 398 ‘ The Forty ’ obvious that other combinations may be interpreted in the same way. In particular Kirk Agach, the name of a town near Pergamon and of a village in the Troad,1 may be translated either simply ‘ Forty Trees ’ or ‘ Tree of the Forty Sacred trees are common to Islam and Christianity, and one such has certainly given its name to the Thracian port of Dedeagach (‘ Saint’s Tree ’).2 In the same category as the ‘ Convents of the Forty ’ falls the name of a village near Adalia called Kirk Jamisi (‘ Mosque of the Forty ’).3 Here there are, so far as I know, no Christian traditions. The task of deciding between Christian and Moslem claims in such cases is, in view of the popularity of the ‘ Forty-Saint ’ group in both religions, very difficult. We have also to consider the third possibility, that places named after the Forty were originally associated not with saints at all, but merely with secular figures, brigands, ogres, jinns, peris, &c., as the Caves of the Forty near Inje Su in Cappadocia are connected with fort γ jinns.* It is in fact most often impossible, owing to lack of evidence, to attribute the places named after the various forties to their rightful owners. Certain legends of various ‘forties’ were in the air, and became attached, for accidental or arbitrary reasons, to certain 1 Tchihatcheff, Bosphore, p. 381. 2 At Constantinople the great plane-tree with seven trunks near Buyuk Dere is called Kirk Agach (Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολή, ii, 157) as well as ‘the Seven Brothers’. There seems to be a place called ‘ Forty Cypresses ’ near Eyyub (Hammer, Constantinopolis, ii, 37 ; von Prokesch-Osten, Denkwürdigkeiten, i, 430), and inside the city is a ‘ Forty Fountain ’ (Kirk Cheshme) or ‘ Fountain of the Forty ’ (Murray’s Constantinople, p. 52). Further investigation may (or may not) bring these sites into connexion with the cult of the Forty Martyrs, who were venerated at the capital as elsewhere (CP. Chris- tiana, iv, 134 £). 3 Ormerod and Robinson, in B.S.A. xvii, 221 : here the possessive case of J ami shows that the Kirk is used substantially. Kirk Jamisi is an ancient, but not, to judge from the inscriptions, a Christian site. 4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 357. In Three Categories 399 localities. Christian 4 Forties ’ and their haunts are more likely than the others to attract the notice of western travellers. In some cases, as at Sarin in Pontus, the Christian pedigree may be regarded as proved ; in others, e.g. the Kirklar Dagh above Amasia, an old city in the district of Sebaste, it is probable ; in others again, like Haji Khalfa’s Kirklar Dagh near Boli,1 no- thing approaching certainty can be reached. On general grounds we may perhaps prefer to give the Forties in the radius of Sebaste (Sivas) to Christianity, and pos- sibly to make a tentative division assigning probable religious sites, such as ruined churches, and especially sites on lakes, since in the case of the Forty of Sebaste a lake was the scene of their martyrdom,3 to Christian saints. Caves, on the other hand, are rather attributable, but not exclusively, to the secular figures ; mountains are equally suited for both categories of Forties. But the character of each individual site must be decided on its own evidence. As to the origins and development of Christian cults of the Forty Saints an instructive illustration, showing the extreme fluidity of folk-tradition in such matters, is to be found near Caesarea in Cappadocia. Here Paul Lucas3 was shown a crypt containing numerous bones, some of which were undecayed. This crypt seems to have been discovered by Christians, by whom it was associated with a group of Forty Virgin Martyrs. We may surmise that sainthood was predicated from the preservation of the bones, the traditional number Forty from their quantity, and their sex from some accidental circumstance, such as a dream.4 At the present day 1 Tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin’s Mineure, ii, 718. * The lake of Beyshehr was, probably on this account, named after the Forty Martyrs in medieval times. 3 Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 139. 4 It is probable that this was due to the Armenian Christians, always an important element in the population of Caesarea ; the 400 ‘ The Forty ’ this sanctuary has been brought into line with better- known traditions, and service is celebrated in it on the feast-day of the Forty (male) Martyrs of Sebaste.1 For Christians, every site marked by the discovery of a ‘ tomb of the Forty ’ would form a new centre of the cult, sending offshoots into the district. This is best shown in the case of Sebaste, from which the actual relics of the Forty Martyrs were widely distributed.2 For the Mysian group,3 if these * Forties ’ are of Chris- tian origin,4 we can as yet point to no centre. For the Carian ‘ Forties ’ the following explanation may be offered. In Rhodes, as we learn from the Pilgrimage of Griinemberg (i486), there was a church of the Forty Martyrs with a vault containing not forty but twenty sarcophagi. This formed no obstacle to the pious credulity of the Rhodians, who assigned two saints to each sarcophagus. The relics were eventually thrown into the sea by the Turks.5 It is possibly to this centre legend of Echmiadzin as given by Rycaut (Greek and Armenian Churches, pp. 398 ff.) speaks of a band of seventy virgin missionaries to Armenia, of whom forty died on their way thither : cf. Tavernier, Voyages, I, iii ; Tournefort, letter xix ; Tchamich, Hist, of Armenia, i, 161, where the number is given as thirty-seven. 1 Cuinet, Turquie d’ Asie9 i, 312 ; Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 51 ; Bernardakis’s account in Échos d’ Orient, xi (1908), p. 25, shows that the tradition of female saints is still current : [Qerqlar] on y voit un grand nombre de croix gravées sur le paroi d’un rocher vertical. La légende raconte que au temps des persécutions quarante jeunes filles chrétiennes s’étaient cachées dans une anfractuosité de rocher qui se trouve vis-à-vis et y avaient trouvé la mort. Les Chrétiens y viennent en pèlerinage le jour de la fête des Quarante Martyrs de Sébaste.” 2 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, p. 73. 3 i. e. the two É Kirklar ’ sites mentioned above (p. 392) and possibly the two i Kirk Agach ’ sites cited on p. 398. 4 There is some slight presumption for this in the fact that a coast- village SS. Quaranta is marked near Lectum on the Italian portulans (Tomaschek, Sitzb. Wien. Akad. cxxiv, viii, 17). 5 Ed. Goldfriedrich, p. 52 : ‘ Danach ritten wir zu einer Kirche, liegt am Meer, geheissen : zu den Vierzig Märtyrern. Daselbst standen in einem tiefen Gewölbe noch zwanzig steinerne Särge : da haben Origin of their Cult 401 that we may affiliate the ‘ Forties ’ of the opposite mainland. At the site called Saranda near Loryma there is a tradition and some equivocal ruins of a church.1 Of the ancient tomb near Knidos no Chris- tian traditions are recorded. Neither place is known to the medieval cartographers by the name of Saranda, which is consistent with our theory. Any one familiar with the motifs used in Greek hagiology can imagine with what readiness bones thrown up by the sea on this coast after the sacrilegious act of the Turks would be connected by Christian populations with the Forty Saints of Rhodes. At the same time ‘ forty ’ cults can arise indepen- dently of such distributing centres. Cesnola was shown, near Cape Pyla in Cyprus, a cave containing a quantity of bones, which his guide said were those of forty saints : ‘Up to within a few years ago it had been the custom of the peasants to make a pilgrimage to this cave accom- panied by their priests on the anniversary of the ninth of March [the feast of the Forty of Sebaste], but the Greek archbishop of Cyprus . . . had ordered these pil- grimages to be discontinued.’3 However, an exactly similar Cyprian cave-cult of the Forty Saints still exists and maintains its relations with the church near S. Chrysostomos in the district of Cyreneia. Here the saints’ bones have proved to be the fossilized remains of wild beasts.4 An abandoned Christian sanctuary of ‘ the Forty ’ in immer der genannten Heiligen je zwei nebeneinander in einem gelegen. Und wohl ein halb Jahr vordem waren die Türken in der Kirche gewesen und brachen die Särge auf und warfen der lieben Heiligen Gebeine in das Meer und zerschlugen und zerstachen alle geschnittenen und gemalten Bilder.’ 1 Chaviaras, in Παρνασσός, xiv, 537 ff. 2 Halliday, in Folk-Lore, xxiii, 218. з Cyprus, p. 183. 4 Μ. H. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern> p.
257. For similar remains in the same districtwhichare,orwere, attributed
to the 4 three hundred saints’ see Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421.

402 ‘ Fhe Forty ’

a Turkish district might become either secularized and
considered a haunt of forty , or, as at Sarin,1
mohammedanized ; its fate would largely depend on
the supposed attitude (maleficent or beneficent) of its
supernatural occupants towards the Turkish population.2
But this hypothetical development does not preclude
the possibility of a Turkish sanctuary of the Forty
Saints having been from its origin Mohammedan, or
a haunt of the fort γ jinns having been from its origin

secular.

1 The conversion by the Mevlevi of ‘ forty Christian monks ’ who
worked miracles in a cave at Sis in Cilicia (Eflaki, Acts of the Adepts,
in Redhouse’s Mesnevi, p. 22) looks like another instance.

2 See above, p. 89, n. 5.
XXX

HAIDAR, KHOJA AHMED, KARAJA
AHMED 1

THE local account of the saint Haidar at Haidar-es-
Sultan* is given by Crowfoot as follows : ‘ Haidar
was the son of the king of Persia and came from Khoras-
san from a town named Yassevi ; he was also called
Khodja Ahmed and was the disciple of the famous
Hadji Bektash. With the latter he travelled to Caesarea,
and there took a Christian named Mene to wife,3 and
together they came to the place of his tomb, where they
begat children and died—the whole village now claiming
descent from him.’ 4

The last clause makes clear the identity of Haidar as
far as the village is concerned : he is their sainted

ancestor. Whether, as Crowfoot suggests,5 he is con-
fused with Haidar the father (not the son) of Ismail,
the founder of the Safavi dynastyin Persians for present
purposes immaterial. The Bektashi addition to the
local legend consists, as we shall see, in the identification
of Haidar with Khoja Ahmed Yasevi, who seems himself
confounded with the Bektashi saint Kara ja Ahmed :
both Ahmeds have been adopted into the Bektashi cycle.

Ahmed of Yasi (in Turkestan) died in a.d.6 1166-7 and
had no connexion with Asia Minor or personally with
Haji Bektash, since the latter died according to generally
accepted accounts—the date of his death (1337) and

1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xx, 120 ff. 2 Above p. 52.

3 The survival of the name of the wife is extraordinary. In view
of the oracular well which forms the chief attraction of the sanctuary
(see above, p. 52), it seems worth suggesting that the Christian
occupant (real or imaginary) of the site was S. Menas, who, on account
of the popular derivation of his name from /χηνιία», is looked on by the
Orthodox as the revealer of things hidden (ef. Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Trad. de Г Asie Mineure, p. 195). 4 J, Rt Anthr. Inst. xxx, 309.

5 Ibidp. 311. 6 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 71, n. 2.

404 Haidar, Khoja Ahmed,Karaja Ahmed

even his existence have been questioned 1—nearly two
hundred years later. Ahmed Yasevi is, however, irra-
tionally represented as the spiritual ‘ Master ’ (not, as
is said at Haidar-es-Sultan, the pupil) of Haji Bektash
and of a number of other dervishes,2 who can at most
have been influenced by his writings.3 The spiritual
pedigree of Haji Bektash from Ahmed Yasevi is fostered
by the Bektashi as a guarantee of their orthodoxy.

It is Karaja Ahmed, not Khoja Ahmed, who generally
figures as the pupil of Haji Bektash in Bektashi legend.
He is mentioned by Saad-ed-din as a saint of Orkhan’s
reign : ‘ The Magnificent Car age Ahmed descended of
the offspring of several Kings in the Countrey of Persia.
After he had made a journey to the City of Gezih, from
thence he came into Greece [z. e. Rum, Asia Minor], and
dwelt in a place nigh to Ak Hisar ; 4 his noble Sepulchre
is there well known, and is a place of visit, or pilgrimage.
Among the common people of the Countrey of Greece
it is famous for a place of hearing prayer, and the very
earth is profitable for evil diseases.’5

The seventeenth-century traveller Evliya Efendi
mentions already as a fact the relation between Haji
Bektash and Karaja Ahmed as that of master and pupil.6
It would seem that the tomb of Karaja Ahmed was
occupied, like so many others, by the Bektashi in their

1 Jacob, Beiträge, p. 2.

2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 20 ; for the spiritual affiliation of Haji
Bektash to Khoja Ahmed see also the ‘ chain ’ of the dervish orders
by Abdi Efendi (d. 1783) in Mouradja d’Ohsson’s Tableau, ii, pi. 102.

3 This chronological difficulty is admitted by learned Bektashi ; their
version is that Khoja Ahmed foretold the coming of Haji Bektash and
bequeathed him a book as a pledge.

4 The smaller of the two towns of this name, on the Sakaria.

5 Seaman’s Orchan, pp. 115-16.

6 He is spoken of as a Persian Prince (like the Haidar of Haidar-es-
Sultan) who came to the court of Orkhan, was initiated by Haji
Bektash, and at his death buried at Ak Hisar (Travels, ii, 21 : cf.
p. 215 ; at p. 20 É Kari (sic) Ahmed Sultan 5 is said to have been one
of the dervishes sent by Ahmed Yasevi from Khorasan into Rum).

In Evliya 405

prosperous period on the pretext that the saint was
spiritual ‘ founder’s kin Presumably under Bektashi
auspices, the cult of Karaja Ahmed has spread widely
from its original home on the Sakaria near Akhisar,
where two or even three tekke bear his name.1 Ramsay
cites two more in the district of Ushak,* and other
reputed tombs of Karaja Ahmed exist in the great
burial-ground at Skutari near Constantinople,3 and in
Rumeli near Uskub at Tekke Keui.4

The confusion which seems to exist at Haidar-es-
Sultan between Khoja Ahmed Yasevi and Karaja Ahmed
is found also in Evliya, who says that Ahmed Yasevi, an
ancestor of his own, was a disciple of Haji Bektash, and
on the same page that Haji Bektash was instructed by
a pupil of Ahmed Yasevi and married his daughter.5
The error arises from the familiar confusion between
two persons of the same name, in this case Ahmed,
borne by two eminent saints, one the alleged master,
the other the alleged pupil, of Haji Bektash.

1 (1) On the banks of the Sakaria near its junction with the Pursak
(von Diest and Anton, Neue Forschungen, p. 28) ; (2) at Pashalar
above Levke (von Diest, Tilsit nach Angora, p. 18) ; (3) just east of
Tarakli (Skene, Anadol, p. 275).

3 (1) Six hours SSW. of Ushak, three hours NW. of Geubek ;
(2) an hour from Liyen. The latter is a famous place of healing
(Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 171). There is a village named Karaja
Ahmedli south of Nefes Keui (Tavium). Quite possibly the original
Kara (‘ black ’) or Karaja (‘ blackish ’) Ahmed was, like Haidar, an
eponymous tribal ancestor, successive heads of the tribe bearing his
name having been buried in various places. Kizil red’) Ahmedli was
the name of a tribe settled in the Kastamuni district ; divisions of the
same tribe are often differentiated by colour-epithets (see above,
p. 128).

3 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, iv, 604; cf. Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 81 (‘ Con-
vent of Kara Ahmed Sultan ’), 83 (‘ Convent of Karaja Ahmed Sultan ’).
There is now no convent attached to the tomb, which is, however,
kept in repair and venerated. The Bektashi still lay claim to the saint,
though this grave has passed into other hands.

4 See above, pp. 274 ff. below, p. 582 (No. 19). 5 Travels, ii, 20.
XXXI

THE ‘ TOMB OF S. POLYCARP ’1

Introductory

THE history and authenticity of the so-called ‘ tomb
of S. Polycarp ’ at Smyrna have lately formed the
subject of a monograph by Père S. Lorenzo of the Order
of S. Francis,2 who claims to have discovered the real
church and tomb of S. Polycarp in a vineyard at some
distance from the site tacitly accepted hitherto both by
the Greek and Latin communities. The first section of
this chapter attempts to trace as far as possible the
history of the traditional tomb, the second to discuss
the antiquity of its traditions and the value of tradition
in general at Smyrna, the third to discuss the anti-
dervish movement of 1656 to 1676 and the history of
the tomb, the fourth to establish a point in the topo-
graphy of ancient Smyrna on evidence arising from, or
closely connected with, the former discussions.

§ I. The Traditional Tomb and its History

The so-called ‘ tomb of S. Poly carp ’ stands prominent
on a spur of the castle-hill immediately adjacent to the
stadium where the saint is said to have suffered martyr-
dom in a. D. 166.3 The tomb is Mohammedan in form,
a rectangular bier built in masonry, with gables at either
end, plastered over, and painted green. Like many
other Moslem saints’ tombs, it is very large as compared
with those of ordinary mortals (which adhere to the
proportions of an average man), measuring 3*30×1*80

1 Reprinted with additions from 80 ff.

1 S. Polycarpe et son Tombeau, Constantinople, 1911.

3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. iv, 15, 17. For the date see Réville in
Rev. Hist. Relig. iii (1881), pp. 369-381.

The Mitre 407

metres. It stands in the open air with cypresses at head
and foot. Of the two trees the former is old and well-
grown, forming a conspicuous landmark, and to it rags
are affixed, in accordance with the well-known custom,
by the humble clients of the saint. Both tomb and
cypresses stand in a small enclosed cemetery with a
roughly-built hut for the guardian.

A tomb of S. Polycarp at Smyrna is first mentioned in
1622, when the town was visited by the French mis-
sionary Père Pacifique. His description is as follows :

‘ Au lieu où la Ville estoit auant qu’estre ruinee,1 y a vne pe-
tite Cabane comme vn hermitage, où loge vn Dernis [for De-
mis], c’est vn Religieux Turc, & dans cette petite chambrette,
il y a le Cercueil de sainct Policarpe sans son Corps, il est couuert
d’vn drap de couleur brune, & sur vn bout d’iceluy est posee la
Mittre Episcopale du sainct qui est faicte en la maniere que
i’ay cy dessus descript : . . . elle est d’vne estoffe fort simple,
mais ouuragee dessus auec des broderies de fil de cotton à guise
de Canetille, le nom de Dieu est escript en Arabe sur le front,
Alla, elle est doublée dedans comme de taffetas Colombin pasle
& passé, elle est vn peu entamce par vn coing, quelqu’vn y en
ayant couppé en cachette, les Turcs la tiennent auec reuerence,
parce qu’ils disent que sainct Policarpe estoit vn Euangeliste de
Dieu, & amy de leur Prophète Mahomet : il y a encore vne
Calotte auprès, qu’on tient estre celle que le sainct mettoit sur
sa teste, i’ay tenu dans mes mains l’vne & l’autre, ie diray pour-
tant en passant afin de desabuser ceux, qui comme le commun
croiroient que cette Calotte fust aussi véritablement de sainct
Policarpe qu’est la Mittre qu’ils ne croyent plus, parce que ic
sçay de bone part que la veritable a esté prise, & que celle-cy
est supposée, à ce que les Turcs ne s’en aperceussent, iff qui pie
furatus est ipse mihi dixit : celuy qui a fait ce pieux larcin me
le dit a moy-mesme.’2

It is plain that Père Pacifique regarded the mitre, and
presumably the tomb also, as authentic. Stochove, ten

1 i.e. among the ruins on the hill below the castle gate ; cf. Le
Bruyn, V oyage, i, 79, quoted below, p. 424, note 6.

* Voyage de Perse, pp. 11 f.

4·θ8 The ‘ Ίοηώ of S. ’

years later, makes it abundantly clear that the ‘ mitre ’
was no more than a dervish sheikh’s cap or taj ;1 his
account is as follows :

‘ Avant que d’entrer dans le chasteau, nostre Janissaire nous
mena dans un petit bastiment faict en forme de drappelle, où
il nous disoit que Sainct Jean Polycarpe estoit enterré, lequel
aussi bien parmy les Turcs que parmy les Chrestiens, a la repu-
tation d’avoir esté un Sainct personnage. A l’entrée nous
vismes un Dervis ou Religieux Turc, lequel nous voyant nous
salüa honnestement, & nous ayant diet qu’il falloit quitter les
souliers, nous mena au lieu où ils disent estre enterré ce Sainct.
Nous y vismes une tombe couverte de deux robbes, l’une de
camelot minime & l’autre de velour vert ; aux pieds il y avoit
un baston ferré avec deux pointes, portant au milieu un croissant
de Lune, semblable à ceux dont usent des pèlerins Mahometans,
qui vont visiter le sepulchre de leur prophète à la Mecque ; au
chevet il y avoit la façon d’une mithre, ayant un rebord avec
trois pointes, où estoit piqué à l’eguille en caractères Arabesques,
la Hilla heilla, balla Mahemet resul balla … ; ce que nous fit

cognoistre l’erreur des Turcs, & que ces habits, baston, & mithre
n’estoient point de ce Sainct : mais de quelque malheureux
Mahometan. Les Turcs portent un grand respect & une devo-
tion particulière à ce lieu, ils y tiennent tousjours quelques
lampes allumées, et a chaque Vendredy plusieurs y viennent
faire leurs prières.’1

It is hardly necessary to remark that such a saint as
S. John Polycarp has never existed. We have probably
to reckon with a divergent Christian tradition as to the
occupant of the tomb. La Boullaye (1653), who does
not mention the tomb of S. Polycarp, indicates the
existence of a grave of S. John at Smyrna, which is not
mentioned by any other writer and is of course incom-
patible with the venerable church traditions placing
S. John’s tomb at Ephesus. His words are : ‘ S. Jean
estant mort en l’Isle de Patmos, ses Disciples le trans-

1 The supposed mitre is last mentioned by Du Loir (1654) as vne
vieille Mytre faite selon la figure des nostres, mais d’vne estoffe qui
m’est inconnue ” (Voyages, p. 14). 2 Voyage, pp. 17 f.

Ambiguous Cult of the Saint 409

portèrent a Smirne et l’enterrerent, suiuant la tradi-
tion des Grecs, j’a yveu le lieu.’1

In all probability the older and essentially popular
tradition of the Greeks referred the tomb to S. John,
the attribution to S. Polycarp being due to the more
learned opinion of the Latin clergy, who cannot be
traced at Smyrna before the end of the sixteenth cen-
tury. It is significant that the oldest Greek church of
Smyrna (in the 4 Upper Quarter ’) is dedicated to S.
John,2 while the Latin parish claims S. Polycarp for its
patron. To the Turks S. John would doubtless be the
more acceptable, since S. John the , having a

recognized standing among Mussulmans,3 might be con-
sidered by them an 4 evangelist of God ’.

In these, the earliest and most detailed accounts of
the tomb and relics of S. Polycarp at Smyrna, there is
to an unprejudiced eye no outward trace of anything
more than a Turkish saint-cult associated by Christians,
to judge by Stochove, as much with S. John as with
S. Polycarp. It was probably one of those ambiguous
cults organized by the Bektashi dervishes which Chris-
tians were encouraged to frequent.4

Three notices of the tomb about the middle of the
seventeenth century arc of special interest5 as showing
that at this date it passed from Moslem to Christian

1 Voyages, p. 20.

2 The present cathedral, dedicated to S. Photine (the woman of
Samaria), is of more recent date and probably owes its origin to the
still existing holy well associated not unnaturally with the saint.

3 Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 115, on the
former church of S. John at Damascus.

4 Cf. below, p. 564 ff. on Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Pro-
paganda, especially no. 12. Near the tomb now shown as that of S.
Polycarp or ‘ Yusuf Dede5 is at least one grave marked as that of a Bek-
tashi dervish by the twelve-sided c mitre5 (taf) of the order carved on its
headstone. Bektashi mitres embroidered with the confession of faith,
like that seen at Smyrna by Pacifique and Stochove, are mentioned by
J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 151.

5 The tomb of Polycarp is mentioned also by Le Bruyn, Spon,

3295*2

E

410 P he4 Tomb of S. Poly carp

custody. Monconys, in 1648, does not mention the
dervish guardian. The chapel was 4 toute rompue et
descouverte ’ and the only thing to be seen in it was
a tomb like that of a Turkish sheikh.1 D’Arvieux
(1654-6) expressly states that the tomb was in Greek
hands :

4 Assez près de l’amphithéâtre [î. e. the theatre] sont les restes
de l’Église de S. Jean. C’ctoit la Cathédrale de Smirne. Elle
paroît avoir été fort grande, & accompagnée d’un grand nombre
de chapelles. . . . De toutes ces Chapelles, il en reste une seule
assez entière, dans laquelle est un tombeau bien gardé ‘par des
Religieux Grecs, qu’ils disent être celui de S. Polycarpe.’1

Thomas Smith (1665) implies that the tomb and the
humble two-roomed 4 chapel ’ that contained it were
in Christian hands and kept in some sort of repair :

4 Sepulchrum S. Polycarpi, quod in latere montis versus Euro-
austrum adhuc conservatur, Graeci die festo . . . solenniter in-
visunt : situm est in quâdam aediculâ, ecclesiae forte sacello, alii,
per quam illue transeundum est, contigua. In hoc monumento
instaurando, si ab impressionibus aeriis, si a Turcis, si a Cbris-
tianis Occidentalibus, qui fragmenta marmoris quasi tot sacras
reliquias exinde tollunt, laedatur temereturque, laudabilis
illorum collocatur opera, olla fictili quoque illic apposita, in
quam quisque ferè . . . illic ductus, pauculos aspros conjicit, ut
in omne aevum perennet.’ з

The change of ownership may have been due to the
movement against dervish orders and superstitious cults
promoted especially by the vizir Mohammed Kuprulu
and the preacher Vani Efendi in the latter half of the
seventeenth century.4 D’Arvieux’ account is further
important as helping to explain the ambiguity of Sto-
chove’s 4 S. John Polycarp ’. It is evident that a group
of ruins, located by our authors rather vaguely in the

Wheler, and Tournefort, none of whose descriptions adds anything
material to our knowledge of it. 1 Voyages, i, 425.

2 Mémoires, i, 50. з Septem Ecclesiarum Notifia^ p. 53.

4 Especially under Mohammed IV (1648-87), see below, § 3.

Site of the Tomb Changed 411

vicinity of the castle-gate and the theatre, had for long
been regarded as the remains of a great cathedral church
dedicated to S. John.1 The tomb and chapel of ‘ S.
Polycarp ’ or ‘ S. John Polycarp ’ were included in this
group of ruins, but their exact position is nowhere
exactly indicated.

Pococke (1739) is the first author to refer clearly to
the present ‘ tomb of Polycarp ’, which he locates ac-
curately at the north-west corner of the stadium, that
is, with at least the length of the latter between it and
the considerable ruins known as the‘Church of S. John’.
To Père S. Lorenzo belongs the credit of having first
recognized this change of site. It seems at least prob-
able that the traditional tomb of Polycarp moved from
one end of the stadium to the other about the beginning
of the eighteenth century,z and passed once more into
Moslem hands. How this happened, whether, for ex-
ample, the Turks stole the sarcophagus, or set up a rival
tomb independently, we shall probably never know.
The former is rather suggested by Pococke’s account,
which runs as follows :

‘ It is said that great disorders had been committed here by
the Greeks at the time of his [Polycarp’s] festival ; and that a
cadi laid hold on this pretence to get money, ordering that, in
case any Christians came to it, the community of Christians
should be obliged to pay such a sum ; but as he could not obtain
his end, he put up a stone turbant on it, as if it were the tomb
of some Mahometan saint, by which he thought to have his re-
venge in preventing the Christians from ever resorting to it
again, which hitherto has had its effect.’ з 1 * 3

1 See below, § 4.

1 Such a change of site is by no means unprecedented. The tomb
of S. Antipas at Pergamon, which was supposed in the thirties to be in
the mosque called S. Sophia (С. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 127), is now
shown outside the so-called ‘ Church of S. John ’ (Lambakis, ‘Επτά
Αστέρες, p. 284). Here again the Turks probably made difficulties
for Christians entering the mosque.

3 Descr. 0/ the East, II, ii, 36. The whole story may, of course, be

E 2

412 The iTomb of S. Poly carp ’

The Kadi’s action may have kept the Greeks away
from the tomb for a time and officially ; but a century
of tradition, aided doubtless by the natural cupidity of
the guardian, eventually overrode all artificial obstacles,
and down to our own day both Greeks and Latins have
connected the tomb with the name of Polycarp and
frequented it. At the same time the site of the ‘ chapel ’
seems to have been the scene of the official Greek service
down to quite a late date. Stephan Schulz in 1753
speaks of the old two-roomed chapel as the church of
S. Polycarp,1 and von Prokesch-Osten in 1830 says that
service was celebrated within living memory in an adja-
cent building bearing the same name.2

Our deductions as to the history of the traditional
tomb are therefore somewhat as follows. As early as
1622 an empty sarcophagus3 inside a humble building
was associated with S. Polycarp and reverenced by
Greeks and Turks alike : the tomb was Mohammedan
in form, and in charge of a dervish. About the middle
of the seventeenth century it passed into Christian
hands. In the eighteenth the sarcophagus seems to
have been removed, or at least the cult transferred by
the Turks to the site of the present tomb, while the
supposed chapel continued to be reverenced by Chris-
tians. The prestige of the sarcophagus made the out-
wardly Turkish tomb still an object of reverence for
Greeks, who were encouraged from interested motives
by the custodian.

Christian popular tradition still associates the tomb
with S. Polycarp, though the Greek service in his
a fable to account for the Mohammedan form of the alleged Christian
saint’s tomb.

1 Reise, in Paulus’ Sammlung der Reisen (i8oi), vi, 105 ; Weber,
commenting on this passage (in Steinwald, Evang. Gemeinde zu
Smyrna, p. 30) identifies the ‘ chapel of S. Polycarp ’ with substructures
of the stadium recently removed.

2 Denkwürdigkeiten, i, 520, quoted below, § 4.

3 Sans son corps (Pacifique).

Yusuf De de 413

honour is now celebrated in the stadium, and Latin
tradition, in consequence of Père S. Lorenzo’s recent
discoveries, is focussing on the vineyard site.

It is interesting to note that the Mohammedan side
of the cult has created for itself a new cycle of legend,
investigated by Père S. Lorenzo. The tomb is for
Turks no longer the tomb of Polycarp, the 4 friend of
Mohammed ’, but of Yusuf Dede, a Moslem warrior
who fell before the castle-walls and carried his head to
the 4 tomb of Polycarp V Both traditions were till
recently reconciled by the guardian, who showed a bare
spot of ground near the tomb as the burial-place of the
Christian saint.* The spot where Yusuf fell, before the
gates of the castle, is marked by a recent but promising
precinct containing a young cypress and a thorn-bush,
but as yet no formal tomb, only a heap of stones.3 This

1 Saints who carried their own heads are common in Turkish as in
Christian hagiology ; for examples see Mirkoviò, in Wiss. Mittb.
Bosnien, i, 462 ; Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 68, II, 228 ; Durham, Burden of the
Balkans, p. 228 ; Patsch, Das Sandschak Berate p. 9. The theme affords
a convenient explanation for the existence of two tombs attributed to
the same saint.

2 The spot formerly shown is now covered by the guardian’s cottage
(S. Lorenzo, p. 205).

3 The custom of throwing stones on graves, noticed in Asia Minor
also by Schaffer (Cilicia, p. 29 ; cf Bent, J. R. Anthr. Inst. xx, 275),
is in Herzegovina restricted to the graves of persons who have met
their death by violence (Lilek, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, viii, 272).
Passers by threw stones on Goliath’s grave (Antoninus martyr, De
Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 33 (xxxi)) : the modern Yuruks (Garnett,
Turkish Life, p. 202) and the Arabs of Syria (J. L. Porter, Damascus,
p. 318) also throw stones on graves. Tristram (E. Customs, p. 101) says
the cairns are to keep jackals away, but later (pp. 102-3) says passers
by curse the murderer as they throw the stone : Georgeakis and
Pineau (Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 323) add that they should also pray for
the murdered man ; in Lesbos the cairns are called άναθεματίστριαι.
The practice may have arisen from a desire to hold down the uneasy
ghost. Solomon walled up jinns in the pillars of the vaults under the
Haram, and if a passer by fails to throw a stone, the jinns catch him
(de Vogüé, Syrie, p. 204).

414 The * Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

is said to mark the spot where the saint’s head is buried.
It is instructive to remark that the negro village on the
castle-hill, of which Yusuf has become the tutelary-
saint, is of recent immigrants : it is hence apparently
that the new religious impetus has come which has
swept the old tomb of Polycarp into its orbit. A dream
come true, a prayer fulfilled, or some such accidental
happening, is probably accountable. It is also to be
noticed, in view of ‘ survival ’ theories based on the
coincidence of festivals, · that the festival of Yusuf is
celebrated in June1 and that of his predecessor Polycarp
in February.

§2. The Value of Tradition at Smyrna

A reputed tomb of S. Polycarp, probably, as we have
seen, not always at the same site, has thus been shown
at Smyrna for nearly three centuries, that is, through-
out the modern history of the town. The validity or
otherwise of its claims to earlier traditions can only be
conjectured from general probabilities. It is not safe
to attach overmuch weight to ‘ tradition especially
at Smyrna. In such identifications as that of the tomb
of S. Polycarp we have throughout to remember that
irrational speculation, based on dreams and other acci-
dental circumstances, normally plays a large part. In-
deed, religious tradition in the East is quite as easily
manufactured as perpetuated, and varies in the most
arbitrary manner, even without an apparent cause, such
as a break in the history of a community.

In the case of the tomb of S. Polycarp, it is a priori
extremely unlikely that a tradition has survived even
from the Middle Ages. One of the many long blanks
in the history of Smyrna extends from the sack of the
city by Timur (1402) to the renaissance of the seven-
teenth century. Our sole glimpse of the city in the

1 S. Lorenzo, p. 203.

Relics of S. Poly carp 415

intervening period, which is afforded by Cepio’s account
of the Venetian sack in 1472, shows it as a purely Turkish
place.1.

As to the Middle Ages it is true that Sherif-ed-din,
the historian of Timur, says that Smyrna was in his
time a place of pilgrimage for Christians :2 but this need
not refer to the cult, still less the traditional grave, of
S. Polycarp.3 Of the cult during the Frankish occupa-
tion (1344 to I4°2)» the only trace seems to be the fact
that all known relics of S. Polycarp can be traced to
Malta,4 the later seat of the Knights of S. John, from
whom Timur took Smyrna in 1402 : there is thus a
possibility that these relics were from Smyrna. In the
fairly voluminous literature of the Frankish occupation
there is no mention of a tomb, relics, or cult of S. Poly-
carp. If the relics then existed, they were probably
preserved in some church within the walls of the Knights’
castle beside the harbour, which was the only part of the
city in the hands of the Christians.

When Smyrna emerges from the obscurity of the
Middle Ages, which is not before the early years of the
seventeenth century, the names of S. John and S. Poly-
carp are applied to existing monuments and sites abso-
lutely at random. The following are associated with
S. John :

(1) A cave (near S. Veneranda, in the neighbourhood
of the Jews’ cemetery) to which he was said to have
retired : this was early appropriated by the Kadi to
serve as a cistern.5

‘ Ap. Sathas, Μνημ. ‘Ελλ. ‘/στ. vii, 294.

1 Tr. Pétis de la Croix, iv, 46.

î In the thirteenth century an eikon of Christ was greatly revered
there (G. A crop., p. 56).

4 S. Lorenzo, op. cit., pp. 285-90. Two late fifteenth-century
pilgrims, Joos van Ghistele (’T Voyage (1483), p. 335) and Griinem-
htrg{Pilgerfahrt(i\06),p. 51) mention the head of S. Polycarp amongst
the relics at Rhodes.

5 Stochove, Voyage, p. 20 ; this is probably the modern Κρύφια

4i 6 The ‘ Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

(2) A font used by S. John for baptism was shown
on the castle-hill in the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury.1

(3) The mosque in the castle was by some supposed
to be a transformed church of S. John.*

(4) The columns of Namazgiah in the Jewish quarter
were traditionally said to be those of a church of S.
John.5

(5) ‘ A mile from the city ’ (direction not specified,
but not, so far as one can judge, on the castle-hill) were
the walls of a church also, according to some, dedicated
to S. John.4

(6) In spite of the long medieval tradition of S. John’s
burial at Ephesus, the ‘ tradition of the Greeks ’ in the
seventeenth century pointed out his tomb at Smyrna.5

With S. Polycarp were similarly associated, besides
the tomb which we are discussing :

(1) A ‘ prison ’, apparently near S. Veneranda, but
the locality is not exactly indicated.6

Παναγία, a chapel in a subterranean watercourse (Oikonomos (1809),
7α Σωζόμζνα, i, 338 ; Weber, in Jahrbuch, xiv, 186 f.).

1 Schulz (1753), Reise, p. 105.

3 Le Bruyn, Voyage (Paris, 1725) i, 74 ; Spon, i, 232 ; Earl of Sand-
wich, Voyagey p. 308 ; Schulz, p. 104. In ArundelPs time the same
building was said to have been dedicated to the twelve Apostles (Asia
MinoTy ii, 394) : it has also been called the church of S. Polycarp (see
below). The real dedication may have been to S. Demetrius (as
Fontrier, Rev. Ét. Am. ix, 114, basing on Acta et Diplom, i, 52), if,
indeed, the building was not, as it has every appearance of being, a
mosque from its origin.

3 Oikonomos, 7α Σωζόμβνα, i, 337 : these columns have also been
said to belong to (a) a ‘ Palace of Alexander ’ (De Burgo, Viaggio, i,
461), and (b) the Homereion (Museum Worsleyanum, ii, 43).

4 T. Smith, Notitiay p. S3 : ‘ Franciscani templum nuncupant; forte
D. Johanni olim dedicabatur.’

5 La Boullaye, Voyages (1653), p. 20, quoted above, p. 409. The
author does not mention the tomb of Polycarp, and is probably alluding
to it under this name.

6 De Burgo, Viaggio, i, 461 : is this Stochove’s ‘Cave of S.
John’?

Sites Associated with S. Poly carp 417

(2) A tree on the castle-hill, which had grown from
the saint’s staff.1

(3) The mosque in the castle is said by Oikonomos
to have been a church dedicated to S. Polycarp,2 by
others, as we have seen, to S. John or the Apostles.

(4) In 1851 a mutilated statue lying on the ground
near the castle was pointed out as that of S. Polycarp.3

The wholly speculative nature of the identifications
made at Smyrna during the seventeenth and later cen-
turies is shown best of all by the variety of ‘ traditions ’
current as to the conspicuous group of ruins on the
acropolis hill between the castle gate and the stadium.
Three travellers (d’Arvieux, Thévenot, and de Burgo)
call this group of ruins a church of S. John, three others
(Le Bruyn, Tournefort, and Lucas 4) a church of S.
Polycarp.5 The former identification seems certainly
old,6 though probably not authentic. D’Arvieux, as we

1 Des Hayes (1621), Votage, p. 343 : £ Il y a vn arbre que Гоп dit
estre venu du baston de Sainct Polycarpe, Euesque de ce lieu, qu’il
planta, quand il fut pris pour estre martyrisé.’ The tree of S. Polycarp
is called by Stochove a terebinth, by Spon (i, 232) a cherry, and by the
botanist Tournefort a micocoulier or lotus.

2 Ta Σωζόμενα, i, 337 : Έπάνωθεν 8έ τούτου [sc. τον αμφι-
θεάτρου] στέκει και μέρος Ικανόν της εκκλησίας του αγίου Πολυ-
κάρπου, μεταμορφωμένης εις η8η έρημον τσαμίον [mosque], οπού
ί)το και 6 τόπος του μαρτυρίου και 6 τάφος αντοΰ. So also Sestini,
Lettres (1789), iii, 10. The only mosque on the hill was that inside
the castle walls which is marked 4 Church of S. Polycarp ’ in Admiralty
charts of 1834.

3 Walpole, Ansayrii, i, 25. 4 Voyage fait en IJ14/1, 154.

5 The distinction may be due to a discrepancy in 4 tradition ’ between
Greeks and Armenians : similarly at Ephesus certain ruins are associated
by the Armenians with S. John the Divine, by the Greeks with S.
Panteleemon, each community holding service there on the appropriate
day (Lambakis, ‘Επτά эΑστέρες, p. 107). A church at Angora is
similarly associated both with S. Clement and S. John (Perrot and
Guillaume, Explor. de la Galatie, p. 271), probably for the same
reason. At Smyrna the S. John dedication, as more popular, is probably
more ancient.

6 A cathedral church of S. John, mucide the precincts of the sea

418 The ‘Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

have noted above,1 seems to compromise by taking the
chapel of S. Polycarp as part of the ‘ Church of S.
John ’, as Stochove did by fusing S. John and S. Poly-
carp into one person. A seventh authority, Edward
Melton (1672), who describes unmistakably a conspicu-
ous portion of the group of ruins,3 considers it either
a church of S. Polycarp or a temple of Janus.3 Others
have called the same ruin a ‘ Judicatorium’,4 a ‘Homer-
eion ’,5 the ‘ Palagio del Consiglio ’,6 and the ‘ Room
of the Synod Drummond (1744) doubts whether
to call it a Homereion, a public library, or a temple
of Janus. Prokesch (1830) accepts it as a church of
Polycarp. Seventeenth-century classical archaeology at
Smyrna, probably initiated by William Petty in 1634,8

castle, is mentioned in the Frankish period at Smyrna (1344-1402) by
the contemporary Anon. Romanus (in Muratori, Antiq. Ital. iii, 364) :
4 Era una Chiesa antiquissima, la quale hao nome Santo Ianni. Dicesi
che lo biato Santo Ianni la edificai). Questa Chiesa fo lo Vescovato
de quella Terra, nanti cha fossi destrutta la Cittate. . . . Po’ la
destruttione era rimasta campestre.’ This church hy juxta viam as
one went to the (upper) castle (Job. Vitodurani Chronicony ed. Eckhart,
Corpus Hist. Med. Aev. i, 1909). 1 P. 410.

2 Zee- end Land-Reizen, p. 232 : 4 Van de twee zijden gelijk als in
Kapellen door kleine muurtjens, die noch over eind staan, afgescheiden
zijn ’ ; cf. below, § 3.

3 Tavernier’s church of S. Polycarp near the sea, otherwise called
the temple of Janus (Voyages, p. 32), is probably a confusion with the
above identification : his description is almost exactly Melton’s. The
building generally known as the temple of Janus (Duloir, p. 15 : La
Boullaye, p. 20 ; Spon, i, 234 ; Le Bruyn, i, 79, &c.) and figured in
Wheler’s cut, stood on the low ground north of the city. Spon called
it a Homereion and Stochove apparently a temple of Diana. Its
identity seems to have been fixed (Le Bruyn, i, 79) by the discovery of
a 4 statue of Janus,’ probably a double herm. It may still be doubted
whether the building was more than a Turkish turbe built of old blocks.

4 T. Smith, p. 53.

5 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 41 ; Alex. Drummond,
(1754), Travels, p. 116.

6 Gemelli Careri (1693), Giro del Mondo, i, 216.

7 Pococke, Descr. of the East> II, ii, 36.

8 Michaelis, Ancient Marbles, p. 11.

Sites Associated with S. Poly carp 419

is in the same empiric stage. The celebrated bust at the
castle-gate figures in various authors as (1) Helen of
Troy,1 (2) Semiramis,* (3) the Amazon Smyrna,з and
(4) Apollo,1 2 3 4 5 not to mention (5) the Turkish legendary
heroine Coidasa,* or Kadifé.6

It is apparent that the identifications made during
this period, religious and secular alike, are simple guess-
work, varying with the guide’s fancy, and resting on no
tradition inherited from the Middle Ages. The identi-
fication of the ruin or group of ruins called the church
of S. John is the only one which is known to date from
medieval times.7

§ 3. The Anti-dervish Movement of 1656-76

At all times in Turkish history the dervish orders have
exercised a considerable, if ill-defined, influence over
certain sections of the population. At some periods,
e.g., at the end of the sixteenth century,8 political and
other combinations have enhanced this influence to
such an extent as to make them potentially important
allies or dangerous enemies to the civil government.
At the period we have mentioned one dervish-order,
the Bektashi, set the seal on their ascendancy by chang-
ing their already existing secret connexion with the

1 F. Arnaud (1602), in de Voglie, Florilegium, p. 471 ; Stochove,
Voyage, p. 19.

2 Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 75 ; Spon, Voyage, i, 230.

3 Tournefort, Lett. xxii ; Pococke, II, ii, 36.

4 Monconys, Voyages, i, 424.

5 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 39.

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk-Lore de Constantinople, p. 16 ff.

7 The modern identification of ruins recently discovered in the
vineyard by Père S. Lorenzo thus falls to the ground in so far as it is
based on the travellers’ reports I have attempted to summarize. The
ruins themselves are indeterminate, and the supposed tombstone of
S. Pionius (S. Lorenzo, p. 315) no more than a portion of a granite
bench inscribed (not ΓΤΗΝΗν but)-AHNH : it is possibly from a tomb-
exedra put under the protection of Sipylene (cf. C.I.G, 3385-7 inch).

8 See below, p. 611.

420 The ‘ Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

Janissaries into an official one.1 This official connexion,
backed by the sanction of the superstitious classes of the
population, made the Janissary-Bektashi combination
a very dangerous one during the succeeding period of
weak monarchs and decadent national morale and it
continued to embarrass the Turkish government down
to the abolition of the Janissaries and the fall of the
Bektashi in 1826.

Recrudescent troubles with the Janissaries are one
of the chief internal causes of the decay of the Otto-
man power in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
In the seventeenth Osman II (1617-21) and Ibrahim
(1640-8) made vain efforts to curtail their power, only
to become their victims.3 If we can point to one inter-
lude of national revival, it is in the third quarter of the
seventeenth century, notable for the last important ex-
tension of the Ottoman empire, the conquest of Crete.
The cause of this revival lies, not in the ability of the
sultan (Mohammed IV), but in that of his vizirs ; it
dates from the appointment of the elder (Mohammed)
Kuprulu in 1656 and ends with the death of his son
Ahmed in 1676. With the turn of the century the
Janissary-Bektashi combination is again all-powerful.

The Kuprulus, father and son, attempted, not with-
out temporary success, to make a stand against the
power of the Janissaries in politics and the extraordinary
prevalence of heterodoxy and superstition in religion,
much of it due to dervish (sufi) influence, which
threatened to undermine the Mohammedan faith in
Turkey. A concrete instance of the expansion of the
dervish sects about this time is afforded by the fact that
one Kadri sheikh, Ismail Rumi (d. 1643), founded no
less than forty-eight convents.3 Rycaut gives a long
account of the numerous heterodox sects existing about

1 D’Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 325.

3 Poullet, Nouvelles Relations9 i, 307.

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 77.

Political Attacks on Dervishes 421

this time, several of which, it is curious to note, were
strongly impregnated with Christian ideas. Misri Efendi
a celebrated Khalveti sheikh of Brusa, seems, like the
founder of the Mevlevi, to have had leanings towards
Christianity : he is said to have frequented the bishop
of Brusa and openly to have commended the Gospel.1
A sheikh of Akhisar, whose name and order have not
come down to us, is said to have been converted by an
Arabic translation of the Gospel г and to have suffered
martyrdom for Christianity in 1649 with twenty-two
of his followers.1 2 3 This particular tendency is no doubt
due on the one hand to the permeation of Turkish
society by Christian renegades and on the other to
intermarriage with Christian women. The general fall-
ing away from the principles of Islam is to be attributed
to closer contact with Europe and decreasing conviction
of the invincibility of Turkish arms, and, consequently,
of the unique position of the Mohammedan faith.

The Kuprulu vizirs, regarding with apprehension
these ominous symptoms, made a determined effort to
root out the disease. Mohammed, called to office late
in life for the express purpose of quelling an unusually
dangerous rebellion of the Janissaries (1656), at once
asserted his authority. Four thousand persons impli-
cated in the movement, including several influential
dervishes, were at once executed by his orders 4 and his

1 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. ii, 228 f.

2 For this see further Hasluck, Letters, p. 141.

3 Carayon, Rei. Inéd. de la Compagnie de Jésus, pp. 228 ff. ; cf.
Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 54, for an account of two converted
dervishes martyred in Rhodes. Cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 64.
The beginnings of this movement towards Christianity may be traced
very much further back (see Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 29, and Hauser’s
note on p. 146 of his edition of Du Fresne Canaye’s Voyage).

4 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xi, 17; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, iv, 559;
Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 65 ; cf. the same writer’s Hist, of the
Lurks, p. 81 (s. a. 1649). Evliya says 400,000 rebels were killed in
Anatolia by Kuprulu (I, i, 156).

422 The ‘ Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

influence was felt throughout the empire till his death.
During his vizirate we hear vaguely of action against
the dervish orders as such, apparently discriminating
against the Mevlevi.1 La Guilletière says that his son
banished all dervishes in the European provinces to
Asia Minor : in conformity with this order, the Par-
thenon at Athens, exploited according to him by der-
vishes as the centre of a superstitious cult, became once
more an orthodox house of prayer.3 A Bektashi (?)
convent at Adrianople, long notorious for its scandals,
was razed to the ground.3

In the vizirate of the younger Kuprulu, Ahmed, who
followed his father’s policy, appeared an important ally
in Vani Efendi, a persuasive preacher of the strictest
Sunni principles, who obtained a great influence over
the orthodox Sultan. As a member of the Ulema party,
Vani was the determined foe of the dervish orders,
always suspected of heresy by the stricter Mussulmans.4

1 T. Smith in Ray’s Voyages, ii, 58 ; d’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 311 ;
Ubicini, Turquie, i, 110; Tournefort (letter xiv) ascribes the move-
ment to Murad IV, probably wrongly, since the Mevlevi were con-
siderably favoured in this reign (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott.
ix, 257, 316; d’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 307) though they seem to have
been implicated in the deposition (1648) of Sultan Ibrahim (Hammer-
Hellert, ix, 285 : cf. xi, 5). Stern (Die Moderne Türkei, p. 117)
merely follows Hammer in his account of this persecution of the
Mevlevi. 2 See above, pp. 14-16.

3 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 69 ; cf. Jacob, Beiträge, p. 15.

4 On Vani Efendi see Hammer-Hellert, op. cit., xi, 162 f., xii, 191,
and xviii, 103. He was a native of Van and rose to eminence about
1664; after the siege of Vienna (1683), at which his prayers proved
unsuccessful, he was banished to Kestel, near Brusa, where he died
the following year. Contemporaries estimate him very differently.
Hammer regards him as a great hypocrite and a sworn enemy of Jews
and Christians (pp. cit. xii, 191) ; his famous religious argument with
Panayotes Nikusses (Sakkeliou in Δελτίον fΙστορ. *Εταιρείας, iii, 235 ;
cf. Cantimir, ii, 61), being written from the Greek side, shows him in
the worst light. But the less-known discussion with Sir Thomas Baines,
reported by Covel (Diariesy pp. 269 f.), exhibits him as a very liberal-
minded man, at least to Protestant (as ‘ non-idolatrous ’) Christianity.

Political Attacks on Dervishes 423

His activity, which seems to date from 1664, was t^ie
religious counterpart of the political measures of the
Kuprulus ; he opposed lawlessness in religion as they in
politics. A strict Puritan, he made a strong stand
against the mystic sufi doctrines professed by many
members of the upper classes and the cult of saints and
other superstitions in vogue among the lower. In 1670
he forbade the selling of wine,1 laxity in regard to which
has always been regarded as characteristic of the sufi
sects. He banished the Khalvcti dervish Sheikh Misri
of Brusa and the Kadri Karabash Ali of Skutari, and
condemned the mystic poets of his time.1 2 He made an
effort to abolish the piping of the Mevlevi,3 and the
public exercises of the dervishes in general.4 His attempt
to stamp out the superstitious cult of Kanbur Dede
near Khavsa 5 in Thrace is typical of his general policy
and that of the Kuprulu vizirs : it is in all probability
paralleled by unrecorded action of the same sort else-
where. The ‘ tomb of Polycarp ’ is transferred from
the keeping of Moslem dervishes to Greek monks by
1657.6 The change may well have been due to the
politico-religious movement we have described.

§ 4. The Ruins on the Castle-hill

We turn now to examine the ruins near the castle-
gate and the theatre. The general position of this
group of ruins is made certain by a consensus of seven-
teenth century authors of whom de Burgo and Tourne-

1 Hammer-Heller t, op. cit. xi, 335.

2 Ibid. xii, 45. For Misri see further Cantimir, op. cit. ii, 218 ff.,
228 ff. ; Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 312.

3 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 68.

4 Covel, Diaries, p. 269 (c about 6 yeares since 9 in 1676) ; but the
Mevlevi were back into imperial favour by CovePs time (ibid., p. 168).

5 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xi, 250 (1667) ; the cult is probably
identical with that of Sari Saltik at Eski Baba, below, pp. 431-2).

6 The date of d’Arvieux’ departure from Smyrna.

424 The ‘ Tomb of 5. Poly carp ’

fort are the clearest.1 The ruins included (1) the so-
called chapel of S. Polycarp, a building of no preten-
sions, containing two compartments, and (2) near this,
and south-east of it 1 2 the conspicuous ruin shown in
Le Bruyn’s plate 3 as a large arch or apse flanked by
tower-like projections. By some authors both these
buildings are considered as parts of the cathedral of
S. John,4 while by others the second is regarded as a
separate building and called by many names, of which,
as distinctive, we shall adopt that of ‘ Judicatorium \5
The whole group of ruins seems to have been a good
deal excavated by amateurs 6 and finally used as a quarry
by the Turks in the latter half of the seventeenth cen-
tury for the building of Sanjak Kale (1656) and certain
mosques.7 But considerable remains, especially of the
‘ Judicatorium ’, existed into the early part of the nine-
teenth century and are perhaps indicated in Storari’s
map 8 ( c. 1855).

As regards the ‘ Judicatorium ’ we are well docu-
mented. Besides Le Bruyn’s drawing we have a con-

1 The former places them 200 paces from the castle (i, 460) and 100
from the ‘ amphitheatre ’ (i, 461).

2 Pococke, II, ii, 36. 3 Reproduced in B.S.A. xx, PI. XI.

4 Certainly d’Arvieux (i, 50) (followed by Thévenot) and von

Prokesch-Osten (quoted below). 5 Above, § 2, p. 418.

6 Le Bruyn, i, 79 :—‘ A une petite lieue de la Ville, en allant vers
le Château, on trouve, à ce que l’on croit, Pendroit où étoit l’ancienne

Smyrne [(/”.Pacifique, quoted above,§ I, ad init.]; on y voit aussi encore
quelques restes d’Antiquitez. C’est autour de-là qu’on trouve sous
terre la plûpart des Statues, comme il arriva dans le tems que
je demeurois à Constantinople ’ [here follows an account of four
statues sent to the French king, probably those mentioned in Gronovius
Mem. Cosson. p. 36]. For other digging in this neighbourhood about
the same period, see Galland’s Journal, ii, 214 (1673) and cf. Omont,
Miss. Archéol. i, 209 (1680).

7 Cf. G. de Burgo (1686), i, 460 :—della gran chiesa di S. Gio.

Apostolo non resta altro che le fondamenta, hauendo gli Turchi portate
via le pietre per fabbricare gli Castelli alla marina, sicome anche alcune
Moschee.’ 8 Reproduced in B.S.A. xx, PI. X, 2.

Judicatorium 425

temporary description by Smith, a plan by Drummond,
and detailed notes by Pococke and von Prokesch-Osten.
Smith’s account is as follows :

* [Prope sepulchrum Polycarpi exstat] saxeum aedificium,
quod judicatorium fuisse videtur, tria conclavia habens eidem
solo insistentia, quorum medium duodecim fere ab omni latere
passuum est. Frontispicium ipsius ornarunt quatuor columnae,
quarum solae bases manent.’1

Pococke says of it :

‘ [There is a tradition that the cathedral church was built on
the north side of the circus, which seems probable, there being
some ruins that look like the remains of such a building ;] and
to the south east of it there is a fabric of three rooms, which had
a portico before it, the pillars of which arc taken away . . . pro-
bably the synod room of the archbishop, whose house might
have been between this and the church.’1 2 3

By far the clearest account of the building is Drum-
mond’s, who, though in doubt what to call it, took the
trouble to secure a plan and measurements. The build-
ing is divided into three parallel compartments, com-
municating with each other by doorways in the party-
walls. The whole was prefaced by a portico of four
columns in antis (all missing). The central of the three
compartments opened on the porch by a doorway, the
others by windows. The dimensions of the building
‘ within the walls ’ were 50 x 27 feet, of the ‘ temple ’
16 x 27 feet, and of the ‘ cloister ’ 13 X 27 feet. The
main entrance was 10 feet wide, the side doors 3I, and

1 Septem Ecclesiarum Notitia, pp. 53 f.

2 Descr. of the East, II, ii, 36. The Earl of Sandwich {Voyage, p. 308)
makes the relative positions of the buildings rather clearer : 6 Descend-
ing this hill [from the castle], on the south-west side, you discover an
ancient building of large square stones very well cemented together,
vulgarly called Homer’s School [i.e. our “ Judicatorium ”] . . . A
little lower is a small chapel consecrated to Saint Polycarp, whose
sepulchre is to be seen at a small distance from it . . . Near this
chapel are the remains of a stadium.’

3295*2

F

426 The ‘Tomb of S. Polycarf ’

the windows 3 feet. The walls were 4 feet thick.1
There are some discrepancies in these measurements,
but the general idea is given by the plan.

Von Prokesch-Osten’s account of the same building,
under the name of ‘ Chapel of S. Polycarp shows that
it did not suffer materially in the next hundred years :

‘ [Das Kirchlein des Heiligen Polykarpus] hoch auf dem
westlichen Abfall des Schlossberges gelegen ist. Noch leben
Viele, die sich des Gottesdienstes darin erinnern. Es bestand
aus drei Räumen, länglich und klein, finster und enge, voll
Nischen und Gewölben, und war aus Granitblöcken des
Schlosses gebaut worden. In der linken Capelle soll der Pre-
digtstuhl, in der mittleren ein Gnadenbild gestanden haben.
Der Eingang ging durch einen von Säulen getragenen, bedeck-
ten Vorhof. Die Säulen sind verschwunden, aber die Bogen
greifen noch aus den Mauern vor.’2

From all these descriptions we gather a perfectly
clear idea of the plan of the building. As to the eleva-
tion, for which Le Bruyn’s drawing is our only source,
we can only be certain that the central compartment
was higher than the others. This arrangement, as
suggesting a nave and aisles, has led to the supposition
that the building was a church. Nothing in the plan,
however, warrants that supposition : the absence of an
apse is conclusive against it. The position, moreover,
outside the medieval citadel and at the same time rt
mote from the port, is not a likely one for a cathedral.
All the buildings in this direction seem to belong to
ancient, not to medieval, Smyrna.

1 Travels (London, 1754), pp. 116 f. (plan faces p. 118).

2 Denkwürdigkeiten, i, 520 ; see also this author in Jahrbücher
der Literatur (Vienna), lxvii (1834), Anzeigerbl., p. 62. The last
vestiges of this building are marked on Storari’s Plan of Smyrna (1855)
as Ruine, between the castle gate and the south-east end of the stadium.
Fontrier {Rev. Ét. Ane. ix, 114) says that this site is now occupied by
a vineyard in which stone water-pipes have been found. The vineyard
mentioned is the site of Père S. Lorenzo’s supposed church and tomb
of S. Polycarp.

Judicatorium 427

It is further evident that our seventeenth-century
authorities saw their ‘ church of S. John ’ in a great
complex of ruined building, of which the ‘ Judica-
torium if included at all, is but a portion. De Burgo,
for instance, gives the dimensions of the ‘ church of S.
John ’ as 158 X 38 paces1 or nearly as large as the court
of the great mosque at Damascus. Smith’s ‘ chapel of
S. Polycarp ’ is joined to the ‘Judicatorium ’ by a ‘ long
series of vaults set in a row ’, evidently interpreted by
some as the remains of the great church. Another
interpretation is possible.

The late Dr. Weber, in his minute and learned study
of the aqueducts of Smyrna, traces the ‘ high-pressure ’
aqueduct of Kara-Bunar step by step up to the very
saddle of the castle hill where the ‘ Judicatorium ’
stood.2 I have myself seen stone pipes from it here-
abouts (in the vineyard of Père S. Lorenzo’s discoveries),3
and in recent times there has come to light at some spot
on the castle hill an inscription 4 duplicating C.I.G.
3147 and recording repairs early in the reign of Hadrian
to an aqueduct known from C.I.G. 3146 to have been
built about A.D. 80.5 The exact provenance of C.I.G.
3146, 3147, is unknown, but the finding of the second
copy of the latter on the castle hill is strong evidence
for connecting all three, not (as Dr. Weber) 6 with the
lower (Ak-Bunar), but with the upper (Kara-Bunar)

1 Viaggio, \, φϊ. 2 Jahrbuch, xiv, 4 fl.

3 Cf. Fontrier, Rev. Kt. Ane. ix, 114, cited above.

4 Movaeîov, 1880, p. 139 (181), now in the Greek Museum at
Smyrna :—‘ Τραϊανόν j υδατο? άττοκα\τασταθεντος | virò Βαιβίου
Τοΰλ\λου ανθυπάτου.’ The text is a duplicate of C.I.G. 3147 =
Dittenberger, Orient. Gr. Insert, no. 478, now at Trinity College,
Cambridge. For the date see Weber, loc. cit., p. 174.

5 For this date see Weber, loc. cit., and Dittenberger, Orient Gr.
Insert, no. 477. Smith (p. 53) found a dedication to Hadrian built into
the ‘ chapel of S. Polycarp ’.

6 Jahrbuch, xiv, 167, 174. Dr. Weber seems to have been biassed
by his opinion that the temple of Zeus Akraios stood on ‘ Windmill
Hill ’.

428 The ‘ Tomb of S. Poly carp ’

aqueduct. Dr. Weber found no trace of any aqueduct
within the walls of the fortress, but odd blocks of stone
piping, apparently from the Kara-Bunar aqueduct, have
been discovered near the theatre, and in the Upper
Quarter of the Greeks,1 both on the slopes of the castle
hill.

It is tempting to suggest that the ‘ Judicatorium ’
formed the ornamental terminus of the Kara-Bunar
aqueduct or Aqua Trai ana. The high site on the
saddle of the castle hill was particularly fitted for one
of these buildings, generally called , which

served the double purpose of public fountains and
dividicula or points for the distribution of water by
smaller channels to different parts of a town. The
three c narrow and dark ’ chambers of the ‘ Judica-
torium ’ may have been cisterns or settling chambers
for the water.

Fine specimens of this class of monument are to be
found elsewhere in Asia Minor, at Aspendus, and especi-
ally Side.2 The e exedra of Herodes ’ at Olympia is
a monument of the same order. If, as is not impossible,
such a building stood on the castle hill at Smyrna, and
especially if it formed one end of a public open space
such as an agoraf the mistake of the earlier travellers is
readily explained. The debris of such a group of build-
ings, with its colonnades and lines of shops and the
triple building at one end, might easily suggest an im-
mense ruined church with a number of fallen side-
chapels and the chancel still standing. But excavation
alone can turn such conjectures into proof.

1 Weber, loc. cit., pp. 19 f.

3 Durai, Baukunst der Römer, pp. 168 ff. : Lanckoronski, Städte
Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, i, PI. xxx (Side).

3 For an agora in a similar position between lower town and citadel
we may compare those of Assos and Pergamon. Ramsay (Seven
Churches, p. 260, cf. Calder in Studies in History and Art, &c., p. 104)
conjectures that the Golden Street of Smyrna ended in the neighbour-
hood of our hypothetical agora
XXXII

SARI SALTIK 1

§ I. At Kaliakra

THE legend of Sari Saltik, set down by Evliya Efendi
in the middle of the seventeenth century from
particulars retailed to him by the dervishes of Kaliakra
(Kilgra) near Varna,3 is an example of the growth of
religious myth not without value for the appreciation
of similar tales in Greek and other mythologies. It has
also a more positive interest as shedding some light on
that very obscure subject, the influence of the dervish
orders on Turkish religion and politics. The main
points of the story are as follows :

A certain dervish, by name Mohammed Bokhara,
called also Sari Saltik Sultan, who was a disciple of the
celebrated Khoja Ahmed of Yasi [d. a.d. i 166-7] and
a companion of Haji Bektash [d. a.d. 1337], came to the
court of the Ottoman sultan Orkhan [1326-60], and
after the conquest of Brusa was sent with seventy dis-
ciples into Europe. In his missionary journey Sari
Saltik visited the Crimea, Muscovy, and Poland : at
Danzig he killed the patriarch ‘ Svity Nikola ’, and,
assuming his robes, in this guise made many converts to
Islam.3

He also delivered the kingdom of Dobruja from a
seven-headed dragon, to which the two daughters of

1 A much poorer version of this chapter appeared in B.S.A. xix
(1912-3), pp. 203-8. 2 Travels, ii, 70-72, cf. 20, 21.

3 This curious incident is twice related : (1,11,245)‘Saltuk Mohammed
went disguised into Poland, killed the monk Sari Saltuk, whose name he
took, and dwelt in his cell’ ; (ii, 70) ‘ At Danzig he conversed with
Svity Nicola the patriarch, whose name is the same as Sari Saltuk whom
he killed, adopted his habit, and by this means converted many
thousands to Islam.’

430 Sari Saltik

the king were exposed as victims, cutting off first three,
and then the remaining four, of its heads with a wooden
sword. During this adventure, a monk picked up the
ears and tongues of the three heads first cut off and,
armed with these trophies, claimed to have slain the
dragon himself.1 Sari Saltik then proposed an ordeal
of fire 2 to decide the rival claims. Both he and the
monk were bound and put into an immense cauldron
(kazan, whence, according to the legend, the name of
the Kazan Balkan in Bulgaria). This was placed on the
fire, whereupon the monk was burnt to death but Sari
Saltik suffered no hurt. The king of Dobruja was in
consequence converted to Islam.

Before his death the saint gave orders that his body
should be placed in seven coffins, since seven kings
should contend for its possession. This came to pass :
each king took a coffin, and each coffin was found, when
opened, to contain the body. The seven kingdoms
blessed by the possession of the saint’s remains are given
as (i) Muscovy, where the saint is held in great honour
as Svity Nikola (S. Nicolas) ; (2) Poland, where his
tomb at Danzig is much frequented ; (3) Bohemia,
where the coffin was shown at ‘ Pezzunijah ’ ; (4)
Sweden, which possessed a tomb at ‘ Bivanjah ’ ; (5)
Adrianople, near which (at Eski Baba) is another tomb ;
(6) Moldavia, where the tomb was shown at Baba Dagh;
and (7) Dobruja,. in which district was the convent of
Kaliakra containing the seventh tomb. The veracious
history concludes with the remark that ‘ in Christian

1 The incident of the false claim is a well-known episode in folk
stories of dragon slayings (Hartland, Perseus, iii, 47 ; Cosquin, Contes
de Lorraine, i, 61 ; Monnier, Contes Populaires en Italie, ρ. 288 ; cf.
below ρ. 434)· Near East it figures in the Bulgarian legend

of S. Elias (Shishmanova, Légendes Relig. Bulg.y pp. 87 ff.) as well as in
the Turkish of Sari Saltik.

* For the ordeal by fire of the ‘ monks ’ of Sidi Ghazi see Hottinger,
Hist. Orient., p. 477 ; possibly also in George of Hungary, see below,
p. 498.

His Seven Tombs 43 т

countries Sari Saltuk is generally called S. Nicolas, is
much revered, and Christian monks ask alms under his
auspices.’

§ 2. At Eski Baba

Of the seven towns said to have contained tombs of
Sari Saltik, four, if we include ‘ Muscovy ’ as referring
to the Crimea, are in lands actually conquered by the
Turks, three in Christian Europe. The fable of the
existence of the latter group can be dismissed at once
as based on nothing more than the arbitrary identifica-
tion of Sari Saltik with S. Nicolas.1 In the case of three
of the four Turkish tombs we can supplement, and to
some extent check, Evliya’s legend.

The Kaliakra tomb, in a ruined fortress of the same
name on a headland north of Varna, is still visited by
local Christians as that of S. Nicolas.2 3 It is probable
that this was the original (pre-Mohammedan) dedica-
tion of the sanctuary ; it is certainly appropriate to the
coast-site, and the fortress of Kaliakra was in Byzantine
hands till a.d. 1370 3 so that it is difficult to imagine
a break in the cult. The ‘ tomb ’ at Eski Baba was, and
is, a famous sanctuary, frequented for healing both by
Greeks and Turks. The building is said to be an old
Greek church of S. Nicolas.4 * The association with Sari

1 This saint is evidently chosen, not only because one or two of the

sanctuaries occupied by Sari Saltik had been churches of S. Nicolas
(see below, p.578), butalsoon account of the extraordinarypopularity of
the latter in the countries first touched by the propaganda, Russia and
Bulgaria. Bulgarian peasants are said to believe that, when God dies,
S. Nicolas will succeed him (Slade, “Travels in Turkey, 2nd ed., p. 344).

3 For its fréquentation by Turks see below, p. 578.

3 Cf. Acta Patr. i, 95, 528, in Miklosich and Müller, Acta et Diplom.
Gr.

4 J. Covel, Diaries (1675), p. 186 : 6 This Church [of. S Nicolas] is

standing pretty intire. It is but little . . . but very handsome, in

the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the
body of it ; but the outward wall is scaloped.’ Eski Baba is mentioned
under that name, thus implying the cult, as early as 1553 (Verantius,

432 Sari Saltik

Saltik seems to be late and arbitrary ; 1 the saint was
locally known as Kanbur Dede (‘ S. Humpback ’).z
Baba Dagh, which appears to have been the starting
point of the cult in Europe, will be discussed in the
next section.

§ 3. At Baba Dagh

If such a story as that of Sari Saltik were told by
Pausanias of prehistoric Greeks, it would be interpreted
as an echo either of a movement of peoples, a conquest,
or, at the very least, commercial or missionary activity,
extending far beyond the limits which we know in the
present case to be credible. Even with the historical
background we possess, any interpretation of the story
which pretends to disentangle the medley of fact and
fiction contained in it must be regarded as tentative.
The following claims to be no more than a suggestion.

The town of Baba Dagh in Moldavia was founded by
Bayezid II in 1489 and colonized with Tatars.3 In
all probability a pre-existing Christian cult was then
mohammedanized. The Mohammedan saint with whom
the site was associated is most likely identical with Baba
Saltuk, a saint who had given his name already half
a century earlier to a town near Sudak in the Crimea.4

ap. Jirecek, Heerstrasse, p. 167). For other references see above,
pp. 54-5 and for texts below, pp. 761-3.

1 The existence of a village Saltiklu in the vicinity may have aided
the identification.

3 For further details see above, p. 55, and notes.

3 Hadji Khalfa, Rumeli und Bosna, p. 28 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist.
Emp. Ott. xvi, 247 ; cj\ Vassif Efendi, Guerre de Ij6g-J4, p. 281. Sari
Saltik is consistently associated with Tatars. His great missionary
successes were among the Tatars of Heshdek in Muscovy and Lipka
in Poland (Evliya, I, ii, 245 ; cf. ii, 70). Apart from his connexion
with the Bektashi he was claimed as patron by the guild of buza-
makers, who, says Evliya, ‘ are for the greater part Tatar gipsies ’
(I, ii, 245) : it should be remarked also that buza is yellow (sari) in
colour (it is a fermented liquor made from barley).

4 Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445. There may be also a
contamination between Saltik of Bokhara and Satok Bogra, Khan of

At Baba Dagh 433

We ma y well imagine that Baba Saltuk was a tribal
saint 1 imported by the Tatar colonists to Baba Dagh.

Bayezid’s foundation at Baba Dagh included, as
Evliya tells us, a mosque, an imaret, a college, a bath,
a khan, and a monument of the saint. In all probability
dervishes were attached to the cult from the first ; by
these or their successors Sari Saltik was brought into
the cycle of Haji Bektash, the reputed founder of the
Bektashi order. The basis of the legend of the seven
coffins and seven tombs is probably to be sought in
some folk-story turning on the immense size of the hero.3
This legend was used for the purposes of their own
religious propaganda by the Bektashi dervishes, who
probably occupied, or justified their occupation of, the
two other sanctuaries of Rumeli on this pretext.3 The
further extension of the legend to non-Ottoman coun-
tries may perhaps be considered as politico-religious pro-
paganda, devised again by the Bektashi in their character
of warrior-dervishes,4 to stimulate good Mohammedans
to the conquest of the lands in which the saint’s
reputed tombs lay.5 The identification of Sari Saltik
with the Christian S. Nicolas is only one of the many

Turkestan, a semilegendary personage of the tenth century who is
credited with having been the first Turkish ruler to embrace Islam
(see Grenard in Journ. Asiat, xv (1900), pp. 5 ff). The mention of a
dervish Sari Salte in a Kurdish folk-story (Jaba, Recueil de Récits
Kurdes, p. 94) may mark a stage in the westward journey of the Sari
Saltik myth, or may be due merely to Bektashi propaganda in Kurdistan.

1 See also below, p. 576, n. 3.

г Cf. the similar legend of Digenes Akritas (Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no.
131) : it is hard to distinguish cause and effect since this type of legend
may equally well arise from a desire to reconcile conflicting claims
to a hero’s remains. See above, pp. 234 ff.

3 They were said to claim as their own any saints called Baba, see
below, p. 567, and note 4.

4 Their connexion with the Janissaries is well known, see above,

pp· 419 ff·

5 The fiction of the three tombs in Christendom may, however, have
been devised merely to bring the total up to the mystic number seven.

434 5лп Saltik

manifestations of their philosophic creed that all reli-
gions are one. The sanctuaries of Kaliakra and Eski Baba
are, as we have seen, probably old churches of S. Nicolas..

The incident of the ordeal by fire to decide between
the rival claims of Sari Saltik and the Christian monk
suggests that a Christian saint was supplanted, and from
the dragon legend (located at Kaliakra) we should natur-
ally infer that this saint was S. George. But in a nearly
identical Bulgarian folk-story,1 which includes the epi-
sodes of (i) the rescue of the princess, (2) the vindica-
tion of the dragon-slayer against a false claim, and (3)
the conversion of the king, the hero is the Prophet
Elias. On the other hand, in a Bosnian variant both
S. Elias and S. George are introduced, each in his proper
character, the former as the sender of thunder, the
latter as a dragon-slayer.2 The Bulgarian legend may be
a compression of this.

Whatever saint was supplanted, we know from con-
temporary history that such a transition from Christian-
ity to Islam is quite possible in the Crimea and the
Balkans. If we had no history to guide us, we might
logically assume that the slaying of ‘ Svity Nikola ’ at
Danzig, a legend very similar in form, implied the
victory of Islam here also, after which we should proceed
to accept the successful propagation of Islam in Mus-
covy, Bohemia, and Sweden likewise as historical fact.

§ 4. At Kruya

The Sari Saltik legend has spread further to Albania,
where the ‘ S. George ’ type of legend was evidently

1 L. Shishmanova, Légendes Relig. Bulgpp. 87 ff. The lake here
mentioned as the abode of the dragon points to Baba Dagh rather than
Kaliakra as the place where this story was localized. But both places
were probably brought into the story like Kruya and Alessio (see below,
pp. 435—6) in Albania. A localized (?) S. George legend from Varna is
given by Polîtes in Λαογραφία, iv, 234. For another account of S. Elias
and the dragon see Sbornik za narodni oumotvorenia, voi. v.

3 Hartland, Perseus, iii. 41.

At Kruya 435
already current.1 The episode of Sari Saltik and the
dragon is located near Kruya, and the importation of
the nameh of the hero is certainly to be attributed to
the Bektashi sect, who are specially influential in this
part of Albania. At Kruya the dragon lived by day in
a cave and by night in a church. Sari Saltik arrived at
the town incognito, assuming the part of a humble
dervish, the day before the sacrifice of the King’s
daughter was to take place. In the morning, he accom-
panied the princess on her way to the dragon’s haunt,
armed with a wooden sword and a cypress staff. With
the latter he produced a miraculous spring, with the
former he cut off the dragon’s seven heads, putting the
points of the seven tongues in his pocket. He then
retired to obscurity. The princess’s hand being offered
to her unknown deliverer, the ‘ false claim ’ episode is
developed, but the ‘ Christian monk ’ does not figure.
The true hero, Sari Saltik, is at length discovered, re-
signs the hand of the princess, and claims only the right
to live as a hermit in the dragon’s cave. This being
granted, he lives there till he is told by the man who
brings him his food that the people of the land are
plotting against his life, and that he is in imminent
danger. On hearing this, the saint throws the melon
he was about to eat, with his knife in it, into the air, and
they remain to this day, turned to stone in the roof of
his cave. He himself retired to Corfu in three strides,
which are marked by a footprint at each stage (Kruya,3
Bazaar Shiakh, Durazzo) ; eventually he died at Corfu.3

Here again, rationalizing on orthodox lines, we should

1 For the secular form see von Hahn, Alban. Studien, ii, 167. The
legend of S. Donatus in the Chimarra district (M. Hamilton, Greek
Saints, pp. 32 f.) is of similar type. The fight of S. George and the
dragon is localized also in Old Serbia (Mackenzie and Irby, Turks,
Greeks, and Slavonsy pp. 672 f.).

2 This footprint (called Jurmi Scheintit) is in a chapel half an hour
from the town of Kruya (Ippen, Skutari, p. 77).

3 Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 236 ff.

436 Sari S

suppose that Islam, represented by Sari Saltik, had but
a short-lived victory at Kruya,and was eventually forced
to retire ; but why to Corfu, which has never been
Turkish ? In the light of history we might infer that
the ejected dragon-slayer was in reality not Sari Saltik,
but his Christian predecessor, possibly S. George, whom
the Albanians of Alessio claimed as a compatriot.1 * But
this is probably at best but a partial explanation. The
figure of Sari Saltik is amongst other things a stalking-
horse for Bektashi propaganda amongst Christians. Like
theMevlevi,theBektashi order has always been concilia-
tory to Christianity ;3 the number of its adherents in
Albania, especially in the district of Koritza, many
villages of which are said to have been converted within
the last hundred years to Islam, or rather to Bektashism,
shows that their policy has had considerable success.

It is for the purposes of this propaganda that the identi-
fication of Sari Saltik with the universally popular Chris-
tian saint Nicolas was devised. Other important local
saints were identified in the same manner. Examples
are S. Naum, the Christian healer of Lake Okhrida, to
whom Bektashi of the Koritza district make pilgrimage
as Sari Saltik,3 and S. Spyridon the patron of Corfu.4 The
latter identification is the explanation of the Bektashi
legend of the ‘ flight ’ of Sari Saltik to theChristian island.

1 W. Wey, Itineraries (1462), p. 119. This is a confusion with
George Kastriotes (Skanderbeg). It was to Alessio that Sari Saltik

after his victory threw the carcase of the dragon ; Lesh, the Albanian
name of the town, signifies corpse (Degrand, op. cit.y pp. 174, 238 ; cf.
von Hahn, op. cit. i, 137).

3 See especially below, pp. 564 ff. For the tolerant attitude of a
Hurufi dervish in the fifteenth century see below, p. 568, n. 3. The
traces of Christianity in Bektashi doctrine are discussed at length by
Jacob, Bektaschijje, pp. 29 ff.

3 F. W. H. from a Greek priest at S. Naum.

4 Miss Durham heard this at Kruya {Burden of the Balkans, p. 304),

I from a southern Albanian Bektashi at Uskub, from the sheikh of the
tekke at Aivali in Thessaly, and from the (Greek) abbot of S. Naum.

His Forty Tombs 437

Possibly similar propaganda purposes explain the vari-
ations in a version of the Kilgra legend found by Degrand
in a manuscript at Tirana in Albania.1 This manuscript
is said by Jacob 2 to be the Vilayet nameh of Hajim
Sultan, a sixteenth century Bektashi saint whose tomb
is venerated near Ushak in Asia Minor.3 In this version
Sari Saltik ordered forty coffins to be prepared after his
death, and, as in the other legend of the seven coffins,
each of them was found to contain his body. The king
of the Dobruja examined the forty corpses, and, ob-
serving that one of them moved its hand, decided that
this was the genuine body of the dead saint. He there-
fore buried it in the centre of a circle formed by the
other thirty-nine. This looks like an attempt to attach
the legend of Sari Saltik to some locality associated with
the Forty Saints, possibly Kirk Kilise in Thrace,4 or
even SS. Quaranta in Albania.5

§ 5. Bektashi Propaganda

Side by side with such adoptions or attempted adop-
tions by the Bektashi of Christian saints and sanctuaries
we find the converse phenomenon, viz., the adoption by
Christians of Bektashi saints and sanctuaries with the
consent, or even encouragement, of the Bektashi. Ex-
amples are the identification of the tekke of Aivali in
Thessaly with the site of a monastery dedicated to S.
George,6 of the tekke of Sersem Ali at Kalkandelen with
an earlier monastery of S. Elias,7 and of the central

1 Haute Albanie, pp. 240 ff.

2 Beiträge, p. 2, n. 4. The work is also mentioned by Browne in
J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, p. 561 (3).

3 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. 4 See above, p. 397.

5 For the ‘ ruined ’ monastery containing forty underground cham-
bers, at SS. Quaranta see Hasluck, Letters, p. 10, and pi. 6. Ali of
Yannina whose connexion with the Bektashi and the Sari Saltik legend is
discussed below, restored the adjoining fortress (Petrides in Παρνασσός,
ii, 642 ; cf. Leake, N. Greece, i, 11.). But a Bektashi tekke has never
existed there. 6 Below, p. 582. 7 Ibid.

43 8 Sari Saltik

Bektashi tekke near Kirshehr in Anatolia with an ancient

monastery of S. Charalambos.1

We find thus in our own times, as in those of Ala-ed-.
din of Konia,2 a distinct rapprochement between an
order of dervishes and popular Christianity, probably
forwarded by the dervishes with a view to establishing
a common basis of religion for both creeds. In the
area touched by the Bektashi, as in the Mevlevi radius,
the chief outward manifestation of this rapprochement
is the attempt to render certain sanctuaries accessible
to both parties by pious fictions.3 The Bektashi un-
doubtedly aimed at an ultimate religious supremacy in
the countries touched by their propaganda. At the
time of the Turkish revolution they had still hopes of
a Bektashi state in Albania.4 Such a religious supremacy
could hope to hold its own if supported by a sympathetic
civil power. As regards the Mevlevi movement at
Konia, we have hinted at such an alliance between the
Mevlevi, represented by their founder, Jelal-ed-din,
and the ruling house.5 In the case of Albania the
evidence for a similar combination is much stronger.
There, particularly in southern Albania,6 Bektashism,
though Asiatic in origin, has now its chief stronghold.
Even in such places as Crete and Lycia the majority of
professed dervishes of the order seem to be Albanians.
If the grave of Sersem Ali at Kalkandelen is genuine,
Bektashism must have been introduced into this country
before 1550.7

Mohammedanism of any sort in Albania is of com-

1 Below, p. 571. 1 Above, pp. 370 ff. з Below, pp. 564-96.

4 This I have on good Bektashi authority. 5 Above, p. 377.

6 Brailsford ( Macedonia, p. 244) goes so far as to say that ‘ nearly

every Albanian—at all events in the South—who has any interest in

religion at all, is a member of the Bektashi sect.’

7 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. A false prophet, claiming to be an

incarnation of Ali, appeared in Albania in 1607 (.de Gontaut
Biron, p. 138). See, however, below, p. 524.

Bektashi Propaganda in Albania 439

paratively recent date, the Turkish conquest having
been late and partial. Before it the population was
Christian. There was little or no colonization of the
country by genuine Turks, as was the case in some other
parts of Rumeli : the Moslem Albanians to-day thus
represent to a very large extent Christians converted
at various dates.1 The southern part of the country
(Epirus) remains to this day a patchwork of Christians
and Mohammedans, many of the latter being converts
of the last hundred and fifty years and adherents of the
Bektashi. This is the country which once bid fair to
become an independent state under Ali Pasha of Yan-
nina (d. 1822), who owed his power, firstly, to his own
astounding energy and force of character and, secondly,
to his alliance with the Bektashi, of which a full account
is given elsewhere.*

We shall there find evidence of All’s interest in
Bektashi propaganda in his own district of Yannina and
at Kruya, both of which districts are to-day strongly
Bektashi, in Thessaly, a province which came under his
political influence, and at Skutari, where his designs
were evidently discovered and thwarted in time. It
is thus extremely probable that the Bektashi under All’s
auspices were responsible for much of the recent con-
version to apparent Islam in Epirus and elsewhere,3 and
that the phenomena which we bare’ly detect in Seljuk
Konia during the thirteenth century were repeated
only a hundred years ago in Albania. It is even possible
that All’s well-known designs on the Ionian islands 4
are partially or wholly responsible for the identification
of S. Spyridon of Corfu with the Bektashi saint Sari
Saltik.

1 For the conversion of Albania see T. Arnold, Preaching of Islam,
pp. 152 ff. 2 Below, pp. 586 ff.

3 For the part possibly played by the rise of Russia in these forced
conversions to Islam see below, p. 471.

4 Beauchamp, Vie PAH Pacha, pp. 163, 194; Holland, Travels, i,
405, 450.
XXXIII

S. JOHN ‘ THE RUSSIAN ’

S. JOHN ‘ the Russian ’, whose body is preserved at
Urgub, is a little-known Greek neo-saint 1 of great
local repute. According to the official tradition,* the
saint was made prisoner in Russia 3 at the age of fifteen
by the Turks during their wars with Peter the Great,
and served a local bey at Urgub for many years as stable-
boy, retaining his faith, whereas his fellow-captives
became Turks, thereby, of course, bettering their condi-
tion considerably. S. John died in 1738 and on 27 May,
the anniversary of his death, his sainthood was duly
established by the appearance on his grave of a super-
natural light.4 Miracles by him begin to be recorded as
early as 1837, when his body was preserved intact in
a fire. In the sixties S. John is said to have appeared to
a woman who had lost her child and to have revealed to
her that it had been murdered and by whom. Another
miracle said to have been wrought by the saint during
his lifetime is an obvious plagiarism from Turkish hagio-
logy. It relates how the poor stable-boy miraculously
conveyed to his master, then on pilgrimage at Mecca,
a plate of pilaf, which duly arrived smoking hot.5 The
same fact is related of at least two Turkish saints.6
In the nineties 7 a large church was built to enshrine
1 For neo-saints see below, pp. 452-9.

2 This is given by Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, pp.
211 f. A Life of the saint is said to be on sale at Urgub and at the
Russian monastery on Athos, but I have not seen it.

3 He is generally called Προκόπιος, which suggests Perekop in Russia
as his place of origin, but on the whole it is not likely that natives of
Urgub would know his Russian birthplace.

4 Kinneir, Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88. For sainthood
revealed by supernatural lights see above, p. 254.

5 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, op. cit., p. 211, n.

6 See above, p. 293. 7 Archelaos, p. 117.

Russian Renegades 441

the remains : the building was completed by funds
raised by the sale of the saint’s right hand to certain
Russian monks of Athos.1 It appears to be preserved
at the skete of the Thebaidd At the same time, prob-
ably, a conventional picture of the saint, framed in
smaller ones representing his miracles, was painted, of
which prints are sold in the church.з

As regards the real date of S. John, it is probably
about a century later than the traditional. It is in the
first place remarkable that he is not mentioned by the
Archbishop Cyril,4 who described Urgub in 1815. In
the second, Kinneir,5 who passed through Yuzgat in
1813, found there a considerable number of Russian
prisoners from the war of 1807-8, who had renounced
their faith, like S. John’s companions, married Turkish
women and settled down in the country. It seems
highly probable that the neo-saint of Urgub is to be
referred to the same period.6 That is, he may have
refused to renegade with his companions and may have
been popularly canonized accordingly.

1 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, op. cit., p. 212 ; Pharasopoulos, 7a
Σνλατα, pp. 72, 95 ; Smyrnakes, “Αγιον *Ορος, p. 674.

3 Smyrnakes, loc. cit. з F. W. H.

4 Περιγραφή. Rizos, Καππαδοκικα (1856) also does not mention
the cult : he mostly copies Cyril, however.

5 ‘Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88 (quoted above, p. 97, n. 2).

6 French deserters from the army of Egypt established themselves
in the service of local beys : they renegaded, took Turkish names, and had
harems, slaves, &c., and, though (southern) French of no birth or edu-
cation, enjoyed considerable privileges among their new co-religionists
(Chateaubriand, Itiner. iii, 87). Hottinger, Hist. Orient., p. 462, cites
from George of Hungary cases of voluntary conversions among natives
of Bosnia, Albania, Serbia, who came, poor, to work in Turkish towns
and found it to their material advantage to renegade. Establishing
the probable date of S. John c the Russian 5 is not without importance
for the theory of the presence of c Galatians 5 remarked in Asia Minor
by Ramsay and others. In general, in dealing with transported
populations the latest date of the supposed immigration is the best :
the alleged 4 Galatians 5 may be no more than the descendants of the
Russian prisoners of the war of 1807-8.

32954 g
XXXIV

RENEGADE SAINTS

IN 1270 S. Louis, king of France, died of a fever on the
site of Carthage, while crusading against the Moors
of Tunis : his remains were embalmed and duly buried
in his native land. In 1841, on the spot where the
royal saint breathed his last, the government of Louis
Philippe erected a commemorative cenotaph in the
Arab style.1 Twenty years later Beulé, in his Fouilles
à Carthage,2 notes the curious local tradition there

current to the effect that S. Louis was identical with
a marabut named Bu Said, patron saint of a village of
the same name in the immediate neighbourhood. The
pious Christian, the story ran, had before his death
embraced Islam and assumed a Mohammedan name.

To those familiar with the vagaries of popular canoni-
zation in Mohammedan countries,3 the existence of a
Mohammedan cult of S. Louis will cause little surprise.
There is every probability that the tradition is, as Beulé
suggests, late,4 and that its immediate cause was the
erection of the French cenotaph in the style of the
country. For the Tunisian peasant such a monument
implies a saint : the presumed occupant of S. Louis’s
cenotaph doubtless proved no less gracious to his peti-
tioners than any other marab, while the legend of
S. Louis’s conversion and his identity with Sidi Bu Said

1 Poiré, Tunisie Française, pp. 126 f., quoting Beulé, Fouilles à
Carthage, p. 17 : cf. L. Michel, Tunis, p. 238. Montet ( des
Saints Musulmans, p. 24) found that the Moslems of Tunis venerate
S. Louis. Sébillot ( Folk-Lore de France, iv, 344) quotes Michel’s
account.

1 P. 17. 3 See above, pp. 255-7.

4 For instance, Chateaubriand gives a long account of the death of
S. Louis at Carthage, but makes no mention of any local tradition
(Itinér. iii, 196).

A Sultan’s Secret Conversion 443

accounted for the apparent anomaly of a Christian
saint’s efficacy as intercessor for Moslems.

The legend is particularly interesting as focussing
several ideas widely current in Mohammedan circles
and often closely paralleled, as we shall see, in Christian
hagiology. These ideas predicate a special aptitude
for sainthood in persons spontaneously converted from
the rival religion—animae naturaliter islamicae—whose
secret leaning towards the true faith is often manifested
only by posthumous miracles. Inside this class, poten-
tates and men of authority like S. Louis form a charac-
teristic and interesting category.

We may take first the Franciscan legend of the death-
bed conversion of the sultan of Egypt.1 The legend is
history up to a certain point, S. Francis being really
received by the sultan and well treated.2 The tale goes
on that the sultan was so much impressed by the preach-
ing and personality of S. Francis that he gave him every
facility for preaching. The saint, however, saw that his
mission was more profitable elsewhere, and decided to
leave the country. On his taking leave of the sultan the
latter said he was prepared to embrace Christianity, but
that, if he did so, both he himself and S. Francis would
be assassinated. S. Francis therefore promised that
after his death he would send two friars who would
baptize and so save him. It happened that after S.
Francis’s death the sultan, being ill and on the point of
death, remembered this promise and stationed guards
on all his frontiers with orders to conduct to him at once
two Franciscan friars, if they should appear. At the
same time S. Francis appeared to two friars and ordered
them to go to the sultan and save his soul. Thus, the
sultan received absolution and died in a state of grace.3

1 Fioretti of S. Francis, ch. xxiv.

1 Castries, V Islam,pp. 339 ff., citing William of Tyre D. Martène,

Collect. Maxima, v, 689.

3 Cf. the similar stories of Shems-ed-din secretly converted to

444 Renegade Saints

With the Franciscan story may be compared that of
the supposed conversion to Islam of the emperor Hera-
clius. It is, I believe, historical that Mohammed sent
to him, as to other potentates of his time, an embassy
which seems to have been less rudely received by Hera-
clius than by the others.1 ‘ Arab writers boast that he
was really converted to Islamism ’,2 in conformity with
which tradition the Turks treated as a saint’s a remark-
able sarcophagus discovered about 1837 in or near the
arsenal at Galata and reputed that of Heraclius.3 In
this and the Franciscan stories polite treatment from
a potentate of a rival religion is considered explicable
only on the hypothesis that the potentate was secretly
in favour of the religion represented by the persons
politely treated.4

Christianity (see above, pp. 87, 376), of the converted slave whose
tomb is venerated at Tatar Bazarjik (see above, p. 206), and the
caliph El Hakim, said by the Copts to have ended his days in a convent
(see below, p. 450, n. 2). 1 See above, p. 355, n. 1.

2 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. Bury, v, 395 (quoted above, p. 355,

n· ^ .

3 Miss Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 420 £, quoted above, pp. 354-5.

4 In the same way Christian tradition represents (see Collin de
Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, i, 284-6) Gamaliel as a crypto-Christian
because of his treatment of the Apostles (Acts, v, 34 ff.). Similarly,
Publius of Malta (Acts, xxviii, 7 ff.) has a church in Città Vecchia
(Baedeker, S. Italy, p. 445). Rubriquis says that the Nestorians
considered several heathen potentates Christians, simply because they
had treated Christians well (Baring Gould, Curious Myths, ist Series,
ii, p. 50). Fabri says the Soldan of his time (Kotube, presumably Kait
Bey) was kindly disposed to Christians and should be prayed for : his
conversion even to Christianity was not impossible, if a Christian,
4 maturus, eloquens, et auctoritativus ’, were to read to him what
Magister Nicolaus de Cusa had said about the Koran (Evagat. i, 478).
The younger Pliny is supposed to have been converted by Titus in
Crete (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 1047) : the tale may have been
concocted at Como, but probably arose from a combination of the
mildness of Pliny’s letters about the Christians, the conversion by
Titus in Crete of a proconsul Secundus, and the existence at Como of
a S. Secundus, one of the Theban Legion.

Psychology of Conversion 445

In contradistinction to such a fortuitously Moslem
saint as S. Louis, authentic renegade saints, of which
there are probably numerous examples, admit of a
rational explanation. A convert to Islam is not un-
naturally regarded as a person specially illuminated by
God, being thus enabled to see the true faith in spite
of the errors of his upbringing. There is ground for
such a supposition in the fact that real converts see
themselves in this light : for instance, S. Paul and S.
Augustine, converted by instantaneous miracle in the
one case and after a long spiritual struggle in the other,
assumed that their conversion was proof of their election
and framed their theory of predestination accordingly.1
In Islam the idea is assisted by a passage of the Koran
which says, ‘ They unto whom we have given the scrip-
tures which were revealed before it [the Koran], believe
in the same ; and when it is read unto them, say, We
believe therein ; it is certainly the truth from our Lord :
verily we were Moslems before this. These shall receive
their reward twice? 2

The prototype of the spontaneous convert is of course
Abraham,3 who, according to Talmudic and Koranic
tradition, was the son of an idolater divinely called to
the worship of the True God. Similar conversions are
related of saints in historical times. At Bagdad is the
tomb of Maaruf Cerchi Abu Daher, who was born of
Christian parents but steadfastly refused to recognize
the Trinity by repeating the formula, ‘ In the name of

1 That is, they consider that, since they were neither born nor
coerced into Christianity, God had obviously sought them out for His
purposes and taken trouble to secure them. Paul lays stress on his
extreme Judaism and Augustine on his stormy past as incongruous
things, just as cruder people almost boast of what sinners they have
been before conversion. To such minds the only inference possible is
that they have been in some way chosen arbitrarily.

2 Sale’s ed. (Chandos Classics), ch. xxviii, p. 294.

3 For pre-Islamic Moslems and pre-Christian Christians see above,
pp. 72-3.

446 Renegade Saints

the Father,’ &c., for which he substituted the Moham-
medan monotheistic invocation, ‘ In the name of God,
all merciful His mother punished him by shutting
him up in a dark cellar and feeding him on bread and
water, evidently supposing him to be obsessed by a
demon. Maaruf refused the bread and water and was
found after forty days surrounded by a halo of miracu-
lous light, a sure sign of sanctity. His mother, however,
confirmed in her idea of his obsession, drove him from
the house. He then openly confessed to the faith of
Islam and eventually became a great Mohammedan
savant,x

The same theory of divine instruction may be pre-
dicated of any spontaneous convert. A curious instance
is reported from Syria by d’Arvieux of a young Venetian
who in the seventeenth century ‘ turned Turk ’ for the
basest motives. He was so ill-instructed that he could
only lift the finger,2 thus attesting the unity of God,
and say, ‘ La, la, Mehemed,’ but this was accepted as
proof that God had assuredly predestined him to be
a Mussulman and had put the soul of a Turk into the
body of a Christian for the express purpose of manifest-
ing Himself by a miracle, inasmuch as without being
instructed the convert had pronounced the name of the
Prophet.3

Even after death a Christian dead in the Christian
faith may be received into the true faith. Thus

‘ ils tiennent que parmy nous autres, qu’ils nomment Iaours, ou
Infidelles, il y en a tousiours quelques-vns, à qui Dieu fait ceste
grace d’ouurir & illuminer l’entendement, & les guider au vray

Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 246.

2 Moslems in extremis hold up the first finger to profess their faith,
that being the simplest way of indicating the central dogma of the
Unity of God (Castries, L’Islam, p. 196). Lifting the finger is part of
the ordinary prayer (Lane, Mod. Egyp, i, 98).

3 D’Arvieux, Voyage dans la Palestine, ed. de la Roque, pp.
48 ff.

ueaa i ransjerrea jrom i to ото 447

chemin de salut.’1 Conversely, ‘ entre eux il y a des meschans
& reprouuez, qu’il laisse viure en tenebres, & suivre pour leur
perdition, la loy des Chrestiens, & que Dieu ne voulât permettre
que les corps de ses esleus soiët apres la mort, contaminez &
honnis, par la compagnie des Infidelles & meschans, a ordonné
septante deux mille chameaux, qui continuellement transportent
les corps des Chrestiens qui meurent Musulmans, dans les sepul-
tures des Turcs, & les Turcs qui entre eux meurent Chrestiens
ou Infidelles, dans la sepulture des Chrestiens.’г

This again, like the theory of secret believers above,
is warranted by a text of the Koran 3 which runs, ‘ О
true believers, whoever of you apostatizeth from his
religion, God will certainly bring other people to supply
his place ’. Illustrative of this is a story told to Gervais-
Courtellemont at Mecca itself. An Indian king had
come to Mecca, intending to assure his salvation by
burial in the Maala cemetery there. To prove to him
that such ideas were vain and superstitious, he was
taken by night and shown the camels engaged in bring-
ing there for burial the bodies of pious Moslems who
had died elsewhere, in the place of reprobate Moslems
who had been buried in the Maala. The same ghostly
agency transferred their bodies to the former graves of
the just.4

This tale is not only reminiscent of the Koran text
but is also a rebuke to formalism,5 implying that the
holiest graveyard does not secure salvation and that
judgement by externals may be wrong, since God alone
knows the heart. In another story told to Gervais-
Courtellemont at Mecca a romantic is introduced.

1 De Brèves, Voyages (1628), p. 24. 2 Ibid., pp. 24-5.

3 Sale’s ed., ch. v, p. 80. 4 Voyage à la Mecque, 1896, pp. 104-5.

5 Dr. Zwemer suggests that Al Ghazali (,c. 1100) started the idea in
a different form, viz. that at the Resurrection bad Moslems would be
excused Hell and their places taken by Jews and Christians. This is
probably in the same cycle of thought, but it sounds to me like a
fanatic’s counterblast to the idea that it is better in the sight of God to
be a good Christian than a bad Moslem.

448 Renegade Saints

The son of a Moorish Andalusian king, he was told, was
enslaved and in the service of a Christian monarch as
gardener, when he fell in love with his master’s daughter.
She begged him to change his religion and marry her.
He refused, however, and eventually persuaded her to
pronounce the sacred formula, ‘ There is no God but
God and Mohammed is His Prophet.’ The intrigue
was discovered and the princess died. The captive
prince, wishing in memory of his love to keep a bracelet
he had given her and which had been buried with her,
opened her tomb in order to take the bracelet. To his
surprise he found in the tomb the body of an old Arab
with a pearl chaplet, which, without knowing what he
was doing, he took. On going later to Mecca, he was
challenged by a Meccan to account for his possession
of the chaplet, which the Meccan recognized as buried
with his father at Mecca. The prince told his story and
the old man’s grave was opened to test it. In the grave
was found the body of the princess, transferred, as a
true believer, by the camels.1

This story, as may be any such told in Mecca, is evi-
dently widely circulated. At Monastir I found an open
turbe 2 which is said to mark a grave where a khoja was
buried, but in which they afterwards discovered the body
of a non-Mohammedan princess.3 A similar tale of recent
and historical transference and exchange was told to

1 Gervais-Courtellemont, op. cit., pp. io6 ff. There may be here
omitted an incident of miraculous liberation, for which see below,
pp. 663-7. The addition of the marvellous substitution of the body of a
female for a male may be due to some legend of the Roman monument
outside Algiers, which is known as the ‘ Grave [of the Roman or] of
:he Christian Woman 5 (Berbrugger, Tombeau de la Chrétienne), though
[ have not been able, so far, to find evidence in support of such a
:heory. The mention of Andalusia, however, points to a Maghrabi
;ource : 4 el Andalus5 is used in the Arabian Nights for Spain.

2 In a graveyard where the rain-prayer is made.

3 F. W. H. See above, p. 360, n. 1. A rather dull variant is given

эу Pierotti, Légendes Racontées, pp. 64 ff.

Open Turbe s 449

Lady Duff Gordon in Egypt : 1 * she herself was told
that ‘ thou knowest that wherever thou art buried, thou
wilt assuredly live in a Muslim grave \* A vulgarized
and attenuated version is given by Mills from Nablus.
A Moslem dreamt that a certain prominent Christian,
recently dead, had been transferred by four men to the
Moslem cemetery.3 * 5 The dream was considered sufficient
proof of the miracle and the grave left undisturbed
by any test of the dream : the original theme also is
entirely lost sight of. The ambiguous sex of S. Spyridon
at Corfu 4 may be a trace of the same story.

The reason of the application of the story to an open
turbe is possibly that these are commonly built by
women for the shelter and retreat of themselves and
other women mourning their dead.5 They are thus
really not tombs at all, though sometimes dedicated
formally to saints, especially Khidr. They may conse-
quently be named from either the (male) saint to whom
they are dedicated or the (female) dedicator.6 This
apparent ambiguity gives foothold to the popular
miraculous story.

To return once more to renegade saints, it is clear
that a genuine convert to Islam would be likely in his
enthusiasm for his new faith to exhibit all the outward
marks of saintly life, while, on the other hand, an im-
postor had everything to gain by punctiliousness in
matters of religion.7 Such punctiliousness would in its

1 Letters from Egypt, p. 199. 2 Ibid., p. 198.

3 J. Mills, Ebree Months, p. 156.

■» Lafont, Trois Mois en Albanie, p. 50. Note, however, that the

Bektashi claim that S. Spyridon is really Sari Saltik and Sari may, by
its likeness to Sara, suggest a female : see below, pp. 583-4.

5 See above, p. 325, n. 4.

6 The * Khidrlik ’ turbe at Angora, for instance, is now thought of
as the tomb of Buia Khatun (F. W. H. : above, p. 325).

7 Cf. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, pp. 147 ff., for a story
of a Moslem who made his fortune by pretending to be a renegade.
Probably, too, the assumption of the role of ascete or fool-saint would

450 Renegade Saints

turn confirm the already existing idea of the special
sanctity of renegades and would come easily enough
among a credulous people, the more so that continence
is not essential to Moslem sainthood. In addition, the
numerous class of renegades who ‘turned Turk’ for
convenience and rose by their ability to enviable posi-
tions might affect fanatic zeal as a protection from their
inevitable detractors. Such was the case of an Armenian
renegade mentioned by d’Arvieux. Instigated by fear
of jealous rivals, who threw doubts on the genuineness
of his conversion, he proclaimed it by a signal act of
piety, which took the form of seizing a Christian church
and consecrating it as a mosque.1 Similarly, the caliph
El Hakim destroyed, it was alleged, the church of the
Holy Sepulchre to prove his anti-Christian tendencies
to those of his enemies who accused him of favouring
the Christians because of his Christian mother.3 Not
a few renegades to Islam were of western origin.3 Their
European upbringing would, certainly in the late cen-
turies, give them an intellectual superiority over the

in reasonably capable hands have proved an excellent speculation, and,
having a popular basis, would be less open to calumny than a political
career with its greater prizes and risks. The converse of the sanctity
attaching to renegades from Christianity is the severity of the punish-
ment meted out to renegades from Islam : examples are S. John, son
of a dervish of Konitza and martyred at Vrachori, the sheikh of Akhisar,
who turned with twelve of his followers, and the Shazeli dervishes
of Syria who renegaded about 1870: for all of these see below,

pp· 452^9.

1 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 373.

2 Williams, The Holy City, i, 346 ff. : cf. Corroyer, UArch. Rom.,
p. 205. His mysterious death was attributed to this act of sacrilege,
as also his reputed withdrawal to a Christian convent, for which see
Artin Pasha, Contes du Nil, pp. 19-20. For him see Fabri also (Evagat.
ii, 247), who says it was his son who allowed the Sepulchre church to
be rebuilt.

3 An excellent example is Manzur Efendi, a renegade Frenchman
who became Ali Pasha of Yannina’s chief gunner and wrote an interest-
ing book of Mémoires of the Pasha : see the bibliography, s. v%

Renegade Frenchmen at Kairuan 451

masses, which could be effectively exploited for pur-
poses of charlatanry.

A most remarkable example of this comes from North
Africa. A celebrated marabut, who had formerly been
a blacksmith, died at Kairuan in 1856, leaving behind
him a number of prophecies engraved on sword-blades,
which in times of stress were consulted like oracles. In
1881 the French were about to march on Kairuan and
so caused there the greatest consternation,1 whereupon
the imam in charge of the prophetic swords proposed to
consult them. This was done : the oracle left no doubt
that the city must be surrendered without resistance,
and the white flag was at once hoisted. The curious
part is that the imam in question was a French renegade,
born at Elboeuf, who had ‘ séjourné à la Trappe, à la
Chartreuse, et à Frigolet ’ before embracing Islam. He
had himself forged the sword-blade consulted, but no
one questioned his authority, for ‘ très instruit, orateur,
parlant bien l’arabe, habitué aux jeûnes et à l’abstinence,
Si Ahmed . . . acquit par ses prédications enflammées
dans les cafés de Tunis et les mosquées de Kairouan,
une grande réputation de sainteté.’ He died a Moslem
in 1885 at Kairuan.2

1 Kairuan is of course a very holy city.

2 Poiré, Tunisie Française, pp. 200 ff. : the quotations in the text
are from Plauchut’s account in the Rev. Deux Mondes, 15 Oct. 1890,
p. 832. Si Ahmed was the son of M. Lefebvre Duruflé, a senator under
the Empire (Poiré, op. cit.> p. 205) : the sword is still shown at Kairuan
(ibid.). The part played by Si Ahmed is perfectly in harmony with
the traditions of défaitistes marabouts, for which see Montet, Culte des
Maints Musulmans, p. 33.
XXXV

NEO-MARTYRS OF THE ORTHODOX
CHURCH

THE passions of the Greek neo-martyrs are of con-
siderable interest both for the study of hagiology
in general and as affording curious sidelights on the
history of the Greek Church under the Turkish yoke.
A Lexicon of all the Saints, published at Athens in 1904,1
enumerates over forty saints who suffered death for
their faith chiefly in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and
early nineteenth centuries : this list could probably be
considerably lengthened by the inclusion of martyrs
who perished during and after the Greek Revolution.2
Whether on account of the growing fanaticism of the
Turks or merely the insufficiency of early documents,
only a small minority of the recorded martyrdoms
occurred before the latter half of the seventeenth
century.3

1 Λεξικόν των Άγιων πάντων τής ‘Ορθοδόξου ‘Εκκλησίας by
Ζωτός Μολοττός, Athens, 1904. The other main sources for the

lives of Greek neo-saints are the Patriarchal list Sathas, A.

iii, 605 ff.) from 1492 to 1811, the Μαρτυρολογίαν giving a list
from 1492 onwards (the Athens edition of 1856 adds S. George of
Yannina dated 1830), and the Néov

1 Martyrs unmentioned in these lists are the Anonymous of Tenos
recorded by de la Magdeleine, Miroir Ottoman, p. 67, as martyred
about 1670, and perhaps the Athanasius mentioned by Wilson, Narra-
tive of the Greek Mission, p. 402, a martyr of 1819. A martyr may
also be forgotten. Wheler saw the of S. Philothea (Όσια)

at Athens, but she is not now known, according to Kambouroglous,
Ιστορία, i, 173 ff., iii, 189 : see her life in N. Λειμών, pp. 43 ff.

3 The Patriarchal list (ap. Sathas) gives the martyrs’ names, birth-
places, and dates, occasionally their place of martyrdom. According to
this list there was one martyr in the fifteenth century, with 15 in the
sixteenth, 31 in the seventeenth, 39 in the eighteenth, and 7 in the
nineteenth (up to 1811).

Types 453

As to the personalities of the martyrs included in the
Lexicon, it is noteworthy that nearly all are men in
a humble station of life, many of them not renowned
for their virtues. On this point the Passions are ex-
traordinarily candid. A good instance is the case of
the three (anonymous) martyrs of Agrinion, who mas-
queraded as Turkish tax-collectors and, wearing Turkish
dress and using the exclusively Mohammedan saluta-
tion Selam Aleikum for the purpose, were on this account
haled before the Kadi and offered the choice of apostasy
or death.1 To choose the latter rather than the former
is regarded, and rightly, as the supreme test ; by it the
sins of a lifetime were regarded as honourably erased.

The supernatural details added to the recitals are, in
comparison with those in earlier saints’ lives, Greek and
Latin alike, insignificant.

As a general rule the neo-martyrs seem to have been
men who ‘ turned Turk ’ for various motives, often in
extreme youth,2 or were alleged by the Turks to have
done so.3 After a shorter or longer period they repented
and publicly avowed themselves Christians.4 The Tur-
kish law was explicit and their doom, if they persisted,
was certain. In one or two cases the convert was a Turk
by birth :5 one certainly was not an orthodox Moslem,

1 Λεξικόν, p. 704 (three anonymous martyrs of Agrinion in 1786) :
cf. N. Λειμών., pp. 491 ff. Cf. Νεον Март., p. 55 (Loukas, tailor in

Mytilene, martyred in 1564).

1 Cf. Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d,’Orient, i, 221, for a Greek
martyred about 1830 for blaspheming the Islam he had embraced in
youth.

3 Cf. the extraordinary case of a Greek of Alashehr (Philadelphia)
who, perverted in childhood, repented at twenty-five and was visited
by a number of Turkish sorcerers who attempted to draw him back to
the true faith (Νεον Март., p. 74) by their magic arts.

3 A case is that of Damaskenos who renegaded in youth, repented,
became a monk, and in 1681 a voluntary martyr ( Март., p. 96).

5 About 1540 a mufti turned Christian with his son and pupils : all
were burned (Gerlach, Tage-Buch, p. 58). A Turk preaching Chris-

454 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church

but deeply imbued with the mystic teaching of the
dervishes.1 A case is recorded in which a Turk was
converted by his Christian wife.3 A few martyrs only
were actuated by the passion for martyrdom,3 such as
was evidenced by S. Ignatius and some early martyrs,4
and of their own free will blasphemed Islam and its
Prophet5 before the Kadi. This morbid state of mind
was to some extent shared by renegades : it was doubt-
less an effect of their remorse. It is greatly to the credit
of the Turks that at least one case is recorded where
a renegade monk, stimulated doubtless by a similar
morbid craving, went before the Kadi and blasphemed,
not Mohammed but Christ, and was at once .6

The ex-renegades, who form the bulk of the martyrs,
were converted to Islam in various ways.7 Many were
tianity and therefore martyred is mentioned by Hauser in his notes on
Canaye’s Voyage (1573), p. 146. Two dervishes were baptized and
martyred in Rhodes in 1622, miraculous lights being seen on their
tombs (Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 54). A dervish of Akhisar
(Thyatira) was converted to Christianity with twenty-two of his
followers and martyred in 1649 (Carayon, Rei. Inid. de la Compagnie de
Jésus, pp. 228 ff.). Other cases are mentioned by the Neov Март.,
p. 33 (Saint Jacob of Kastoria), and the N. Λειμών., p. 217 (‘ dervish ’
Alexander).

1 S. John of Konitza (N. Λζιμων., p. 331), who was a Bektashi
sheikh’s son.

2 Ленской, p. 288 (Ahmed, martyred 1682), also in Neov Март.,
p. 99.

3 Λβξικόν, p. 181 (Anastasios of S. Vlasios, 1743), p. 552. Cf. Neov
Март., p. 39 (S. John of Yannina, 1526), p. 86 (Gabriel of Aloni, 1676),
p. 87 (Kyprianos, 1679), P· io4 (Romanos of Constantinople).

4 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, p. 7 : cf. Allard, Dern. Persic., p. 141 ;
Le Blant, Persic, et Martyrs, pp. 99 ff., especially 103 ff. and 134.
For the merit of voluntary martyrdom see Eulogius, Lib. Memor. Sanct.
i, §§ 22, 24. See also Castries, VIslam, pp. 90 ff.

5 Neov Март., pp. 47, 54, 55,63, 68 (SS. M. Mavroudis, Dem. Tor-
naras, Joannes Koulikas, Nicolas of Trikkala, Jordanis of Trebizond).

6 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xii, 45 : for the psychology of
the renegade see Allard, Hist, des Persic., p. 306.

7 De Maillet (Descr. de VÉgypte, ii, 207) records a curious case of
the apostasy and martyrdom of a Franciscan.

Repentant Renegades 455

circumcised by force while young,1 many in their cups
made the Profession of Faith 2 and were held to it when
sober by their Turkish boon-companions. The motives
of the Turks in pressing a conversion of this sort are
not generally represented as malicious, and might, in-
deed, have been the result of a genuine or fuddled
attachment.3 Occasionally their motives were political4
and sometimes a Greek was merely slandered by a rival.5
There are a few cases where the apostasy was more or
less forced on the Christian, either by a love affair with
a Moslem woman 6 or by malicious interpretation of
phrases lightly said.7

A renegade convinced of his error generally made his
way to Athos 8 or some other monastic centre away from
the world,9 confessed, and was put to penance by his

1 Neov Март.y p. 65 (Theophilus), p. 67 (Markos of Smyrna), p. 71
(Nicolas of Karaman).

2 Anastasios was circumcised when mad because of the magic
practised against him by his deserted fiancee’s family (Neov Март.,
p. 71) : cf. ibid.y p. 80, for Joannes Navkleros of Kos, p. 81 for Nicolas
the general merchant, p. 99 for Paul the Russian.

3 So our own countryman, Thomas Dallam, the organist, who
brought Queen Elizabeth’s present to the sultan, was entreated to stay
in the Seraglio and turn Turk for no more interested reason than the
pleasure the Imperial pages took in his company and his skill : see his
Travels, p. 73 (‘ towe jemaglanes, who is keepers of that house, touke
me in theire armes and kissed me, and used many perswations to have
me staye with the Grand Sinyor and sarve him ’).

4 Néov Мартpp. 63, 73, 79, 8l, IOI.

5 Ibid., p. 77 : cf. pp. 54, 55, 65, 67, 70, 92, 93, 102. Cf. especially
Cosmas of Berat slandered by Jews (Wheler, Journey into Greece,
p. 124).

6 Ae£tKov, pp. 392 (Demetrius of Chios, 1802 : cf. N. Aeiptov.,
p. 18) and 543-4 (John the Bulgarian, 1802 : cf. N. Aeipajv., p. 88).

7 Cf. Nicolas the general merchant, in Néov Март., p. 81.

8 Cf. Leake, North. Greece, iii, 137; Hartley, Researches (1831),
p. 57. There is a special service for repentant renegades (cf. Jowett,
Christian Researches, pp. 20-22 : cf. Castries, VIslam, pp. 323 ff. and
Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 287).

9 Patmos in Ae^iKov, p. 360 (George of New Ephesus, 1801) : cf.
N. Α€ΐμων., pp. 113 fï.

456 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church

confessor.1 It was generally held that the guilt of
apostasy could be purged only by martyrdom, so that
a permanent refuge in a monastery was impossible. The
penitent, fortified by prayer and fasting, then returned
to the place where he had renounced Christianity, and,
throwing down his turban before a Turkish court, de-
clared that he returned to his original faith. The judge
generally used every means in his power to persuade the
new convert to return to Islam, and allowed him several
days to reconsider his decision.2 At the end of this
grace the saint was beheaded or hanged in public. The
fortitude of some such victims excited the admiration
not only of their co-religionists but of their Catholic
contemporaries : nor, as we shall see, were the Turks
altogether unmoved.

While the body was still exposed, or even while the
prisoner was still in jail, signs of his sainthood were
eagerly looked for. The most generally accepted token
was a phosphorescent light (an idea doubtless derived
from the tongues of fire at Pentecost) hovering over the
prisoner, the corpse, or the grave. Another was the
failure of the body to decompose by the time prescribed
by Greek custom for the gathering up of the bones
(ανακομιδή).3 The validity of these signs depended on
the presumption that the deceased had died a martyr.
Both Turks and Greeks consider that if a body does not
decompose before the prescribed time, it is either that
of a great saint or a great sinner. Consequently, when
the phosphorescent light was seen by theTurkish authori-

1 Rycaut (Greek and Armenian Churches, pp. 285 ff.) says the treat-
ment varied for repentant renegades according to age. Under
fourteen they were given only bread and water for forty days and made
to pray day and night. If over fourteen, they had numerous fasts
and continual prayer to observe, and for six or seven years were not
allowed to communicate.

2 Cf. Neov Март., p. 74 (Demetrios of Alashehr).

3 Λςξικόν, p. 250 (S. Argyrios, 1725) : Wheler, Journey into Greece,
p. 123 (Gerasimos of Crete) : Neov Март., pp. 33, 81, 93, 107.

Miracles by Neo-Martyrs 457

ties round the body of a martyr, they held that ‘ God
was burning him ’ ; but were quite consistently pre-
. pared to acknowledge his innocence, if it were found
that this light had not consumed the body.1 * In this
case the saint was recognized by Turks as divinely
vindicated, and in some cases is reported to have per-
formed posthumous miracles for Turks.*

The miracles performed by the neo-martyrs are of
the usual sort attributed to the other saints in the Greek
calendar. The missionary Hartley, ‘ walking over the
ruins of Tripolitza, in the year 1828, happened to in-
quire . . . whether the plague was of frequent occur-
rence in that place. The answer implied that the
plague had never visited the town since the martyrdom
of a certain individual of the class just described’ (i.e.
a neo-martyr).3 Particularly interesting is the case of
one George, a neo-martyr of Scala Nova, who appeared
to a sick Carpathiote who in classical fashion incubated ’
at the tomb of the saint. The saint appeared to the
patient in his sleep under the form of S. Panteleëmon
(a popular Orthodox healing saint) and, with a staff he
carried, touched the ailing part, the patient being of
course healed.4 A closer parallel to the ancient ‘ in-
cubation ’ at Epidaurus could hardly be desired.

The canonization of saints of this type seems to have
depended mainly on the popular voice. If it was gene-
rally admitted that the choice between apostasy and
death had been offered to the person executed, espe-
cially if his sanctity had been borne out by the tokens

1 Λεξικόν, p. 560 (John of Sphakia, 1811 : cf. N. Λειμών., p. 328).
A similar proof was the refusal of the street dogs to touch the corpse
of the saint in Νεον. Март., p. 107 (Athanasius of Adalia, 1700).

* Λεξικόν, p. 368 (George of Grevena, 1810). It was the policy of
the Turks in 1830 to make Christians renegade.

3 Researches, p. 58.

4 Λεξικόν, p. 362 (George of Scala Nova == New Ephesus, 1801 :
also in N. Λειμών., p. 113).

3295-г

H

458 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church

we have described or by posthumous healing miracles,
his popular canonization was secure.

‘ A person, of whose veracity I have no doubt, informed me ’,
says Hartley, ‘ that he saw a Greek at Tzesme, named Gabriel
Sandalges, hanged by the Turks. His countrymen, from a
cause which I cannot recai, believed that he died a martyr. In
consequence, a painter was employed to sketch his features,
while he was still hanging ; and the portrait was forthwith sus-
pended in the church, and worship paid him under the name of
Stratolates.’1

In other cases the canonization of the saint was
ordered by the local bishop. An instance of this is re-
corded by Hartley, as follows :

* A Spezziot, who had commanded a brig of war during the
Revolution, gave me the following fact. Two young Spezziotes,
who had been the juvenile companions of my informant from
the days of childhood, had the misfortune to be shipwrecked
on the Island of Scio. Having fled for refuge to a Greek of the
island, he had the baseness to betray them.

‘ On being brought before the Turkish Pasha, he offered them
the alternative of embracing the Mussulman religion, or of
death. The young men manifested that fortitude in the cause
of their faith which has been so often witnessed in the Turkish
Empire. They professed their readiness to submit to the worst
extremities, rather than abjure their religion. The menace of
the Pasha was executed, and they died the death of martyrdom.

. . . The Bishop of Scio addressed a Letter to the Spezziotes, in-
forming them, not only of the martyrdom of their two country-
men, but also of the observation of the luminous appearance,
which is the indication of Saintship. On the strength of this
occurrence, he exhorted them to place the pictures of the two
young men in their church, and to address to them a course of
worship ( ακολουθία). The admonition of the Bishop was duly

attended to : and, as my informant asserted, their pictures are
now receiving this worship : though his own recollection of
these young men led him to suppose that it was altogether mis-
directed.’ 2

1 Researches, p. 55.

* Ibid., pp. 55-56.

An Impostor Canonized 459

In conclusion, as illustrating the essentially popular
nature of such saint-cults, we may cite the case of an
eighteenth-century ascetic of Katirli in Bithynia, Auxen-
tios. He gained an immense following, and, it is said,
also immense wealth, by his reputation for sanctity and
miracle-working. He seems to have been a disrepu-
table character and to have owed his success partly to
the backing of a deposed patriarch of Constantinople
and partly to his influence over women. The reigning
prelate, having tried in vain by means of his emissaries
to put an end to Auxentios’ vogue, at last called for
Turkish intervention. The impostor was inveigled into
a boat, strangled, and thrown into the Sea of Marmara.
The inhabitants interred his body in their church, and
down to the sixties, in spite of all ecclesiastical protests,
reverenced it as a miracle-working relic.1

1 Kleonymos and Papadopoulos, pp. 95 f. ; Sir James

Porter, Turkey, i, 359 f· ; Gedeon, in Νεολόγος, Sept. 1887, no. 5481 ;
Dapontes, ‘/στ. Κατάλογος,p. 129 (in Sathas, Mea. Βιβλ. iii), 1751-2,

and ΚαΟρεπτης Γυναικών ; Koumas, ‘/στ. Πράξεων, χ,

398 ff. ; Vie de saint Auxence, ed. Léon Clugnet ; Le Mont Saint-
Auxcnce, by R. P. Jules Pargoire ; Néov Март., p. 108.

H 2
XXXVI

STAG AND SAINT 1

BOTH in Islam and in Christianity tales are told
connecting stags with saints. On the Moslem side
is the story that Kaigusuz Baba, while still in the world,
went hunting and, having shot a stag, was amazed to
see it turn into a venerable dervish. In remorse, he
forthwith left the world for the cloister.2 Another
saint was converted by Haji Bektash, who showed him
on his own person the wounds which the future saint
had inflicted on a stag.3 Haji Bektash was the spiritual
disciple of Kara (otherwise Karaja Ahmed) : 4 Karaja
bears the meaning of stag.

These stories are founded on the belief that deer are
the familiars of forest-dwelling hermits, who, by their
sympathy with the natural world, can milk and ride
on them,5 that is, use wild animals as domestic : more
extravagant stories attribute to desert hermits the same
power with regard to lions.6 A possible contributory
cause of the generation of such myths is the use of deer-

1 This chapter has been written up by Μ. Μ. H.

1 See above, pp. 290-1. A degradation of this story may
perhaps be discerned in the succouring of the Chelebi’s son at
Konia by S. Chariton (see above pp. 373—4 f.), where the saint may
have been originally the stag which led to the mishap and subse-
quent miracle.

3 F. W. H. 4 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21 : cf. ii, 215.

s Geyikli Baba rode on a stag to the siege of Brusa (Evliya, Travels,
ii, 24) ; the Khalveti great-grandfather of Halil Khalid rode every
Friday to Mecca on a stag (Halil Halid, Diary of a Turk, p. 5). The
same Geyikli Baba tamed deer and lived on their milk (Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 10 : cf. above, p. 290) ; his
name means literally Stag Dervish.

6 e.g. Ahmed Rifai (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 229). The same
tale is told of Haji Bektash in Cholet, Voyage, p. 47, and also of
Mohammed (by Cappadocian Greeks) : see above, p. 289, and 2,

Stags holy to Moslems 461

skins as prayer-mats,1 which are looked upon as the
vehicles of miraculous journeys,2 in the ecstasy of con-
templation, to Mecca and elsewhere. Such probably
is the origin of the belief that the deer-skin preserved
in the family of Halil Khalid belonged to the stag which
carried HaliFs dervish ancestor regularly to Mecca
for the Friday prayer.3

In general, stags are holy animals and it is unlucky to
shoot them.4 In Pontus they built the enclosure of a
saint’s grave.5 They are said to offer themselves for the
kurban sacrifice, when other animals fail ; 6 on this
account their horns are often hung in tekkes.’1 Dervishes
can, and do, take the form of stags.8 Finally, another
source of legends of conversion by stags is the fact that
stag-hunting is the typical employment of rich and
worldly young men.9

On the Christian side, in the East, S. Mamas of Cap-
padocia, who was martyred under Aurelian, milked
deer 10 and is said in Cyprus to have ridden on a lion.11
Even in western Europe similar miracles occur.12 Thus

1 Van Lennep (Travels, ii, 46) says the most appreciated prayer-mats
are the skins of the stag, the roebuck, and the wild goat.

2 For miraculous journeys in general see above, pp. 285-7.

3 Halil Halid, loc. cit.

4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad. de Constantinople, p. 10.

5 Professor White in Mosl. World, ix, 11.

6 F. W. H. The miracle is a very old one (cf. Plutarch, Lucullus,
p. 10) and is found also on the Christian side (a stag offered itself for
slaughter to S. Simeon the hermit, celebrated on July 26).

7 See above, p. 231, and n. 7.

8 Cj’ above, p. 460 (Kaigusuz Baba, Haji Bektash).

9 See above, p. 460 (Kaigusuz Baba), and below, p. 465 (S. Eustace,
S. Hubert of Liège).

10 Synax. Cp., Sept. 2 ; Greg. Naz., Or. xliv, cap. xii ; Basilius, In
Mamantem : Allard, Dern. Persie., p. 259, where, however, his date is
given as July 17.

11 M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern,
p. 162. A similarly extravagant story deals with Ephraim Angaua,
for whom see above, p. 289, n. 2.

12 See Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âge, pp. 256 ff.

462 Stag and Saint

S. Telo of Brittany1 rode on a stag, while S. Maximus of
Turin,2 being spied upon, sent a miraculous thirst on
the spy and afterwards relieved it by introducing him
to a deer which gave him milk. S. Gilles of Provence 3
used to milk a deer and was accidentally wounded in mis-
take for it by a royal hunting party. On the festival of
S. Rieul deer came from the forest, entered the church,
and remained on the tomb of the saint during mass.4 The
English S. Guthlac sheltered a stag from its pursuers.5

Conversion by a supernatural stag occurs in the legend
of S. Eustace, supposed to have been martyred under
Hadrian.6 This tale is as follows :

A Roman officer, named Placidus, was hunting near
Rome. His hounds brought to bay a stag with a cruci-
fix between its horns,7 which cried out, ‘ Why pursuest

1 Maury, op. cit., p. 259. * Acta SS., June 25.

3 Ibid., Sept. I. This sixth-century saint (otherwise Aegidius) is
said to have come from Greece.

4 Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, i, 28.

5 Hutton, English Saints, p. 225. In general, he had power over
wild things. A gazelle, hunted by the sickly son of the Sultan San jar,
took refuge in the mud house built over the tomb of the Imam Riza
near the city of Tus. The prince’s horse shied away from the tomb,
whereupon the prince surmised he was on holy ground, dismounted,
and, praying at the tomb, was at once miraculously healed (D. M.
Donaldson in Mosi. World, ix, 1919, pp. 293-4). This story combines
the themes of the hunted animal which takes sanctuary (e. g. S. Guthlac’s
stag : the stag in Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, i, 169 : the wild sow in
Greg. Turon., Vitae Patrum, xii, ch, ii) and of the plague-smitten
prince guided by an animal to cure ( Bladud at Bath, Philoktetes
&c.), for which see further below, p. 686.

6 Acta SS., Sept. 20. The legend is certainly prior to the schism
between the Churches, as it occurs in Synax. Cp. also. S. Bracchion’s
conversion was very similar (Maury, op. cit., p. 257).

7 In the Greek life, which is the source of all known lives and probably

dates before Metaphrastes (tenth century), the text runs : 4m
των κεράτων τον ελάφον τον τύπον τον τίμιου ύττερ την

λαμπρότητα τον ήλιον λάμποντα, μέσον Sè των κεράτων την εικόνα
τοΰ θεοφόρον σώματος.’

The antithesis indicated is to be noted. The earliest mention of S.

Stags effect Conversions 463

thou me ? I am Jesus Christ.5 1 Here, the main theme
is sudden conversion effected by a miraculous beast.

After his conversion Placidus took the name of Eusta-
thius, endured a number of Job-like trials,2 and was
eventually martyred, showing great fortitude in his
death (Ευστάθιος).

The two halves of the story are quite distinct and

Eustace is by S. John Damascenus, who lived all his life in Syria and
Palestine and died before 754. It is therefore possible that the legend
is of Syrian origin, in which case it is interesting to find that an Arabic
expression speaks of the sun’s rays as the horns of a deer (Η. B. Tristram,
Eastern Customs, p. 172). Cf * horns ’ for ‘ rays’ in Hebrew (e.g. in
Exodus, xxxiv, 29, where the Authorized Version reads c Moses put
forth horns’, and Habakkuk, iii, 4). Is the introduction of the stag
into the Eustace story caused or helped by a misunderstanding by the
Greek translator of this metaphor or of a gloss which has crept into the
text ? The eikons ignore the difficulty raised by the position of the
crucifix and merely place it on the stag’s head between its horns.
Maury, however, ingeniously explains (Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 260)
the introduction of the stag by a confusion between it and the unicorn
and the ancient symbolical reference of the stag to Ps. xli, 1. This
may have been contributory, but in the East the stag is a holy man ;
Eustathius’ stag is Christ, and the stag wounded by Kaigusuz (above,
p. 460) assumed the form of a venerable dervish. The Acta do not
help much towards a solution, being late : they make the stag itself
speak, not the crucifix. The second early mention of S. Eustace is
by the patriarch Nicephorus, who lived in the early ninth century.
Both he and S. John Damascenus were of the pro-image party, so that
if the story originated in Syria, as suggested, we may owe it to the
desire of the pro-image party to stimulate image worship. Miracles
probably produced for some such reason are the statue of the Virgin
at Damascus, half of which came alive and talked (Baronius, s. a. 870,
quoted by Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliquer, ii, 332) and the bleeding
crucifix of Beyrut, which is mentioned by Theodericus (c. 1172 : ed.
Tobler, p. 109) and by the German pilgrim of 1507 quoted by Röhricht,
in Z.D.P.V. X, 202. See further Hasluck, Letters, p. 199, and for
bleeding hosts and crucifixes in general see Maury, op. cit., p. 287.

1 The wording is evidently influenced by the conversion of S. Paul
(Acts, ix, 4, 5). Balaam’s ass is the prototype for the beast with human
voice.

2 De Voragine, Legenda Aurea, p. 525 : cf P. Guérin, Vie des
Saints, s. V.

464 Stag and Saint

may possibly even belong to two different persons.1
The confusion may perhaps be explained by supposing
Placidus to be a translation of * ,and to

be a bad reading of Εύστόχιος appropriate for the hunts-
man motif as Ευστάθιος is for trials and martyrdom. It is
noteworthy that the West uses the bastard form Eusta-
thius. It is highly probable that the whole story belongs
to the class of edifying, as opposed to historical, legends,
of which the type is Barlaam and Joasaph : 2 to this
class belong also S. Christopher 3 and the similarly un-
localized S. Julian,4 whose story, be it noted, combines
the motifs of the supernatural stag and the ferrying of
Christ in disguise, analogous to the Christopher story.
The heroes of these edifying tales seem to have no very
definite cult centre or place of burial : perhaps that
is characteristic. The transformation of Christ into
animal form is unknown to me in the Christian cycle,5
though the Devil favours such disguises. The pagan
gods of antiquity and Hinduism, Buddha, and, as we
have seen, Moslem saints, have no such scruples. In
the case of S. Eustace the difficulty is partly evaded by
the introduction of the crucifix.6

Deriving directly from the first Eustathius story,
perhaps because the relics of S. Eustace are mainly in
Belgium, we have the legend of the Belgian S. Hubert,7

1 The authenticity of the details of the life of S. Eustace is doubted

by most authorities. There is an historical Placidus (Josephus, De Bell.

Jud. iv, 6). 2 Hastings’ Encycl. of Religion, s.v. з May 9.

4 Acta SS., Feb. 12. The Legenda Aurea seems the first source
known. See further Hasluck, Letters, p. 167.

5 Cf., however, two very popular French stories in which Christ
and the Virgin respectively take the form of butterflies (Sébillot,
Folk-Lore de France, iii, 333).

6 Barlaam and Joasaph is known to be of Buddhist origin. There is
some reason to believe that the prototype of all stag stories is Buddhist :
see Jatakas, tr. Cowell.

7 Acta SS., Nov. 3 : martyred in 727. See further Maury, op. cit.,
p. 258.

Typical Worldly Pursuits 465

who is converted, not from paganism, but from indiffer-
ence. The story 1 varies only in the fact that he was
hunting on a feast-day of the Church. This variation
has no doubt been introduced in order to make the
story more moral, S. Hubert as a Christian needing no
conversion from paganism. This idea of hunting as the
typical worldly pursuit, found also on the Moslem side,2
is much used in popular mythology 3 and corresponds
to dancing in women. Many great lords and even kings,
including King Arthur,4 have been punished for neglect-
ing church for its sake, and have been condemned to
hunt eternally in woods or in the sky.

1 S. Jean de Matha, died 1213 (Acta SS., Feb. 8), and S. Felix of
Valois, died 1212 (Acta SS., Nov. 20), founders of the Trinitarian
order, were given an omen of their future foundation by the apparition
of a stag bearing a red and blue cross between its horns. This is an
aetiological tale composed to account miraculously for the badge of the
order and explain the name of the first monastery, Cerfroid, near
Meaux. For similarly aetiological reasons the Trinitarian convent
at Murviedro in Spain, which was founded in 1266, is said to be on
the site of an ancient temple of Diana (Bradshaw’s Spain, p. 85).
Hare (Walks in Rome, ii, 200) gives a compact account of the legends
of SS. Hubert, Felix, Eustace, and Julian.

2 Cf Kaigusuz Baba, above, p. 460.

3 For France see Sébillot, op. cit. i, 168, 169, 278 : cf. also iv, 13,
292. The typical bourgeois faults corresponding are, for men, cutting
wood or hedging (Greg. Turon., De Mirac. S. Mart. Ill, xxix) ; for
women, washing linen (Sébillot, op. cit. ii, 425, 426, 427), or dancing
(Sébillot, iv, 26, 42) or baking (Greg. Turon., loc. cit. Ill, xxxi) on
Sundays or holy days. For dancing see also Lecoy de la Marche, La
Chaire Française, p. 447.

* Sébillot, op. cit. i, 168.
XXXVII

THE SAINTS OF ARMUDLU

THE hot springs of Armudlu, in the valley above the
village of the same name on Bos Bunin (Cape Posei-
dium) opposite Mudania, are dedicated, according to
the Greeks, to three saints, Nymphodora, Metrodora,
and Menodora.1 The conjunction of three female saints
is rare in the Greek calendar, and the names suspicious,2
but the Christian cult is early. The saints were, accord-
ing to tradition, put to death in the reign of Maximian
at Nicomedia. As early as the tenth century their
martyrdom is celebrated by Symeon Metaphrastes :3 at
this date their tomb was shown ‘ near the hot springs ’
and they were already considered notable miracle-
workers.4 They had a church at Constantinople already
ancient in 1341,·5 and their relics are still preserved at
the monastery of Lavra on Athos.6 At the springs of
Armudlu are shown the ayasma of the saints (in the
bath-chamber built for the accommodation of visitors

1 Acta SS. and Synax. CP., Sept, io ; cf. Bibl. Hag. Gr.y p. 177.

2 Cf. the equally unconvincing Cappadocian triad Speusippus,
Elasippus, and Mesippus (Rendel Harris, Dioscuri, pp. 52 ff.). Are
they the ζ three children ’ who lie at Langres in a tomb of bronze with
a Latin inscription saying they were sent by the king of Persia to rid
the town of demons (Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, i, 20) ?
з Migne, Pair. Gr. cxv, 653 ff.

4 Cf. Sym. Met., p. 664 : τάφον αύτοίς εν τω της τελειώσεως έχω-
σαν τόπω . . . τεμενάς re εις δεύρο προ τω τάφω αυτών ιερόν ιδρυται
οίονεί riva ποταμόν, ένδον προχέοντa θαύματα ; Synax. loc. cit. :
θάπτονται, πλησίον των θερμών ύδάτων, πολλάς ιάσεις εως της
σήμερον επιτελοΰσαι.

5 Acta Patr§ xcviii, in Miklosich and Müller, Acta et Diplom. Gr.
i, 221.

6 Smyrnakes, HΑγιον “Ορος, ρ. 394 : art ^гее

saints is given in the ‘Ερμηνεία Ζωγράφων (in Didron, Iconographie
Chrétienne, ρ. 3^°)·

A Classical Survival 467

to the springs) and the place of their burial a few paces
further down the valley, where there are amorphous
rubble ruins of Roman or Byzantine date. The earth
of the grave is used medicinally.1

A female triad, though rare in the Byzantine calen-
dar,2 is common enough in ancient mythology, where the
figures are called Eumenides, Graces, Nymphs, &c. The
nymphs of springs commonly appear in art as a triad,3
and they are naturally connected with hot springs and
their healing properties.4

At least one ancient inscription has been found at the
Armudlu baths, which is (slight) evidence of their fré-
quentation in ancient times : but this is on the face of
it probable. Further, a local writer of the sixties pro-
fesses to have seen in the bath itself a ‘ picture in relief
(d.ναγεγλυμμενη είκών) of the three saints ’.5 In I913 I

could find no trace of such a relief, but the bath was
too full at the time of my visit for a satisfactory examina-
tion : local people spoke vaguely of ‘ figures ’ (which
they did not connect with the saints) visible before the
bath was repaired with cement. The use of a pagan
relief as a Christian eikon is not unprecedented ; numer-
ous instances of reliefs of the ‘ Thracian horseman ’ are
cited by Dumont as serving in Thrace for eikons of
S. George.6 There is therefore a strong presumption
that the cult of the three saints of Armudlu is based on
an earlier worship of the nymphs.

1 P. G. Makris, 7α Κατιρλί, p. 38 : оt πιστοί λαμβάνουσι
προς θεραπείαν πασών των ασθενειών.

2 Above, ρ. 466.

3 See especially Imhoof-Blumer in Journ. Num. 1908, pp. 181 ff.

·* Cf,e.g., Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 124,111, 37 ff., on the nymphs at

Kafsa near Amasia.

5 Kleonymos, Βιθυνικα (1867), p. 96 ; cf. P. G. Makris, To Κατιρλί
(l888), p. 38, who speaks simply of an είκών.

6 Mélanges dl Archéologie et dl Épi p. 219. A horseman

relief is worshipped as an eikon of S. Demetrius at the village church
of Luzani in Lower Macedonia, see above, p. 190.

468 The Saints of Armudlu

The village of Armudlu contains a fairly equal mix-
ture of Turks and Greeks, and the bath is naturally
frequented by both. Beside it are two Moslem graves,
one of which is known to be that of a patient who died
at the baths. Only lapse of time and suitable exploita-
tion are needed to bring these into relation with the hot
springs : and the unknown dedes will under favourable
circumstances succeed to the heritage of the nymphs
and the saints.
XXXVIII

THE CRYPTO-CHRISTIANS OF TREBIZOND1

THOUGH the number of crypto-Christians among
the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor has probably
been considerably exaggerated, it cannot be denied that
crypto-Christians exist or that cases of forced conversion
affecting large sections of the population can be cited.2
But under the Ottoman Turks at least there is very
little historical evidence for conversion on a large scale
in Asia Minor. So long as the rayahs were not danger-
ous, they could be ‘ milked ’ better than True Believers,
and conversion en masse was to no one’s interest.

Exceptionally in the district of Trebizond we have
both a credible legend of conversion and an existent
population, outwardly Mohammedan, which seems in
some cases to retain something from the more ancient
faith and in others to practise it in secret. Of the first
category may be cited certain villages in the district
of Rizeh, which, though Mohammedan by profession,
preserve some memories of the rite of baptism and speak,
not Turkish, but Armenian.3 Crypto-Christians proper,
belonging to the Greek rite and Greek by speech, also

1 Reprinted from J.H.S. xli, 199 ff.

2 Individual conversions are in a different category and have probably
at all times taken place to a greater or less extent. Cf. Burckhardt,
Syria, p. 197, who cites the case of a Meccan sherij family, which,
being entrusted with the rule of the mountain, became crypto-Chris-
tians in order to have more hold over the Christians of Lebanon. Lady
Burton {Inner Life of Syria, p. 146) records wholesale local conver-
sions which took place in Syria on account of government or private
oppression.

3 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 121. These people seem to be identical
with the Armenians of the Batum district, who were converted ‘ two
hundred years ago ’ (Smith and Dwight, Missionary Researches in
Armenia, 1834, P· 457)·

470 The Crypto-Christians of

existed till recent years in the neighbourhood of Tre-
bizond : they were known generally as ‘ Stavriotae
from a village Stavra in the ecclesiastical district of
Gumush-hane. They are said at one time to have
numbered 20,000 in the vilayets of Sivas, Angora, and
Trebizond : now all have returned to the open profes-
sion of their faith.1 2 The local authorities refer these
populations to a persecution which arose at the end of
the seventeenth century and resulted in the conversion
of 8,000 families and the flight of many others to the
Crimea and elsewhere. Of the converted Greeks some
were till lately to be found in the mining district of
Kromna and were only outwardly Mussulman ; but
most reverted to open Christianity about 1860.* Others
are settled in the regions of Rizeh and Ophis ; 3 all
retain their language and some, in spite of their changed
religion, jealously preserve their Christian sacred books.

All the traditions of the persecution at Trebizond
seem to go back to one source.4 The date ( . 1665) is
fixed rather arbitrarily after the building date of a
certain famous house which is supposed to mark a ‘high-
water mark ’ of Christian 5 prosperity and more particu-

1 R. Janin, in Échos d’Orient, xiv (1912), pp. 495-505. Cuinet

(Turquie d’Asie, i, 12) says there are 12,000 to 15,000 Kromlis, living
in nine villages not far from Trebizond.

2 S. Ioannides, ‘ ΙστορίαΤραπεζοΰντος, pp. 134—5*

3 For the Ophites cf. M. Deffner, Пейте ,Eß8oμάδes παρά τοίς

αρνησίθρησκους èv “Οφει, in * Εστία, 1877» no. 87, ρρ. 547~5°·

4 Apparently S. Ioannides, ‘ Ιστορίαρρ. 132 ff., which

is followed by Triandaphyllides, Ποντικά, p. 56, and preface to the
same author’s Ol Φυγάδες. E. I. Kyriakides, * της Μονής

Σουμελά, ρρ. 91 ff·, adds a reference to Papadopoulos-Kerameus,
Fontes Hist. Trapez, i, 150-65, for a contemporary poem. David’s
history of Trebizond may be the source of all. For the Christian
practices of the Stavriotae of Lazistan (the Ophite crypto-Christians ?)
see Pears, Turkey, p. 266 f. ; Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 241.

5 The Trapezuntine crypto-Christians are also mentioned casually
by Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 340 ; Smith and Dwight, op. cit., p. 453 ;
Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse (1840-1), i, 38, who call the sect

Anti-Christian Fanaticism of the Turks 471

larly by the transformation of two churches (S. Sophia
and S. Philip) into mosques a few years later. But the
real dates of these transformations are given by Evliya1
as 1573 and 1577 respectively, while the date of the
house is irrelevant. It thus seems probable that we
have to reckon with two outbursts of anti-Christian
fanaticism in the sixteenth and seventeenth 2 centuries
respectively. We may surmise, but cannot prove, that
these were due to political circumstances, the earlier
perhaps to the battle of Lepanto з and the later to the
Russian aggressions.4

Kroumi (from Kromna, one of their villages) or Messo-Messo (‘ half-
and-half ’). The best and most recent account of them is given by
Janin in Échos d’Orient, xiv (1912), pp. 495-505. He draws for their
early history on the Greek authors mentioned above, and for recent
events on local sources, describing the gradual return of the crypto-
Christians to open profession of their faith. They are now said to be
undergoing a forced re-conversion to Islam (ΠατρΙς, April 16, 1915).

1 ii, 45-6. He wrote about the middle of the seventeenth century.

2 Two Cappadocian villages near Nevshehr are said by Oberhummer
and Zimmerer to have been converted to Islam ‘ a hundred and eighty
years ago ’ (Durch Syrien, p. 143). There was an unsuccessful Turkish
campaign in 1677 against the Russians. It is to be noted that Trebi-
zond is particularly accessible to Russian agents.

3 See below, p. 723. Cf. also Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 976.

4 About the same time, Thomas Smith at Constantinople mentions
that ‘ a certain Prophecy, of no small Authority, runs in the minds of
all the People, and has gained great credit and belief among them, that
their Empire shall be ruined by a Northern Nation, which has white
and yellowish Hair. The Interpretation is as various as their Fancy.
Some fix this character on the Moscovites ; and the poor Greeks flatter
themselves that they are to be their Deliverers . . . Others look upon
the Szveeds as the persons describ’d in the Prophecy ’ (Ray’s Voyages,
ii, 80 f.). This is the 4 Yellow Race ’ of the Prophecy of Constantine
(Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk-Lore de Constantinople, pp. 48 f., &c.)
current already in the sixteenth century (,cj. Gerlach, Ίage-Buch,
p. 102). The text was said to have been found in the tomb of Con-
stantine and to have been interpreted by the patriarch Gennadius,
according to the regular machinery of apocryphal ‘ discoveries ’ (see
below,p. 716). As the Russians are Orthodox and the Swedes Lutheran
the prophecy more probably refers to the former and may have been

472 The Crypto-Christians of Trebizond

The Greek authors give some curious details of the
secret Christianity of their compatriots in the Trebizond

concocted about the time we first hear of it, as Ivan the Terrible was
then showing that the Russians would one day be dangerous. It
probably revived regularly when Russia threatened : for instance,
Volney (Voyage, i, 42) found the prophecy common among the Turks
about 1784, during the Turko-Russian war to which the treaty of
Kainarjik put an end. Similarly, Hobhouse heard it during his
wanderings in Turkey. The eighteenth century K. Dapontes speaks of
της ‘Ελισάβετ των Ξανθών μεγάλης Βασιλίσσης {Κήπος Χαρίτων,
ρ. 195)? presumably with the prophecy in mind. In his time Burckhardt
found that the Syrians made no mystery of it : the * Yellow King ’
was merely another way of saying 4 Emperor of Russia ’ {Syria, p. 40).
According to Polîtes {Παραδόσεις, ii, 669, drawing on Du Cange,
Glossar., s.v. flavus), the prophecy appears first in Roger de Hoveden,
who says that a prophecy written up over the Golden Gate of
Constantinople stated that a Yellow King, who was a Latin, should
enter by it. As the Flavian Theodosius built the Golden Gate, there
may have been a long Latin inscription, full of abbreviations and
containing the word Flavius over the gate. This, misread, may have
originated the idea. It is interesting that the prophecy should have
been applied first to a conqueror rather than a deliverer. Something
of the same confusion as to the Yellow Race appears in the tenth-
century *Οράσεις of Daniel (Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, ii, 665 ff. ; Migne,
Diet des Apocryphes, ii, 188), alleged to have been found by Leo the
Wise in the tomb of Daniel, the Daniel in question having been a monk,
later confounded with the Biblical prophet. The κΟράσεις may thus
be merely another name for Leo’s oracles. Such discoveries of magic
books in graves are rather interesting : they add prestige to the books
in question : the 6 discovery ’ sounds genuine owing to the practice of
burying books with the dead : cf. L. Cahun, Excursions sur les Bords
de VEuphrate, p. 263, who found a copy of the Koran in a sheikh’s
tomb he had opened. I myself heard the same tale at Manisa. In
such cases the Koran is possibly intended to help the dead in the
examination he undergoes from the two angels after death, for which
see especially d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 239, and Lane, Mod. Egyptians,
ii, 265 (above, p. 250). The practice among Moslems may derive ulti-
mately from Jewish custom. Jewish rabbis are frequently buried with
a pentateuch (a perfect copy is never used) : hence discoveries of holy
books in Jewish prophets’ graves are numerous {cf. Loftus, Travels in
Chaldaea, p. 36, and Migne, Diet. des Apocryphes, ii, 1309). Émile
Deschamps, Au Pays dy Aphrodite, p. 230, and Tischendorf, Terre-
Sainte, p. 201, both mention a gospel found in the tomb of Barnabas

Crypto-Jews 473

district. They kept the Orthodox fasts strictly. Their
children were baptized, and habitually bore a Christian
and a Turkish name for secret and public use respectively :
such Turkish names as ‘ Mehmet ’ and ‘Ali ’ were how-
ever, avoided. As to marriage, they never gave their
daughters to Turks, but the men were not averse to
taking wives from among their Turkish neighbours. In
this case the parties were married secretly according to
the Christian rite in one of the monasteries before the
consummation of the marriage. If pressure were neces-
sary, the bridegroom threatened to leave his bride.
When a crypto-Christian died, the burial service was
read for him in a Christian church while he was being
interred. Mollahs were sent to the crypto-Christian
villages in Ramazan, but were got out of the way when
services were held.1

I mention here for the curiosity of the subject a com-
munity of crypto-Jews alleged to exist in the neighbour-
hood of Pergamon at a village named Trachalla. This
village was visited by MacFarlane in 1828-9 ·’ 2 accord-
ing to his account, the inhabitants betray their Jewish
origin by their physical type and, though in externals
Mohammedans by religion, keep Saturday as a holiday.
We can only suppose them to be an offshoot of the

in Cyprus. In the Jewish instances, the book, not the holy man, is
the essential : as they prohibit images and are eager for knowledge to
which the sacred book is the key, this book becomes almost an object
of adoration with them. At Tedif near Aleppo a certain synagogue
was greatly venerated by Jews on account of an ancient manuscript
kept there (Pococke, Voyages, iii, 495). A pentateuch written by
Esdras was preserved in a synagogue of Old Cairo : it was so holy that
people could not look on it and live (Carmoly, Itinéraires, pp. 527,
542-3 : cf. Pierotti, Légendes Racontées, ρ. 39)· A glance at the half
stone, half flesh image of the Virgin in the Syrian convent of Sidnaya
had the same fatal effect (J. L. Porter, Damascus, p. 130 ; cj. Ludolf,
De Itinere, pp. 99 Maundrell, Voyage, Utrecht, 1705, ρρ. 22θ-ι,
and Baronius, s. a. 870).

1 Triandaphyllides, Ποντικά, pp. 55*~92·

2 Constantinopley ii, 335 ff.

3295.2

I

474 The Crypto-Christians of Trebizond

Turco-Jewish ( Dunmeh) community of Smyrna,1 prob-
ably attracted to the Pergamon district by its prosperity
under the rule of the Karaosmanoglu family during the
eighteenth century.3

1 The heresy of Sabatai Tsevi, the seventeenth-century Messiah
whose followers turned with him to Islam, had much hold in Smyrna,
though its chief connexions are now with Salonica. A follower of
his, Daniel Israel, was expelled by the Kadi from Smyrna in 1703, but
seems to have been still living there in 1717 (G. Cuper, Lettres, pp. 396,

398).

2 Crypto-Christians are recorded elsewhere also. Walpole mentions
a group of five such Albanian villages in the Morea (Travels, p. 292).
Professor R. M. Dawkins heard in Crete that during the Greek revolu-
tion of 1821 many Cretan crypto-Christians declared themselves
openly for Christianity and were massacred accordingly. A long
article by R. Micheli in the Nineteenth Century for May 1908 describes
the Lino-Vamvaki (lit. ‘ linen-cotton ’) of Cyprus. Hahn cites the
Karamuratadhes of the middle Voyussa in Albania as recent and partial
converts to Islam (Alban. Studien, p. 36). The alleged date (1760) of
their conversion squares well with the accounts of the Vallahadhes in
south-west Macedonia, for whom see Wace and Thompson, Nomads of
the Balkans, p. 29 ; Bérard, Macédoine, pp. no f. ; and Margaret Μ.
Hasluck, in Contemp. Rev., 1924, pp. 225 ff. Their turning seems to
have been part of a considerable movement in the Balkans during the
eighteenth century, when the Russian danger caused the Turks to
put pressure on their rayah populations to convert. It may be noted
that the Vallahadhes preserve their churches as they were, especially
at Vrosdan, Vrondiza, and Vinyani, and frequent them at certain
seasons—or so my informants assert. A community of some 400 souls
exists at the present day in the heart of Constantinople itself, in the
Top Kapu Serai quarter, which lies between the east end of S. Sophia
and the Serai walls : outwardly they are Moslem and attend the mosque,
but in secret they have eikons : they are very poor and live by making
beads. Crypto-Christians are mentioned in Bosnia by Boué (Itiné-
raires, iii, 407), and in south Albania (ibid, iii, 407-8). On the
phenomenon in general in Islam see G. Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 29.
XXXIX

LISTS OF HETERODOX TRIBES

§ I. Turuk Tribes

(i) According to Tsakyroglous, Перс Γιουρουκων, pp.
13 ff.

(a) In the north-west portion of the Aidin vilayet :

Ahmedli : part at Kula, part at Simav in the adjoin-
ing vilayet of Brusa.

Altji (ΆΛτσί) : about Attala as far as At-alan.

Anamasli : in the kaza of Demirji. It has 50 tents
and 70 houses {dam), 16,000 beasts, and pays 15,000
piastres in verghi.

Arapli : about Salikli, and extends into the vilayet
of Brusa.

Chakal : in the sanjak of Sarukhan.

Charik : in the kaza of Kula.

Farsak : all over the vilayet of Aidin. It is a very
rich and populous tribe, counting 1,200 families.

Gueuk Musali : in kaza of Demirji, above the village
of Injikler. It has 50 houses and 50 tents.

Ivatli : about Karneït : it possesses 22 tents.

Kachar : at Selge and Alashehr, extending south as
far as Nazli. A large and important tribe divided
into mahallas, Kula-Kachar, Keles-Kachar, Ova-

Kachar, &C.1

Kara Tekkeli : winters about Smyrna.

Khurzum :2 in the vilayets of Aidin and Brusa.

KizilKechili : at Prinar-Keui, in the mudirlik of
Selenti (Kula). It has 800 tents, 60,000 beasts,
and pays 60,000 piastres taxes.

Kombach : about Soma.

1 Vambéry adds Selge Kachar.

I 2

2 Vambéry’s Khorgun.

\ηβ Lists of Heterodox

Manavli : between Alashehr and Salikli and in the
vilayet of Brasa.

Narinjali : kaza of Kula, in the neighbourhood of
Omur Baba Dagh up to Denizli.

Sarach : between Ushak and Esme.

Sari Tekkeli : between Nazli and Denizli, and in the

vilayet of Brusa.

Shehidli : kaza of Kula. It has 60 houses.

Sheikhli : winters at Uluborlu, summers at Afiun
Kara Hisar. It is divided into ten kabilehs (includ-
ing Arpat-sheikhli, Kisat-sheikhli, Haji-sheikhli),
possesses 70-80 tents and 200 houses, and pays
15,000 piastres taxes.

Taghji Bendirli (or Tangji Bendir) : Soma and the
vilayet of Brusa.

( b) South-western and other

Abdal : Uluborlu and

elsewhere.

Akdaghli : about Nazli.

Ak-kozali.

Alaja Koyunlu : up to
Konia.

Allah-Abeli : sanjak of
Sarukhan.

Beylikli.

Botni Injeli.

Burkhart : also in vilayet
of Brusa.

Chambar : vilayets of

Aidin and Brusa.

Cheprti : an important
tribe,scattered all over
the Aidin vilayet.
Chitmi.

Dede Karkinli : sanjak
of Sarukhan.

districts of Aidin vilayet.

Deriji: vilayets of Aidin
and Brusa.

Dosuti-Arapli.

Eski Turuk.

Eshpek (‘Εσχπίκ).

Geigel.

Gerinisli : Nazli to
Mughla.

Giushji : Nazli.

Guzel-beyli : about
Nazli.

H armandoli.

Hartal.

Igneji (4γν€τζί) : sanjak

of Sarukhan.

Imir-hariji : sanjak of
Sarukhan.

Jerid : about Nazli.

Karafakoglu : vilayets

of Aidin and Brusa.

Turuks

Karamanli : Nazli to

Isbarta-.

Karayaghjili.

Keusfceler : Nazli

Kilaz.

Kirtish.

Kislilerli : sanjak of
Sarukhan.

Kizil-Ishikli : also in

the vilayet of Brusa.

Koja-Beyli : vilayets of
Aidin and Brusa.

Musarlarli : sanjak of

Sarukhan.

477

Muzan : also in vilayet
of Brusa.

Omurlu.

Rakhman.

Saatji-Karali (Σαατζί
ΚαραλίУ about Nazli.
Sari-Kechili.
lash Evli.

Pekkeli : Nazli.

Teraji.

Tataganli: about Kara-
gach.

Tel-aldi.

(c) Mainly in vilayet of Konia :

Dur gut : important tribe, Rumli or Urumli.

perhaps Mongolian. Eapanli.

P ir oglu. Perkiani.

Risfan. Turkmen.

(d) Exclusively in vilayet of Adana :

Berber. Menemenji?

Karsant.1 2 Sirkentili.2

(e) Additional {habitat not specified) :

Barakli. Kechili.

Chaban. Mersinli.

Chebrekli (Kurds). Nihar.

Imrazli. ‘ Parazli.

Kalabak. Zeibekli.

Karandirlik.

1 Satchi Karali in Vambéry.

2 These are, according to Grothe (Vorderasienexpeiition^ ii, 145),
subdivisions of the Afshar tribe.

478 Lists of Heterodox Tribes

(ii) In Cilicia, according to Langlois, pp. 21 ff.

(a) Tarsus :

В axis and H. Hasanoglu with 300 H[ousesl.
Kalaunlu with 30 H.

Karakaialu with 700 T[ents].

Kara-tekkeli with 150 H.

Melemenji with 3,000 H.

Pur an and Mustafa-bey with 200 T.

Sortan and Kujuoglou with 500 H.

Tekkeli with 600 H.

Thoroglu with 300 H.

( b) Adana :

Busdagan [ Bosdaghan] with 1,400 T.

Daundarlu with 200 T.

Farsak 1 with 800 T.

Jerid with 1,200 T.

Kara-hajelu with 500 H.

Karitinlu with 100 T.

Kerim-oglu with 2,500 T.

Khozanoglu with 500 H.

Sarkanteli-oglu with 800 T.

Tajerlu with 1,200 T.

( c) Marash :

Haji Koyunlu with 120 T.

Jejale with 200 T.

Kilisle with 400 T.

§ 2. Turkoman Tribes

(i) P. Russell’s list as published in Niebuhr’s Voyage
en Arabie (Amsterdam), ii, 336 ff.2

1 Mentioned also by Bertrandon de la Brocquière, p. 8.

* [Niebuhr complains of the difficulty he had experienced in making
out the list because Russell had sent him no transcription of the Turkish
names and he himself knew no Turkish. To facilitate use of the list
by readers with no knowledge of Turkish I have sometimes inserted in
square brackets a transcription more in harmony than Niebuhr’s with

Turkomans 4 79

(a) In country of Sivas and Angora :

Aghsje Kiuneli [Akje [ ] :

Koyunlu] : 500 T. 10,000 T.

Auschir[Avshar]:500 T. Lek: 1,000 T.

Beherli : 1,000 T. : 15,000 T.

Dsjerid [Jerid] : 500 T. Scham Biadli : 500 T.

(h) In Sivas district :

Dsjefrghanli [ Jaferaghanli] : 200 T.

Eilebkeli [ Ilbekli: Ilbegli] : 2,000 T. (half in Aleppo

district).

Irak : 1,000 T. (summer at Sivas, winter at Zor).
Kulindsjefli : 500 T.

Rihanli: 2,000 T. (summer at Sivas, winter at Aleppo).
Sufulir [Sofular] : 500 T.

(c) In Angora district :
Burenik: 12,000 T.

(d) In Aintab district :

Dade Kirkan : 100 T.

Dindischli : 500 T.

Ditumli : 3,000 T.

Dsjadsjeli [_ Jajeli] : 1,000 T.

Kirsak : 2,000 T.

Musa Beikli [ MusaBeyikli (? Musabegli)\ : 500 T.

(events related, Orkhan and Haji Bektash are represented as the civil and religious founders respectively of the Janissaries. Orkhan and the Janissaries are of course historical ; the date of the foun- dation of the Janissaries has been disputed, and the 1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott.y i, 123 f. A slightly different version is given by Evliya, 5Travels, I, ii, 106. See also below, p. 613, Introductory 484 Haji Bektash and Janissaries existence of an historical Haji Bektash called in ques- tion. Our investigation will thus concentrate on three points : 1. The date of the foundation of the Janissaries. 2. The personality of Haji Bektash. 3. The connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janis- saries. § I. The Date of the Institution of the Janissaries Though von Hammer’s authority has won general acceptance for the story given above, if we go behind von Hammer we find in the various authorities very conflicting accounts of the origin of the Janissaries, and especially in the matter of date ; their institution is attributed to the reigns of at least four sultans, viz. : 1. Osman I (1299 to 1326) : this is the version of Chalcondyles, who is supposed to have died shortly after the fall of Constantinople.1 * 2. Orkhan (1326 to 1360) : this is the canonized version accepted by von Hammer on the authority of the Turkish historians Neshri (early sixteenth century) and Ali (d. 1599). The name of the vizir immediately responsible for the Janissary system is given as Kara Khalil.* 3. Murad I (1360 to 1389) is credited with the institu- tion of the Janissaries by two Venetian Relations of the late sixteenth century,3 by Marsigli,4 and by Cantimir.5 4. Murad 11(1421 to 1451), by Giovio 6 and George- 1 P. 8 P. : τούτον ΐσμΐν . . . τά (Ιποδείζασθαί άμφ’ αύτόν, την θιφαςΒασιλίως [see below, p. 486] καλαΰσι. 1 Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 123 f., and note, p. 384. 3 Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori , ser. Ili, voi. iii, p. 343 (Moro in 1590), and ser. Ili, voi. ii, p. 331 (Lorenzo in KQ2). 4 État Mil. de Г Emp. Ott., p. 67. 5 i, 34, s. a. 1362. 6 Cited by Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 35. Giovio’s treatise on the Turks ( Cose de Turchi) is dated 1531 by the introductory letter Levy of Christian Children 485 wicz,1 as by other authorities of less independent value.2 The usual explanation of these puzzling discrepancies has been hitherto to assume that the Janissary system was instituted by an early sultan and reformed or systematized by Murad I or II. For this there is con- siderable authority,3 though the nature of the changes introduced by the reformer remains vague. The distinctive feature of the Janissary system is the recruitment of the corps from a levy of the Christian children of the Empire, who were forcibly converted and specially trained for their profession. Of the levy of children as practised in the seventeenth century Evliya gives the following account. ‘ Ever y seven years a Colonel of the Janissaries . . . sets out with five or six hundred men for Rumeli, to draft from all the villages, Albanese, Greek, Albanian, Servian, and Bulgarian boys. The seven or eight thousand boys collected in that way, according to the institute of Sultan Orkhan, sanctified by the benediction of Haji Begtash, are dressed in the town of Uskub, in jackets (Muwahadi) of red Aba, with a cleft on the shoulders, and with caps of red felt. . . . Arrived at Constantinople, their names are put down in register, and they are called Ajemogh- lans, receiving twenty aspers, and half a piece of cloth a year. The best are given to the artillery, the armourers, and the Bostanji, because this is the heaviest service.’ 4 1 Georgewicz returned from his Turkish captivity not later than 1544, when he wrote his widely read De Tur corum Moribus Epitome. 2 Geuffroy, Court du Grant LureParis, 1546, cited by Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 35 : see also Nicolay, Raisz und Schiffart, p. 144 of the Antwerp (1577) edition. The voyage was made in 1551, but the author takes most of his information on the Turks from earlier authors. 3 Cf. Phrantzes, 92 В : [' Αμονράτης] πρώτος τοίς τα προνόμια <χ εχουσιν εχαρίσατο · παλαιόθεν μεν το αυτό τάγμα ετερας συνήθειας και τάζεις και ενδύματα εΐχον. 4 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 210. De Brèves states that in villages of mixed population Moslem parents sometimes passed their children off as Christian in order to assure them a career as Janissaries ( de Ruiner un Ригс, p. 24). One source of profit was the payments 486 Haji Bektash and Of this systematic collection of Christian children for service there is no hint in the early accounts of the Janissaries. Especially notable is the silence of Ibn Batuta, a Moorish traveller who visited the court of Orkhan ; of Schiltberger, a prisoner of Nikopolis ( 1396) who passed many years as a slave in western Asia; and of Bertrandon de la Brocquière, a Burgundian soldier who travelled overland from Syria into Europe in 1432-3, taking a special and professional interest in Turkish mili- tary affairs. The truth seems to be that the earlier sultans main- tained a kind of bodyguard or corps d’élite formed of bought or captured slaves.1 As in other Mohammedan countries, the sultan had the right to one-fifth of all prisoners as of all booty captured in war.2 In the case of the early Turkish sultans the prisoners would be mainly Christians. This force was reorganized by one of the Murads : the prisoners were induced to abjure their faith by the privileges the service offered, and specially trained in the arts of war.3 The members of this corps are called by Chalcondyles 4 and by Ducas (who mentions its presence at the battle of Nikopolis) πόρτα or θνρα, which the latter explains as indicating that these troops stood at the sultan’s gate.5 In later made to the Janissaries by local Christians in order to avoid oppression by the former : cf. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 296 ; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 654. Professor Dawkins heard a similar tale told in Crete of the grandfather of Professor Hatzidakis. For the steps in a Janissary’s career from ajemoghlan to bostanji and Janissary see Quiclet, Voyages, p. 211. 1 Cf. Bertrandon de la Brocquière, cd. Wright, pp. 347, 349. 2 This right was exercised as late as the seventeenth century by the Ottoman sultans (Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 170). Hottinger (Hist. Orient., p. 463) quotes George of Hungary as saying that the sultans claimed one tenth only of the booty. 3 Chalcondyles, pp. 121-2 P. ^ P. 8 P. (quoted above). 5 P. 52 : [ol Τούρκοι] οι rives πόρτα καλείται о Го ν θνρα του παλα- τιού της αυλής. At this time Ducas says they were all bought slaves and over 10,000 in number : Sanuto (Diarii, i, 398) records 8,000 in 1496; Levy of Christian Children 487 times certain Janissaries to whom these duties were entrusted were denominated Кари Kulu (‘ Slaves of the Gate ’)* which we may perhaps assume was the original title of the early sultans’ guards. The earliest occurrence of the word Janissary translated νεοσύλλεκτος στρατός =yeni sheri), at least in a Christian author, seems to be that of Ducas in the middle of the fifteenth century : the Janissaries of his time were still largely Christian prisoners of war.2 It is hard to believe that the levy of Christian children, always a bitter grievance to the Greeks, is thus passed over by a Greek author if the system already existed : yet in some form it certainly did, since in the Capitula- tions of Pera (1453) the children of the Perote Genoese are expressly exempted from impressment.3 The truth is, probably, that the levy of children was not yet systematized. So late as 1472 Cippico describes the Janissaries as recruited largely from the sultan’s fifth of the prisoners of war ; only when prisoners were not available in sufficient quantity were the numbers made up by the forcible impressment of Christian children.4 So that the organization of the system, so far from dating back to Orkhan or even Murad I, must be referred to a date subsequent to 1472. Georgewicz (op. cit.) states that there were 12,000 in his time. This association with the gate has evidently (through janua) aided in the formation of the western word Janissary, which is used by English and French writers long after the dispersal of the corps for what is now called a kavass (cf. J. Farley, Two Tears in Syria, p. 198 ; Lady Duff Gordon, Letters from Egypt, p. 87; Lubomirski, Jérusalem, p. 285). The fantastic derivations given by de Vigenère, Illustr. sur Chalcondïle, p. 69 (in de Mezeray, Hist, des Turcs, vol. ii), may be ignored. 1 Marsigli, État Mil. de VEmp. Ott., p. 66. 2 Pp. 137 f. 3 Miklosich and Müller, Acta et Diplom. Gr. iii, 287-8 : cf. Belgrano, in Atti Soc. Ltg. xiii, 228. 4 In Sathas, Μνημ. 'Ελλ. 4στ. vii, 281 : ‘ Se non possono avere prigioni, togliono per forza a’ Cristiani loro sudditi per ogni parte del loro imperio i lor figliuoli.5 488 Haji Bektash and Janissaries § 2. The Personality of Haji Bektash The traditional Haji Bektash is represented as having founded the dervish order which bears his name ( tashi) as well as having blessed the Janissaries. He was both missionary and warrior. In the former character he is said to have established through his disciples seven hundred convents ( tekkes)of dervishes, one in each of the towns conquered by Orkhan,1 in the latter to have taken part with Orkhan in the siege of Brusa.2 The connexion with Orkhan is firmly established by tradi- tion in the seventeenth century. According to the latest authorities, however, the heretical Hurufi, about 1400, usurped the tomb of Haji Bektash near Kirshehr and foisted their own doctrines as those of Haji Bektash on the latter’s disciples.3 From this time onwards has existed the (merely nominal) connexion of the Bektashi sect with Haji Bektash ; the long cycle of legend attaching to the saint’s name seems to be the invention of the usurpers. The earliest European writer who mentions Haji Bektash, George of Hungary, passed part of a long captivity in Turkey, apparently near Eskishehr, in the early years of the fifteenth century, yet knows the saint only as a patron of pilgrims.4 Ashik Pasha Zade, the earliest Turkish historian,5 whose family was from the district of Kirshehr, where Haji Bektash lies buried, 1 Evliya Efendi, Travels, ii, 21. 3 Ibid. ii, 4. The Brusa cycle is evidently devised to bridge the gap between Orkhan’s capital and the habitat of Haji Bektash, as also to give the prestige of antiquity to Bektashi foundations in Brusa. Further details of the life and apocryphal works of Haji Bektash are given by Evliya, ii, 19 f. and ii, 70. з See above, p. 135. 4 De Moribus Tur corum, cap. xv : ‘ Est alius vocatus Hatschi Pettesch, quod interpretatur quasi adiutorius peregrinationis, qui etiam multum invocatur et veneratur maxime a peregrinis, qui eius auxilium experiri dicuntur.’ 5 He lived in the reign of Bayezid II (1482-1512) : cf. von Hammer, Jardin des Mosquées, p. 31 (318), in Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii. Personality of Haji Bektash 489 denies his connexion with Orkhan, giving the following account of him : ‘.[Hâjee Begtâsh] had never any connection with the Ottoman Sultans. He came from Khorassan with his brother Mentish and they established themselves at Siwas near to Baba Ilias. At a later period they went to Caisarieh, from which place his brother returned to their own country by Siwas, and was killed on the way. Begtâsh, whilst on his way from Caisarieh to the Kaza Ujuk 1 died, and was interred there where his holy tomb still exists.’г Here we have an early author from Haji Bektash’s own country stoutly denying his traditional connexion with the early Ottoman sultans, which is on the face of it improbable, since neither the Amasia district, in which the Blessing of the Janissaries is generally located,3 nor the site of the saint’s tomb became part of the Ottoman dominions till comparatively late. The words of Ashik Pasha Zade may have also a positive value, and the clue to the elusive personality of Haji Bektash may lie in his statement that the saint was the ‘ brother of Mentish Following this clue, we have already concluded4 that the original Haji Bektash was no more than the eponymous ancestor of the Bektashli tribe, kinsmen of the tribe which had his ‘ brother ’ Mentish for ancestor. § 3. The Connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries From a tribal eponym worshipped in a village Haji Bektash easily became, under the influence of the 1 Perhaps Kazi Uyuk Boghaz near Koch Hisar. 3 Ashik Pasha Zade, quoted by J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 141. 3 The spot is generally given as Su Kenar,near Amasia. In the district of Amasia, Haji Khalfa (tr. Armain, p. 683) notes (between Turkhal and Merzifun) the tomb of a certain Haji Baba who ‘ made a wall walk’. This miracle is especially characteristic of Haji Bektash (see above, p. 289 (for it at Beybazar cf. Evliya, Travels, ii, 240) and may account for his association with the district of Amasia. * Above, p. 341. 3*95·* К 490 Haji Bektash and Janissaries powerful sect which, adopted him, a saint respected by a larger community. The so-called Bektashi sect, growing in power, eventually captured the Janissary organiza- tion. The Janissaries adopted Haji Bektash as their patron and were all affiliated to the sect. From 1591 onwards this connexion was officially recognized ; 1 * the General of the Bektashi was given the honorary title of Colonel of Janissaries, and dervishes of the order were regularly quartered in the Janissaries’ barracks and marched with them in public processions and on campaign. It is just before this official recognition that we first hear of the legend connecting Haji Bektash with the corps. There are two distinct cycles of legend concerning the con- nexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries : (1) The canonized version, as we have seen, lays stress on the formal consecration of the new troops by Haji Bektash, which takes place in Asia Minor during the reign and at the instance of Sultan Orkhan. This version, including the incident of the sleeve, occurs at least as early as the second half of the sixteenth century.3 The story was not, however, universally accepted, and its authenticity is denied by the contemporary historians Tash-Kupru-Zade (d. 1560) and Ali (d. 1599).3 (2) In the second version of the legend Haji Bektash plays a less conspicuous part. The institution of the Janissaries is associated with Murad I and his martyr’s death on the field of Kossovo. Haji Bektash is introduced somewhat awkwardly and loses his life with the sultan. The Janissaries are instituted in accordance with his dying instructions or as a tribute to his memory. Our versions of this legend date from the seventeenth and 1 D’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 312 ; iii, 325. * Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 35. 3 Jacob, Beiträge, p. 3 ; the same author says that the incident is mentioned neither by Neshri nor by Saad-ed-din. The latter, indeed, connects the head-dress of the Janissaries with the Mevlevi order, see below, p. 613, and n. 3. Janissaries instituted by Murad I 491 eighteenth centuries, but it appears to have been current earlier, since a Venetian Relazione of 15901 2 speaks of the institution of the Janissaries by Murad I ‘ in memory of one of his Santons Aribietas {sic) \ Rycaut gives the story as follows : ‘ In the time that the Warlike and Victorious Sultan Amurath passed with his army into Servia, and overcame the Despot of that Countrey, and slew him in Battel, Bedash was then a preacher to Amurath, who amongst other his Admoni- tions forewarned him of trusting the Servians; but out of his couragious spirit relying on his own Wisedom and Force, admitted a certain Nobleman called Vilvo, upon pretence of doing him homage, to approach near him and kiss his hand, who having his Dagger ready and concealed, stabbed Amurath to the heart, and with that blow made him a Martyr. Bedash knowing that this treacherous death of his Prince, must needs also be the cause of his, for being so near his person, and pro- phesying of this fatal stroke, sought not to prevent it, but made preparations for his own death. And in order thereunto pro- vided himself with a white Robe with long Sleeves, which he proffered to all those which were his Admirers, and Proselytes, to be kissed as a mark of their obedience to him and his Insti- tutions. ‘ This Bedash at his death cut off one of his sleeves and put it on the head of one of his religious men, part of which hung down on his shoulders saying, “ after this you shall be ries^ , which signified a new militia ; and from that time begun their original institution ; so this is the reason why the Jani- zaries wear Caps falling behind after the manner of sleeves, called Ketched1 Aaron Hill gives a similar story with slight variations in detail : ‘ The death of Bectajh immediately fucceeded that of Amu- rath, for having often prophefy’d the Blow and not preventing it, tho’ near the Sultan’s Perfon, he was cut in pieces by the furious Guards, as a party in the Treafon ; but forefeeing eafily, 1 Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ili, voi. iii, p. 34.3. 2 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 72. к 2 492 Haji Bektash and Janissaries what Fate would foon befall him, he rent off a long Sleeve, which he wore continually on his Right Arm, and putting it upon the Head of one of the Soldiers, cried out prophetically in the Turkish Language, Life from my Death Jhall like a Phoenix /firing. To Guard from Dangers your Succeeding King. THIS faid, he Fell, a bloody Victim to the Soldiers Anger, but had his Prophecy compleatly verifi’d in the Firft Year of the next Sultan's Reign, who reflecting ferioufly on the Fate of Bectafh, refolved to take fome Method of perpetuating his Memory, and Inftituted a New Order of the Militia, by the Name oijanifaries, who to this Day in Imitation of the Sleeve which Bectafh put upon the Soldiers Head, are all obliged to wear a Headpiece fac’d with pollifli’d Steel, to which is faftned a large piece of Buff, that falling in a moderate Breadth from the Crown of their Head l'preads gradually wider to the midie of their Backs.’1 * There is no corresponding cycle of legend to connect Haji Bektash with the less prominent figure of Murad II, who, however, as a matter of history, seems to have been much under the influence of dervishes.2 To sum up, the legendary connexion between Haji Bektash and the Janissaries cannot be traced farther back than the second half of the sixteenth century, and at least two respectable authors 3 of this date deny its authenticity. It therefore antedates by only a few years the official recognition of the connexion between the Bektashi dervishes and the Janissaries. I have at- tempted elsewhere to show that every point in the legend, which is devised to increase the power and prestige of the Bektashi, can be paralleled by similar, 1 Ottoman Empire (17x0), p. 19. 1 Phrantzes (p. 92) says that Murad II, after his abdication and retirement, himself assumed the dervish habit at Brusa αύτω δ ερβίσηςγενέσθαι ηγονν μοναχός, καί iv rfj Ιΐρουστ) εγενετο) : cf. Hottinger, Hist. Orient., pp. 482 ff., quoting George of Hungary. з Tash-Kupru-Zade and Ali. Conclusions 493 and equally apocryphal, legends connecting the origins of the Janissaries with the Mevlevi.1 Our conclusions are thus ( i) that the recruiting of the Janissaries from specially trained Christian children,2 as opposed to the much older employment of slaves and prisoners of war for the sultan’s bodyguard, was a gradual change put on a regular footing in the fifteenth century at earliest ; (2) that Haji Bektash was originally a tribal saint afterwards exploited by the Hurufi-Bek- tashi sect and arbitrarily adopted by the Janissaries : and (3) that the canonized legend of Haji Bektash, Orkhan, and the first Janissaries is entirely fictitious and probably devised to forward the Bektashi intrigue, which resulted in the ‘ capture ’ of the Janissary organi- zation and in the official recognition of Haji Bektash as its spiritual patron and of the Bektashi order as its spiritual allies. 1 B.S.A., XXX, 214, note 1 : reprinted below, p. 613, n. 3. 2In South Albania, Fadil Bey Klissura informed me, it is said that Haji Bektash was seized in childhood and brought up as a Moham- medan ; later on he studied Christianity and, recognizing its superiority, invented Bektashism as a link between the two religions. This is a combination of the Janissary-Christian children tradition and of the fact that Bektashis and Christians are more friendly with each other than either is with Sunnis. XLI GEORGE OF HUNGARY, CHAPTER XV HE following is a chapter (xv) translated from a tract published anonymously towards the end of the fifteenth century and entitled de Moribus condictionibus et nequicia Tur corum. The author, vari- ously known as George of Hungary and as George von Mühlenbach, was a slave in Turkey during the middle year's of the century (about 1436-58) and on internal evidence seems to have been employed by a Turkoman bey as herdsman in the interior of Asia Minor. It appears that the district with which he was familiar included the pilgrimages of Sidi Ghazi, buried near Eskishehr, of Haji Bektash, buried in the village of the same name, and of Ashik Pasha, buried at Kir- shehr ; the clerical studies he had already begun at Schebesch (in German Mühlenbach) when Murad II took the town in 1436 explain the interest he took in Turkish religious practice.1 Beyond the special value 1 According to his own account (quoted by Cuspinian, De Tur conivi Origine, f. 8 verso, who seems the only source of Schloezer’s vague note on George in his Krit. Hist. Neben Stunden, ρ. 91)* George was born about 1420 in the province of Siebenbürgen {Lat. Septem Castra, whence his name of Septemcastrensis monachus in Hottinger, Hist. Orient. pp. 457-8). On his release from captivity he became a Dominican monk {cf. Quétif, Script. Ord. Praedic. i, 901 a) and finally died at Rome, where he was buried in the church of S. Maria sopra Minerva, according to Quétif, loc. cit., and a manuscript gloss on the British Museum copy ΙΑ. 19161 of the undated edition of his Tractatus, which was published at Rome c. 1481 ; the gloss adds that his tomb was famous for its miracles. The church in question is a Dominican foundation {cf. Baedeker, Central It., p. 211). Hottinger {op. cit., pp. 457-8, 459) rightly distinguishes Septemcastrensis monachus, author of Tractatus de Moribus Turcorum, from Bartholomaeus Introductory SidiGbazi 495 of the passage for Turkish popular religion, the lively picture of social conditions among country Turks at this date more than justifies its publication. Translation Among others of this sect, who after their death have become and still are famous for false signs and prodigies, there is one principal, who hath great repute and vene- ration in all Turkey. His name is ,1 which is, being interpreted, S. Victor or Victorious among saints. His sepulchre and shrine are on the marches of the Otto- mans and the Karamans, and, though these two be oftentimes at loggerheads, one invading the lands of the other, yet none dare ever draw near to his sepulchre or do scathe to the lands that are near it. For, as hath oftentimes been proven, if any venture this, upon them falleth the mighty vengeance of the saint. And the common voice of all hath it that none of them that implore his help in any necessity whatsoever, but especi- ally in the works of war and in the conduct of battles, hath ever been cheated of his desire. And this is proved by the great number of vows that are paid each year by the king, the princes, and the common folk at his sepulchre in money, in all sorts of beasts, and in kind. For he hath very great fame and reputation, not only among the Turks, but also among all nations of that persuasion. And I would say that for these signs and prodigies he hath greater repute among Mohamme- Georgewicz, author of De Fur corum Moribus Epitome, whereas Hammer- Hellert {Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 290) incorrectly identifies one with the other. Our author, who is Frater George of Hungary, is also to be distinguished from Magister George of Hungary, who lived about the same time and wrote various mathematical tracts. [In expanding into the above note the somewhat scanty indications left by my husband I have had much assistance from Dr. H. Thomas and Mr. Wharton of the British Museum.—Μ. Μ. H.] 1 Sidi Ghazi [Said-el-Ghazi] buried near Eskishehr (see below, pp. 705-10). 496 George of Hungary dans in general than hath Saint Anthony among Chris- tians. And there is another called Hatschi which is, being interpreted, as who should say Pilgrims’ Help ; he also is much invoked and revered, most of all by pilgrims, who are said to receive his help. Another is called Ascik , who hath his name from love and is called, as it were, Patron of Love ; he is said to aid persons newly wed, or in the travail of child- birth, or in the quarrels of husband and wife, or other such-like necessities. Alwan passa 2 grants concord to them that are at strife, and of him men say that to them that seek him he appears now as a youth and now as an old man. Sheych passa 3 solaces them that are troubled and afflicted. But in those parts where I dwelt there were many aforetime held for saints whose names are forgotten. None the less their sepulchres are held in great venera- tion, for, if they are distressed for rain, or for fair weather, or for any such-like need, they do meet to- gether at the sepulchres of these, and, having made their vows and orisons, go home with great hope they shall be heard. And at these meetings I oftentimes consorted with them, hoping that I might eat of the good things they carried with them to feast withal. But among these are two whose names they know, and of these one is called Goivelmir tchin and the other Barthschum passaS In those same parts men were used to tell their marvellous doings, and chiefly in the guard- 1 2 3 4 1 Haji Bektash: for the derivation of the name see below, p. 575, n. 5. 2 Probably Elwan Chelebi, buried near Chorum (Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 9 if. : cf. above, p. 48. 3 Cf. Lucas’s ‘ Chek Baba ’ {Voyage fait en IJI4, i, 180), probably the patron of the still existing Sheikhli tribe (see above, p. 337). 4 For these two difficult and perhaps corrupt names I can make no suggestion. Goivelmir Tchin 497 ing and keeping of sheep and other beasts ; this most of all of him who is called Goivelmir ,of whom my Lady herself was used often to tell that she had received great blessings from him in the keeping of her calves. For this cause she was fain each year to vow and pay a certain measure of butter, and would add also thereto, saying, ‘ If I forget or neglect to pay my vow, anon I suffer therefor.’ And she bade me also invoke him if a wolf vexed me as I fed my sheep. Nor can I forbear to speak of a story my Lord was often wont to tell. One day, as he said, a bull of his herd was missing when the rest returned from pasture. And anon he called together the neighbours, as is the custom in those parts, each equipping himself as for the chase, with bow, arrows, and dogs, and, setting forth that same evening, searched the nearer woods, but found no trace and returned. On the morrow in like manner they ranged over all the pasture-grounds and came at nothing. On the third day, as it drew on to even and they were returning, weary and forlorn of all hope, on a sudden my Lord as he pondered bethought him and took a vow to this effect, that for the love of the saint Goivelmir tchin, if the beast should be found, he would eat with the pilgrims a hot loaf with butter laid thereon, the which they call ‘ paslama V And while he still thought thereon, on a sudden there was a run- ning together and a shouting, and lo ! the bull was found, caught by the horns in a certain forked tree. And the marvel was the greater insomuch that for three days they had ranged that same place, nor (save for a miracle) could the bull have been spared by wild beasts. Then my Lord spake to them all of the vow he had made, and they marvelled greatly and gave thanks unto God and praised the name of Goivelmir tchin and so returned home with joy and gladness, not alone 1 Paslama, a word still in use, is a sort of ‘ pasty ’ containing meat or vegetables. 498 George of Hungary for the finding of the bull, but also for the miracle which had been vouchsafed unto them. And there is another named ,1who is be- fore all a helper of travellers in need. Such is his repute in all Turkey that there is scarce any man to be found that hath not himself experienced his help or heard of others that have so done. He manifesteth himself in the shape of a traveller riding on a grey horse, and anon relieveth the distressed wayfarer, whether he hath called on him, or whether, knowing not his name, he hath but commended himself to God, as I have heard on several hands. But another marvel also must I tell for its manifest truth, and this is told by men who were themselves at that time living. Now there were on a time certain religious men of that place which was near to us,2 and these were slandered that they had made a complot against the king. Who, being exceeding wroth thereat, gave order that they should all be burnt alive. But he that was chief among them, after that he had essayed vainly to excuse or justify himself and his fellows, did publicly protest his innocence and theirs, and himself before the king entered first into the furnace to be burned. And for that the fire fled back before him, he went unscathed and abated the rage of the king and saved himself and his fellows from imminent peril of death, leaving unto his descendants and to all people of that persuasion this solemn ensample. And the shoes that with him went unscathed in the furnace are conserved to this day in those parts. And there was another which still lived in the flesh not far from those parts where I abode. And of his 1 Khidr-Elles, the * Turkish S. George with whom he shares the spring festival (April 23) : see above, pp. 320 ff. * Possibly the convent of Sidi Ghazi : cf. Menavino, Cose Ίurchesche (1548), p. 60. Divination by a Living Saint 499 mighty deeds there are very many that I have heard told whereof I hold my peace. But his fame was so bruited abroad that in every place where men frequented and gathered together there was talk of his true divina- tions of hidden matters and mostly of things lost or stolen ; insomuch that through him thieves and robbers ceased from the land in his time, for none dared show his head, and, though they laid many snares to catch him, yet could they do him no hurt. And what is a far greater marvel, to many of them that came to him he revealed their secret thoughts ere yet they had made them known to him. XLII GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE BEKTASHI1 Introductory IN the following pages an attempt has been made to bring together scattered notices from printed sources regarding the geographical distribution of the Bektashi sect, as indicated bp the position of existing, or formerly existing, convents of the order.® I have further in- cluded such information on this subject as I have been able to obtain from my own journeys and inquiries (1913-15) among the Bektashi : nearly all this informa- tion is gathered from Bektashi sources, and much from more than one such source. I hope to have made a fairly complete record of Bektashi establishments in Albania, now the most important sphere of their activi- ties, and a substantial basis for further inquiry in the other countries where the sect is to be found, with the exception of Asia Minor, for which my sources are in- adequate. From the evidence at our disposal the Bektashi estab- lishments in Asia Minor would seem to be grouped most thickly in the Kizilbash or Shia Mohammedan districts, especially (1) in the vilayets of “'Angora and Sivas, and (2) in the south-west corner (Lycia) of that of Konia, where the Shia tribes are known from their occupation as Takhtaji (‘wood-cutters ’).3 For the third great stronghold of Anatolian Shias, the Kurdish vilayets of Kharput and Erzerum, no information as to Bektashi tekkes is available. In Europe, southern Albania, with its population of Christians converted in relatively recent times to Islam, 1 An earlier edition of this chapter appeared in the B.S.A. xxi, 84 ff. 2 On the Bektashi and their organisation see above, pp. 159 ff. 3 See above, pp. 158 f. Types of Bektashi Saints 501 is the only country in which the Bektashi are strongly represented at the present day. Crete, where their numbers were till recently considerable, and the Kas- itoria district of Macedonia present the same pheno- menon of Bektashism grafted on a Christian population. Elsewhere one sees traces of successful propaganda amongst the immigrant Asiatic village communities, which were probably half pagan and wholly nomadic at their first appearance in Europe. Such are the ‘ Ko- niari’ of southern Macedonia and Thessaly,1 the Yuruks of the Rhodope, and the Tatars of the Dobruja. From the number of tekkes traceable, in the Adrianople dis- trict especially, it seems legitimate to suppose that such military centres, owing to the close connexion which existed for more than two centuries between the Bektashi and the Janissaries, formed at one time im- portant foci of missionary endeavour. It seems possible to detect a characteristic variation in the types of Bektashi saint venerated in Anatolia, European Turkey, and Albania respectively. In Anato- lia the typical saint is regarded as a missionary more or less closely connected withHaji Bektash himself,zand conse- quently so remote as to be mythical. In European Turkey the saints are again remote and ancient, being referred to the period of the Turkish conquest, but they are regarded primarily as warriors rather than as mis- sionaries. This points to the development of Bektashism in these countries under the auspices of the Janissary- Bektashi combination in the sixteenth and following centuries. In Albania the typical saint is again a mis- sionary, but differs both from the ‘ Anatolian ’ and the ‘ Rumelian ’ types in laying no claim to great antiquity : 1 [Now transferred to Asia Minor according to the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).—M. M. H.]. 2 Cj. Evliya, Travels, ii, 20 f. : 1 2 * 4 The seven hundred convents of Dervishes, Begtâshi, which actually exist in Turkey, are derived from the seven hundred dervishes of Haji Begtash.’ 502 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi the Bektashi propaganda in Albania dates confessedly from the eighteenth century and the saints are historical persons. We may further remark as regards the position of Bektashi tekkes that, whereas those of other orders are generally found in, or in the immediate neighbourhood of, the larger centres of population, those of the Bek- tashi are situated, as a rule, either in quite isolated positions or on the outskirts of villages. This is due, no doubt, partly to the fact that their propaganda and in- fluence largely touch rustic populations, and partly to the hostility with which they are regarded by the Sunni clergy.1 We may reasonably assume that, between the capture of the Janissaries by the Bektashi (about 1590) and the destruction of the former (1826), the provincial garrisons of Janissaries, like that of Constantinople, had a resident Bektashi sheikh in their barracks, and pre- sumably a tekke within easy reach. These have, since 1826, ceased to exist as such, but the saints’ mausolea still often to be found in, or at the entrance to, Turkish citadels may very probably be a surviving remnant of original Bektashi establishments connected with the Janissaries. We turn now to the enumeration of the tekkes. § I. Asia Minor A.—Vilayet of Angora. Haji Bektash (Pir-evi). The reputed founder of the sect, Haji Bektash, lies buried at the village bearing his name near Kirshehr in central Asia Minor.2 Adjoin- ts main purpose, according to my information, is to keep the dervishes out of the way of worldly temptations.—Μ. Μ. H.] 2 Evliya says of the tomb (Travels, ii, 21) : ‘ Haji Bektash died in Sultan Orkhân’s reign, and was buried in his presence in the capital of Crimea, where a Tâtâr princess raised a monument over his tomb. This monument having fallen into decay Sheitdn Murad, a Beg of Caesarea of Sultan Suleiman’s time, restored and covered it with lead,’ Haji Bektash 503 ing the tomb is a convent (tekk called Pir-evi (£ House of the patron Saint ’) which forms the head-quarters of the Bektashi order and its adherents. It contains, be- sides the tomb of the founder, that of Balum Sultan, a very important Bektashi saint, reputed the founder of one of the four branches into which the sect is divided : his tomb is in the part of the convent devoted to the celibate ( mujerred)dervishes. The is further re- markable as containing a mosque with minaret, served by a khoja of the orthodox Nakshbandi order ; this is an innovation of Mahmud IPs time (1826), emphasizing the Sunni version of Haji Bektash, which represents him as a Nakshbandi sheikh.1 The tekke was formerly supported by the revenues of 362 villages, the inhabitants of which were affiliated to the Bektashi order. The number of these villages has been gradually reduced on various pretexts by the government to twenty-four.2 The revenues of the tekke, estimated at £60,000, are divided between the rival heads 3 of the order, the Akhi Dede, or Dede Baba, and the Chelebi. Of these the former resides in the convent of Haji Bektash and under him are eight other Babas, each having a separate ‘ residency ’ ( ), who preside over the various departments of work carried on in the The c capital of Crimea ’ is obviously a mistake for Kirshehr, possibly owing to the proximity of the * Tatar princess \ At the present day the cauldrons in the kitchen of the convent, which are among the sights of the place, are said to have been given by i the Tatar Khan,’ who is curiously identified with Orkhan (Prof. White in Contempt Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 695). 1 The tekke of Haji Bektash has been described by P. Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 124; Levides, Moval της Καππαδοκίας, p. 98; Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 341 ; Naumann, Vom Goldnen Horn, pp. 193 ff. ; Prof. White, in Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, pp. 690 ff. See also below, pp. 571-2. 2 From Cuinet, loc. cit., except the last figure, which he gives, no doubt correctly for his time, as 42. 3 See above, pp. I61 ff. 504 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi directing the labours of the probationers under them. Their respective spheres are the buttery ( Baba), the bakery ( EkmekjiBaba), the kitchen ( Baba), the stables ( AtajiBaba), the guest-house ( Baba), the mausoleum of Balum Sultan ( Evi), and the vineyards ( DedeBagh, Hanbagh). The Chelebi lives outside the convent. Other tekkes recorded in the same vilayet are the following : Beybazar (near). West of this town, on the Sakaria, is the turbe (mausoleum, of Emrem Yunuz Sultan, who is described by Lejean, evidently from an ignorant local informant, as ‘ un sultan koniarite qui y a été enseveli avec sa fille et ses deux fils’.1 Emrem Yunuz is in reality claimed by the Bektashi as a saint belonging to their order. There seems to be no establishment here, though the tomb is held in reverence locally.2 Chorum (near). Ten kilometres west of Chorum, R. Kiepert’s map marks (from a native source) Sidim Sultan. Evliya mentions the place as, in his time, the site of ‘ a convent of bareheaded and barefooted Begtashi ’.3 Angora (near). On the Husain Dagh, a mountain east of Angora, is the tomb of Husain Ghazi,4 an Arab warrior-saint adopted by the Bektashi. In Evliya’s time there was a convent of a hundred Bektashi der- vishes here and a much-frequented yearly festival.5 There is now only a mausoleum {turbe) kept up by the Bairami dervishes of Angora.6 Yuzgat (near). Here there is said to be a tekke at 1 G. Lejean, in Bull. Soc. Géog. xvii (1869), p. 64. 2 Anderson in J.H.S.xix, p. 70. For Emrem Yunuz (‘Yunuz Imre’) see Gibb ( Ottoman Poetry, i, 164), who places him in the early fourteenth century : also above, p. 291. 3 Travels, ii, 223. 4 See below, pp. 711-2. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 228 ; cf. Haji Khalfa, Djihannuma, tr. Armain, p. 703· b Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. dc la Galatie, i, 283. Vilayet of Angora 505 a place called Mujur, which does not figure on our maps, but is distinct from the village of the same name near Kirshehr. Alaja (near). The Shamaspur containing a second grave of the Arab warrior Husain Ghazi, belongs to the order, but is now abandoned.1 Kirshehr. A tekke called Akhi-evren in this district was cited to me by a Bektashi dervish.3 A saint of the same name, described as a companion in arms of Sultan Osman, is mentioned by Haji Khalfa as buried at Ak- shehr.3 A third (?) saint, Ahiwiran or Ahi Baba of Caesarea, buried at Denizli, is said by Evliya to be the patron of Turkish tanners. A somewhat confused anec- dote apparently derives his name from , wild beast.4 A tekke of Ak Elven (sic) exists at Angora. The name is evidently one of those which have suffered from popular etymology. The original form may be + er en. Eren means c saint ’, while A khi is the Arabic for 1 For references see below, p. 711, n. 2. Perrot found two or three Bektashi dervishes there in 1861 (Souvenirs (Tun Voyage, p. 418). 2 A Khalveti saint A khi Mirim, who died at Akshehr in 1409-10, is mentioned by Jacob (Beiträge, p. 80, n. 3) : his tomb may well have changed hands, like many others, affiliation to the newcomers’ order being axiomatic. 3 Hadji Ouren in Armain’s translation ; Hakhi Our an in Menasik- el-Haj, p. 12 ; Akhi Or en in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 248 (cj. Huart, Konia, p. 112, where the tomb of Said Mahmud Kheïrani at Akshehr is described). 4 Travels, I, ii, 206 : c [Ahweran of Caesarea] was a great saint in the time of the Seljuk family. It is a famous story that, it having been hinted to the king that Ahibaba paid no duties, and the collectors having come to him in execution, they were all frightened away by a wild beast (Awren) starting from the middle of his shop, and which accompanied him to the king, who being equally frightened out of his wits, was very happy to allow him the permission asked, to bury the collectors killed. His tomb is a great establishment in the gardens of the town of Denizli . . . and all the Turkish tanners acknowledge this Ahùawren to be their patron.’ In the last variation of the name there seems to be a play on Abua9 a fabulous beast like a syren (C. White, Constantinople, i, 174). 3295.2 L 5 об Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi my brother, and has a special signification in connexion with the important society or ‘ Brotherhood ’, known already in the early fourteenth century to Ibn Batuta as a widespread social league among the Turkomans of Seljuk Asia Minor,1 and later as a political combination of some importance.1 2 3 Among the Bektashi the word Akhi is preserved in the title of the sheikh of the convent of Haji Bektash, and they had formerly at least a sub- division called the ‘ Brothers of Rum (i.e. Anatolia) ’.3 It may be that at some time in their history they amal- gamated with, and eventually absorbed, the Turkoman ‘ Brotherhood ’. Mujur (near Kirshehr). There is here a sacred stone guarded by a Bektashi dervish.4 Patuk Sultan. This saint is buried in a village con- vent of the same (Kirshehr) district. B.—Vilayet of Konia. Nevshehr (near). Here there is said to be a Bektashi tekke containing the grave of a saint named Nusr-ed-din. Adalia. The order possesses a tekke here which seems to be of minor importance. Elmali had formerly a tekke containing the tomb of Haidar Baba ; this is one of the convents destroyed in 1826. The town (or district?) is also known as the burial-place of Abdal Musa, a very celebrated saint.5 1 Ibn Batuta, tr. Lee, pp. 68 ff. ; tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 260 ff. 2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 214. On the ‘ Brotherhood 5 see Karabashek in Num. Zeit, 1877, pp. 213 ff. 3 Akheean-i-Room (Brown, Dervishes, p. 142) : the corresponding subdivisions were the Ghazis (warriors), Abdals (asketes), and Sisters of Rum. In Seaman’s Or chan, p. 108, Achi~frater is given as a grade in dervish communities. Dr. F. Babinger (in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. lxxvi, 1922, p. 135, n. 4) accepts Jean Deny’s suggestion that akhi is Turkish and means (1) chevalerie, (2) confrérie religieuse, and (3) corps de métier. 4 Cholet, Voyage, p. 48. 5 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28, cf Beiträge, pp. 14, 85. See below (Cairo). Vilayets of Konia and Smyrna 507 There is a village called Tekkeabout twelve kilometres S. by W. of the town. Elmali is the centre of the dis- trict inhabited by the primitive Shia tribes known as tekke with grave of Kiafi Baba. This may be identical with the tekke men- tioned by Petersen and von Luschan as existing on the site of Limyra : there were two dervishes here in 1884.3 Gul Hisar, thirty kilometres south-east of Tefeni, in the northern part of this district, contains a tekke with the grave of Yaman Ali Baba. C.—Vilayet of Smyrna (Aidin). Smyrna. There is now a small Bektashi tekke here containing the grave of Hasan Baba, in the quarter of Kiatib Oglu on the outskirts of the town. Bektashi gravestones are to be seen in the small cemetery sur- rounding the ‘ tomb of Polycarp ’ on the castle hill.4 Tei re. Here there are two one of which contains the grave of Khorasanli Ali Baba. Daonas. Here is buried one of the successors of Haji Bektash, Sari Ismail Sultan. Denizli seems to be, or to have been, an important Bektashi centre. There are said to be three tekkes in the district. Within a radius of two hours are the 1 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 203. 2 Cf. above, p. 504. 3 Lykien, ii, 204 n. I note also, still nearer Fineka, a village Halaj, the name of which suggests Bektashi associations. Manzur-el-Halaj is claimed by the Bektashi as the spiritual master of their great saint Fazil Yezdan (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 229) and a forerunner of the sect. 4 See above, p. 409, n. 4. 5o8 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi tombs of the saints Teslim Sultan and Dede Sultan. At Karagach 1 is that of Niazi [Baba]. Yatagan (near Kara Euyuk, in the south of the vila- yet). A rich and important tekke containing the grave of a saint ‘ Jatagundie ’ (Yatagan Dede ?) was visited here by Paul Lucas in the early years of the eighteenth century.1 2 3 It was one of the Bektashi foundations destroyed in 1826, but seems since to have revived to some extent. Yatagan Baba is reputed the master of Abdal Musa.3 Another tekke at the same place contains the grave of Abdi Bey Sultan. Menemen. The tekke here contains the grave of Bakri Baba. Manisa. The Bektashi have no tekke at Manisa since the persecution of 1826, but claim that they were im- portant there, and that the graves of Aine Ali and Niazi belong by right to their order. Tulum Bunar. The newly rebuilt turbe of Jafer Baba, a conspicuous object from the Kasaba line (near Tulum Bunar station) is claimed by the Bektashi as part of a convent dissolved in 1826. D.—Vilayet of Brus a ( Khudavend). Brusa, though the Bektashi have now no footing there, seems formerly to have been a great stronghold 1 Perhaps Kabagach, near Serai Keui, where Kiepert’s map marks a tekke. 2 Voyage fait en 1714, i, 171 f. : ‘ un Couvent, où l’on garde pré- cieusement le corps d’un Mahometan nommé Jatagundie, qu’on dit avoir opéré de grandes merveilles dans tout le Païs. La Mosquée où il repose est très-belle & bien entretenue ; il y a dedans 60 chandeliers d’argent massif de dix pieds de haut, & un fort grand nombre de lampes d’or & d’argent. Deux cens Dervis sont emploiez au service de cette Mosquée ; ils ont une Bibliothèque très-bien fournie . . . Comme cette Mosquée a des revenus immenses, il y a une fondation pour nourrir & loger tous les passans, & on y exerce l’hospitalité avec beaucoup de charité,’ cf. below, p. 566. 3 See above, Elmali, and below, Cairo. Vilayet of Brus a 509 of the order.1 The following graves are those of (real or supposed) Bektashi saints : Abdal Murad. To this was attached a , reputed of Sultan Orkhan’s foundation ; 2 the saint himself is said by the sixteenth-century historian Saad-ed-din to have been a holy man of this reign,3 though his con- nexion with the Bektashi is not noticed, and is probably apocryphal. Evliya calls him a companion of Haji Bek- tash.4 The tekke is mentioned in the eighteenth and nine- teenth centuries,5 and the tomb of the saint still exists.6 Geyikli Baba is regarded as the contemporary and companion in arms of Abdal Murad, and, like him, a follower of Haji Bektash and one of Ahmed Yasevi’s apostles.? The connexion with Haji Bektash and his cycle is a late development as in the case of Abdal Musa.8 Ramazan Baba is spoken of by Evliya as buried in a pleasant meadow at Brûssa in a convent of Begtâshis,’9 but is claimed for theNakshbandi order by Assad Efendi.10 Sheikh Kilt. The foundation of the tekke attached to this tomb was ascribed by Evliya to Orkhan.11 Akbeyik Sultan. This saint is assigned by the same author both to the Bektashi12 and the Bairami.13 1 Cf Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 302 ; the expulsion of the Bektashi from Brusa in 1826 was witnessed by Laborde {Asie Mineure, p. 24). 2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 8, 24. Orkhan himself is buried at Brusa and is reputed to visit his tomb every Friday, play the drum, and use the beads on the tomb (Bussierre, Lettres, i, 154). 3 In Seaman’s Orchan, p. 119. 4 Loc. cit. 5 Sestini, Lettere Odeporiche, i, 117 ; von Hammer, Brussa, p. 57 ; Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, iv, 29. 6 Kandis, Προύσα, p. 153. 7 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21, 24. On Ahmed Yasevi and his introduction into the Bektashi cycle see above, pp. 403-5. 8 Cf. Seaman’s Orchan, p. 116. 9 Travels, ii, 27 ; cf. von Hammer, Brussa, p. 56. 10 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 300. 11 Evliya, Travels, ii, 8. 12 Ibid, ii, 8. J3 Ibid, ii, 26. It should be noted that Haji Bairam himself is claimed by the Bektashi at the present day. 510 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi Other Bektashi tekkes exist, or are known to have existed, at the following places in the Brusa vilayet. Sidi Ghazi, a village south of Eskishehr. The saint buried in the tekke, who has given his name to the village, is a celebrated warrior of the Arab period ; his grave was discovered already in Seljuk times, and the foundation came into the hands of the Bektashi at least as early as the sixteenth century.1 The tekke still exists, though the foundation is much decayed.3 Near, and west of it, is the tekke of Suja-ed-din, who is men- tioned by Jacob as an important Bektashi saint.3 This tekke seems also to be kept up. Those of Melek Baba and Urian Baba in the same district are now dissolved. Besh Karish (near Altin Tash and the railway station, Ihsanieh). Here is buried Resul Ali Sultan or Resul Baba, a khalife of Haji Bektash.4 Rejeb (three hours from Ushak). Here is buried the khalife Kolu Achik Hajim Sultan.5 The tekke is now disused and administered by a steward ( but seems to be of some local importance. Balukisr. Another khalife, Said Jemal Sultan, is buried in this district.6 I have no information as to the tekke. The vilayet of Brusa seems to have been a stronghold of the Bektashi in the fifties of the last century.7 Dardanelles.8 Though no tekke exists here to-day, 1 See Browne, J.R. Asiat. Soc., 1907, p. 568, where a Hurufi MS. is said to have been copied here in 1545-6 ; and cf. Menavino, Cose Turche sehe [1548], p. 60. 2 For details and bibliography of this tekke see below, pp. 705-10. 3 Bektaschijje,p. 28. 4 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. The site may be looked for at Tekke Keui near Kebsud, near which is a village Bektashler. 7 C. MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, i, 501. 8 Strictly speaking, the town of the Dardanelles is not in the Brusa province, but forms the capital of an independent sub-prefecture (sanjak). Vilayet of Kastamuni 511 it was probably a Bektashi centre before 1826, on ac- count of the number of Janissaries quartered there. A ruined and deserted tekke exists outside the village of Seraijik, in the valley of the Rhodius. It bears the name of the saint interred in it (Inje or Injir Baba) and is still visited as a pilgrimage.1 Le Chevalier in the early years of the present century describes a tekke,apparently Bektashi, possibly identical with the above.2 E. —Vilayet of Kastamuni. Kalejik (near). Evliya describes in this district the pilgrimage of Koji Baba, one of the disciples of Haji Bektash, who was buried in a convent bearing his name. ‘ There is no other building but the convent ; the tomb is adorned with lamps and candelabras. His e. the saint’s] banner, drum, habit, and carpet are all pre- served, as though he were himself present. The Tur- comans have great faith in this saint.’ 3 Changri (near). At the village of Airak, north of the Kizil Irmak river, in this district, Evliya found a large and hospitable convent, containing a hundred dervishes and the tomb of Mohammed Shah Dede ; this saint ‘ came with Haji Begtash from Khorassan to the court of Bayazid I ’.4 F. —Vilayet of Sivas. Sivas. In the town is a recent , called Maksum- ler (‘ the infants ’),5 founded by a certain Khalil Pasha, 1 From Mr. R. Grech, of the Dardanelles. 2 Proponitele, p. 14 : ‘ Derrière la ville s’étend une large plaine au milieu de laquelle on trouve un Teké ou couvent de derviches, entouré de vignes et de jardins délicieux. Ces solitaires donnent au pays qui les avoisine, l’exemple de l’hospitalité la plus affectueuse : ils offrent leurs plus beaux fruits et leurs cellules au voyageur fatigué, et de la meilleur foi du monde lui font admirer un cerceuil de quarante pieds, qui contient les reliques du géant qui les a fondés.’ 3 Travels, ii, 236. 4 Ibid. ii, 236. 5 Or Maksum Pak (Pers. pâk — c pure ’). 512 Geographical Distribution of the afterwards governor of Beyrut. About fifty years ago, a dervish is said to have discovered by revelation the graves of two infants ( maksum), who were identified with Ali Eftar, son of the fifth Imam (Mohammed Bakir), and Sali, son of the seventh (Musa Kiazim) ; these infants are regarded as martyrs.1 The infant son of Khalil Pasha is also buried in the Amasia. Here is a tekke containing the grave of Piri Baba. Divriji (near). Three hours from Divriji is a recent tekke founded by a learned Bektashi sheikh named Gani Baba and called Andahar Tekkesi.* Three important tekkes in this (strongly Shia) vilayet are mentioned by Evliya in the seventeenth century, of which the first two certainly exist. These are : Marsovan, with tomb of Piri Dede, a companion of Haji Bektash. In Evliya’s time there were 200 der- vishes there, and the convent was supported by the revenues of 366 villages.3 There seems lately to have been a kind of‘revival’ in which immigrants from Trans- caucasia (Kars district) have played an important part. Osmanjik, with tomb of Koyun Baba, who came with Haji Bektash from Khorasan. All the inhabitants of the town were in Evliya’s time affiliated to the Bek- tashi.4 The foundation seems now to have passed into other hands, and the saint to be known as ‘ Pambuk Baba ’.5 Barugunde (near Shabin Kara Hisar). This contained the tomb of Behlul of Samarkand and those of the Choban family.6 It is probably the ‘ Chobanli Tekke’ marked on R. Kiepert’s map due south of Shabin 1 This is probably the pilgrimage of the Kizibash Kurds at Sivas mentioned by Molyneux-Seel as the 4 tomb of Hasan ’ (see above, P- 150). 2 Perhaps from Anzaghar, marked south of Divriji in R. Kiepert’s map. 3 Travels, ii, 215 ; cf. above, pp. 38-9. 4 Ibid, ii, 96 : cf. Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28, and Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, ii, 681. 5 See above, pp. 95-6. 6 Evliya, Travels, ii, 205. Vilayet of Sivas 513 Kara Hisar, on the road to Erzinjian. Evliya also makes brief mention of a Bektashi tekke of Mohammed Shah near Echmiadzin.1 A list, however incomplete, of Anatolian centres in which there is now no Bektashi establishment, may be of service to future inquirers. The following places have been cited to me as such by Bektashi informants : Adana, Aintab, Angora, Beyshehr, Brusa, Caesarea, Dardanelles, Isbarta, Karaman, Konia, Manisa,Marash2 Melasso, Mersina, Nazli, Pyrgi, Tarsus,Trebizond. The absence of Bektashi at Angora is accounted for by the local predominance of the Bairami order, and at Konia, Karaman,3 and Manisa by the position held there by the Mevlevi. Adana,4 Aidin, Caesarea,5 and Pyrgi6 are notoriously ‘ black ’ Sunni towns. Shamakh. The farthest extension of Bektashism eastwards seems to be marked by the important tekke visited by Evliya at Shamakh, near Baku. This con- tained the tomb of Pir Merizat and was supported by the revenues of 300 villages, the inhabitants of which were mostly affiliated to the order.7 The Kurds of the Dersim recognize Haji Bektash, and one Bektashi tekke is said to exist in Kurdistan.8 1 Ibid, ii, 125. 2 A tekke is said to have existed there till 1826. 3 Davis ( Asiatic Turkey, p. 295) speaks of the Valideh Tekke here as Bektashi : it is of course Mevlevi. 4 Cf. Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, iii, 118. But I have heard of a learned Bektashi baba resident in this vilayet at Jebel-Bereket (Yarput), which perhaps implies the existence of propaganda among the local Turkoman tribes. 5 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, pp. 314, 3x7 ; cf. (for Caesarea) Skene, Anadol, p. 159. 6 Assad Efendi, loc. cit. ; Amasia had in 1826 the same reputation, but has now a Bektashi tekke, as has Teire (for which see Schlechta- Wssehrd, Denk. Wien. Akad., P.-H. Cl. viii, 1857, b 47)· 7 Travels, ii, 160. 8 Taylor seems to have found a tekke at Arabkir in i860 1868, xxxviii, 312). 514 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi § 2. Mesopotamia In Mesopotamia there are Bektashi tekkes in the neighbourhood of the Shia holy-places : these are rather rest-houses for Bektashi pilgrims than regular tekkes. They are at Bagdad (with tomb of Gulgul Baba),1 Kazimain (a suburb of Bagdad sacred for Shias as containing the tombs of the Imams Musa and Jafer Sadik), Kerbela, Nejef, and Samara. There seem to be no Bektashi tekkes in Syria (certainly not at Damascus or Jerusalem), where the population seems to be little in sympathy with dervishes in general. § 3. Egypt Cairo. The Bektashi convent on the Mokattam above the citadel is the only establishment of the order in Egypt. A great cave in the precincts of the convent serves as turbe or mausoleum ; the chief saint buried in it (reputed the founder of the convent) is named Kaigusuz2 Sultan. He was a pupil of Abdal Musa3 and brought the Bektashi faith to Egypt. He is said to have been a prince by birth, and bore in the world the name of Sultanzade Ghaibi. His reputation is great among the Bektashi, who regard him as the founder of the fourth branch of the order. It seems unlikely that the grave of Kaigusuz is authentic or that the convent is of great antiquity.4 Pococke and Perry, who examined this slope of the Mokattam pretty carefully in the first 1 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 242, 244. 2 Kaigusuz is said to be a word used by the Bektashi for pilaf. Vaujany, Caire, pp. 284 f., translates the name as 6 Papa Sans-Souci \ Mr. W. S. Edmonds was told at the tekke that the word meant devil- may-care . 3 See above, s. v. Elmali, p. 506. 4 This view is borne out by the history of the tomb and tekke given to Mr. Edmonds by the dervishes in 1917. The original tekkey they said, was founded a. h. 806 (a. d. 1403-4) by Kaigusuz Sultan at Kasr-el-Aini, which is on the east bank of the Nile opposite Roda Island and about one and a half miles south of Cairo. In a. h. 844 (a. d. 1440-1) Kaigusuz Sultan died. The Bektashis had been friendly Egypt 515 half of the seventeenth century, notice ‘ grottoes ’ but no tekke ; the latter says expressly that the grottoes were uninhabited.1 The foundation may thus be con- nected with the spread of Bektashism in the later years of the eighteenth century and not improbably with the Albanian mercenaries who served at this time in Egypt, possibly with Mohammed Ali himself, who is said by some Bektashi to have been a member of their sect. The same is said of Omer Vrioni, of Berat, who seems to have done some soldiering in Egypt. The following description of the Cairo establishment of the Bektashi seems the best available : 4 The tekiya projects from the hill, and may be distinguished from afar by a bank of verdant foliage with which it is fronted. Ascending a long flight of steps and passing through a small garden, you enter the tekiya, which has lately been rebuilt for the der- vishes by the Khedive Ismail and some of the prin- cesses.3 The hall for the devotions of the members, the rooms of the shêkh, and the sumptuous kitchen may be inspected. . . . The small open court of the tekiya leads into an ancient quarry . . . penetrating the rock for more than 200 feet. A pathway of matting enclosed by a wooden railing leads to the innermost recess, where lies buried the Shêkh Abdallah el-Maghawri, e. of the Grotto or Cave ( Maghâra). His original name was with the Jelali dervishes, who then occupied the present tekke, and therefore Kaigusuz Sultan and succeeding dedes were buried in the present tekke. In a. h. 1212 (a. d. 1797-8) the Jelalis left the present tekke ; in a. h. 1242 (a. d. 1826-7) [the year of Mahmud IPs destruction of the Janissaries and Bektashi tekkes.—F. W. H.] the Kasr-el-Aini tekke was given to the Kadri dervishes who now have it, and in a. h. 1269 (A*D· 1852-3) the Egyptian government for the first time appointed a de de to the present tekke of Kaigusuz Sultan. 1 View of the Levant, p. 234. 2 1863-79. 3 Cf. Baedeker, Egypt (1898), p. 53 : ( A handsomely gilt coffin here is said to contain the remains of a female relative of the Khedive ’— evidently buried here as a benefactress of the tekke. 516 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi Kêghûsûz, and he was a native of Adalia. Sent as deputy to Egypt to propagate the doctrines of the frater- nity, he settled there and took the name of Abdallah.’1 At the present day the tekke of Kaigusuz at Cairo appears to be the only Bektashi establishment in Egypt or indeed in North Africa. The sect may owe its persistence here to the floating Albanian population ; the present abbot is a Tosk Albanian. The sect formerly held also the tekke of Kasr-el-Aini in Old Cairo, which is claimed by Assad Efendi as an original foundation of the Nakshbandi.2 The is first mentioned by Pococke, who, however, does not state to which order it belonged.3 Wilkinson says it was founded by the Bektashi and belonged to them till transferred to the Kadri by Ibrahim Pasha.4 This, it will be seen, is substantially the history supplied to Mr. Edmonds by the present dervishes.5 § 4. Constantinople The following list of Bektashi tekkes existing at the capital was given me at the of Shehidler above Rumeli Hisar.6 A.—European side. 1. Yedi Rule (Kazli Cheshme), Sheikh Abdullah. 2. Top Kapu, Sheikh Abdullah. 1 Murray’s Eygpt (1900), p. 29. Vaujany (Caire, pp. 284 f.) says the cave has been excavated in the rock and measures 75 X 75 metres ; the convent was formerly a poor construction of crude brick, but was rebuilt in 1872. A view from the outside is figured by Migeon, Caire, p. 82. Mr. Edmonds adds that the tomb is at the very end of the cave, being approached by about twenty yards of causeway along which sick people roll themselves for cure. 2 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 300. з Descr. of the East, i, 29. 4 Modern Egypt, i, 287 : cf. Browne in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 573, from which the tekke appears to have been Bektashi as late as 1808. 5 Above, p. 514, n. 4. 6 Similar lists are given by Tschudi in Jacob, Bektaschijje, pp. 51 ff., and Depont and Coppolani, Confréries Musulmanes, pp. 530-1. Constantinople 517 3. Kariadin (above Eyyub), Sheikh Hafiz Baba. 4. Sudlija, Sheikh Husain Baba. 5. Karagach (near Kiaghit Khane), Sheikh Munir Baba. 6. Rumeli Hisar (Shehidler). Nos. I and 2 are for celibates. The sheikhs of 6 are of Anatolian descent, and the office is hereditary. B.—Asiatic side. 7. Chamlija. 8. Merdiven Keui. This important tekke is said by the Bektashi to contain the grave of a very ancient warrior-saint, Shahkuli, who ‘ fought against Constan- tine ’ and was here buried. The name of the founder of the tekke was given me as Mehemet Ali Baba, and that of the present sheikh as Haji Ahmed Baba. The tekke is also said to contain the grave of Azbi Chaush, who conducted Misri Efendi to exile and was converted by him on the way.1 At the suppression of the Order in 1826, there were fourteen convents in the capital,1 2 of which nine were demolished.3 These were at (1) Yedi Kule, (2) Eyyub, (3) Sudlija, (4) Karagach, (5) Shehidlik,4 (6) Chamlija, (7) Merdiven Keui, (8) Eukuz Liman,5 and (9) Skutari.6 It thus appears that since 1826 the Bektashi have 1 Brown, Dervishes, p. 164 ; for Misri Efendi, a seventeenth-century poet and heresiarch with a leaning towards Bektashi doctrines, see Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. ii, 218, 228 ff. ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp Ott. xii, 45 ; and Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 312. 3 Rosen, Geschichte der Türkei, i, 19. 3 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 316· 4 The destruction of this tekke is mentioned by C. MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, i, 504. It is cited as belonging to the Melami- yun by J. P. Brown (Dervishes, p. 175). 5 Mentioned also by Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 81 ; Hammer, Con- stantinopolis, ii, 322. 6 Probably the tekke containing the tomb of Karaja Ahmed (on whom see above, pp. 403 ff.), of which the turbe survives. 518 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi managed to reinstate themselves in seven out of the nine proscribed tekkes, and to add one (Top Kapu) to the number of their Constantinople establishments.1 Of tekkes formerly occupied by the Bektashi in the Constantinople district we can cite : Rumeli Hisar. Durmish Dede, a sailors’ saint who died in the reign of Ahmed I, was buried on the point of Rumeli Hisar.2 This tekke is now in the hands of the Khalveti. Istranja, in the hills north-east of Constantinople.3 § 5. Turkey in Europe. In this country, and particularly in the neighbour- hood of Adrianople, the Bektashi had many , most of which were destroyed in the persecution of 1826. A. —Gallipoli Peninsula.4 There are still two tekkes here at KiLij Bahr (opposite the town of Dardanelles) and Ak Bashi (Sestos). This latter is a simple cell, tenanted by one dervish,5 who acts as guardian to the tomb of Ghazi Fazil Beg, one of the companions of Suleiman Pasha in his first invasion of Europe.6 B. —District of Adrianople. This district has been in its day a great stronghold of Bektashism. At Adrianople itself, a disreputable tekke on the hill called Khidrlik was suppressed already in 1 There were three Bektashi tekkes about 1850 (Brown, Dervishes, pp. 530 f.). 2 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 27, 68, 70 : * the Dervishes Begtâshi superin- tend it [the pilgrimage] with their drums and lamps ’ ; cf. Hammer- Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 85. 3 Ibid., I, ii, 88 : 4 there is a convent of Begtâshis ; they hunt for the Emperor harts, roes, and deer, of which they make hams/ 4 This district, now isolated, was probably connected with Adria- nople by a chain of tekkes down to 1826. The maps mark many tekkes between the two points, most of which, I am informed, are now farms. 5 As in E. D. Clarke’s time (Travels, iii, 86). 6 Cf Saad-ed-din, in Seaman’s Or chan, p. 80. Âdrianople 519 1641,1 and in 1826 no less than sixteen convents in the town and district were confiscated. The country round Adrianople, especially to the west of the city, into which district a numerous Turkish nomad population has been imported from Asia at various dates,2 preserves the names of many destroyed tekkes which have in recent years developed into farms or villages. East of Adrianople two such tekkes have left traditions behind them. These are : Eski Baba, on the main road to Constantinople. The saint here buried was identified with Sari Saltik, a famous Bektashi saint. The turbe is said to be an ancient church ofS. Nicolas; it is still frequented by Christians as well as Mohammedans.3 Bunar Hisar, some miles east of Kirk Kilise. The tekke seems to have been confiscated in 1826, but the grave of the saint, Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba, was still later a pilgrimage for Turks. The tekke is now a farm.4 South of Adrianople, Slade,5 in 1830, notes the sites of several Bektashi tekkes ruined during the attempted suppression of the order by Sultan Mahmud II. At Ferejik, on the hill above the village, he found 1 Jacob, Beiträge, p. 16 ; cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 69. Covel (Diaries, p. 248) says there was formerly a Greek church of S. George at this point. 2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 330 (Turks from Menemen sent to Philippopolis district) ; cf. Baker, Turkey in Europe, p. 382. 3 See below, pp. 578-9: also above, pp. 431-2. 4 See below, p. 579. This is the tekke which is said formerly to have contained an inscription in ‘Ancient Syrian’ letters ‘like nails\ probably the inscribed pillar set up by Darius at the sources of the Tearus (Jochmus,y./?.G.S., xxiv (1854), p. 44 ; see E. Unger, Jahrbuch, Arch. Anz. 1915, pp. 3 ff.)· I believe this pillar may have been ‘ adopted ’ by the Bektashi, like the sacred stone at Tekke Keui (see Macedonia below), as an additional attraction to the tekke of Bunar Hisar. Its cuneiform writing was probably recognized as ‘ Ancient Syrian ’ by some dervish who had visited the Shia sanctuaries in Mesopotamia where cuneiform monuments are common. 5 Travels, p. 470. 520 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi the ruins of a tekkeand a tomb-chamber containing the graves of five dervishes. The chief of these, he was informed, was Ibrahim Baba of the Bektashi order. Five miles farther on was the tomb of another Bektashi saint, Nefes Baba, who was said to have come from Gallipoli with the first Turkish conquerors, and to have founded a tekke here. Nefes Baba was the son of the King of Fez.1 Some miles farther on was a third Bek- tashi tekke, containing the tomb of a certain Rustem Baba, which Slade did not visit.1 2 Keshan. There is here a small tekke in the town itself, tenanted by a baba and servitors (Albanians). Domuz Dere (near Keshan). This tekke is tenanted by an abbot and three or four dervishes. Its history is particularly interesting in relation to the question of Bektashi usurpations. According to local tradition, borne out, as we shall see, by very solid evidence, the tekke was originally a small Greek monastery of S. George. The Bektashi are said to have gained a footing there during or after an epidemic of plague, which depopulated the neighbouring (Christian) village of Chiltik. This is said to have happened ‘ about sixty years ago ’, very possibly at the time of the last great outbreak of plague in European Turkey, which took place in 1836-9,3 almost within living memory. At the present time the feast-day of S. George is still celebrated at Domuz Dere by a panegyris of a social character, which is frequented both by Turks and Greeks ; the representatives of the two religions do not mix together more than is necessary. The original church 1 This is too evidently an inference from his name (nefes=4 Breath ’ and metaph. ‘ Spirit ’)· For a good account of Turkish Nefes ogli [jtV] see Hottinger, Hist. Orient, pp. 478-9, basing on Georgewicz, Epitome. 2 A probable Bektashi tekke on the outskirts of Ainos may be recog- nized in the building called Tunuz Baba Tekkesi (Lambakis in deA- TLOV Χριστ. Άρχαιολ. 'Εταιρείας, Η', 28). Cf. below, p. 581. 3 Edmund Spencer, Travels, ii, 378 ff. ‘ Ambiguous ’ Sanctuaries 521 of S. George has been divided by the dervishes into several compartments, including living-rooms and a tomb-chamber for the abbots’ graves ; the compart- ment including the original ‘ sanctuary ’ still preserves the upper part of the screen ( ), and on its north wall is an ancient eikon of S. George flanked by lighted lamps. This has been actually seen by my informant. So recent and so well-documented1 a case of Bektashi usurpation as this must be regarded as a warning against excess of scepticism in appreciating legends current elsewhere, and resting solely on tradition, of similar occurrences. What happened at Domuz Dere probably happened mutatis mutandis at Eski Baba,2 and may have happened at many other ‘ ambiguous ’ sanctuaries ; the story of the Christian eikon jealously guarded at the tekke of Rini,3 if it be a fable, is at least a fable not with- out historical parallels. At the same time tradition must not be accepted blindly. We know for a fact that many Christian churches have been transformed into mosques by the Turks. Yet the * traditions ’ as to the Christian past of mosques are often demonstrably false ; notoriously so in the case of the mosque of Isa Bey or ‘ Church of S. John ’ at Ephesus. West of Adrianople, as we have said, Bektashi estab- lishments were thickly planted, but most were destroyed in 1826. At Kush Kavak, at the fork of the main road leading from Adrianople to Kirjali and Gumuljina,a said by the Bektashi still to exist. It may be that of Ohad Baba, marked on the War Office map just north of the village. Dimetoka. Tekkes of Kizil Deli Sultan in this dis- 1 After my husband’s death I learned that his plausible informant had been detected supplying false information to a British War Department. Had my husband known this, he might have been more sceptical of his statements on Domuz Dere.—M.M.H. 2 Above, p. 519. 3 See below, p. 766, n. 4. 3295.2 M 522 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi trict are mentioned by Assad Efendi1 as among those demolished in 1826. The name of the saint is shown on our maps in the district due west of Dimetoka, which adjoins the Kirjali district transferred by the treaty of Bucharest to Bulgaria. § 6. Bulgaria Kirjali, the district adjoining that of Adrianople on the west and lately ceded to Bulgaria, contains the grave and tekke of the Bektashi saint Said Ali Sultan. The tekke was destroyed by the Bulgars in the last war, the turbe (mausoleum) being spared. Haskovo, between Philippopolis and the frontier, half a day north of Kirjali, possesses (or possessed) a tekke with the grave of Mustafa Baba.2 It is, as usual, at some distance from the town. Razgrad (near). There was also till recently an isolated tekke containing the grave of Hasan Demir Baba Pehlivan, who lived £ 400 years ago ’ and per- formed a number of miracles. The tekke was founded early in the nineteenth century by Hasan Pehlivan Baba, Pasha of Rustchuk.3 A good description of it, the legend 1 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 325 : special instructions regarding these tekkes are given in the text of the firman printed by the same author at pp. 325 ff. : < Vous vous rendrez d’abord à Adrianople ; là, de concert avec Mohammed-Assad-Pacha, gouverneur de Tcharmen, vous expulserez des tékiés de Kizil-Déli-Sultan les bektachis qui s’y trouvent . . . Notre intention est de destiner au casernement des corps de soldats de Mahomet qui pourront par suite être formés dans ces contrées les bâtiments spacieux et commodes de quelques-uns de ces établissements, et de transformer les grandes salles en mosquées.’ For Kizil Deli Sultan see also Brown, Dervishes, p. 325 ; Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28. 2 The tekke seems to be mentioned by Quiclet (Voyages, p. 149). An Albanian Bektashi informant assures me that no Bektashi establish- ment now exists here, but is contradicted by Midhat Bey Frasheri who, though not himself an adherent of the order, comes of a Bektashi family and was resident in Bulgaria at the time of my inquiries. 3 Jirecek, Bulgarien, p. 411. Bulgaria and Rumania 523 of the buried hero, and a block of the tekke and its surroundings are given by Kanitz.1 Rustchuk now has a tekke built about 1920 by Baba Kamber, formerly abbot of Kichok in Albania.2 A tekke of Mustafa Baba, between Rustchuk and Silistria, is mentioned by Jacob.3 Elsewhere in Bulgaria there is said to be a Bektashi community at Selvi in the district of Tirnovo, but my informant4 does not know whether they possess a . An Albanian dervish at Melchan 5 told me there was formerly a tekke at Tirnovo itself, but it had been destroyed already before the Balkan War. § 7. Rumania Three tekkes of the Bektashi are mentioned within the present frontiers of Rumania : At Baba Dagh was a Bektashi convent containing one of the graves of Sari Saltik.6 At Kilgra (Kaliakra) on the Black Sea, Evliya visited a tekke of Bektashi containing another reputed grave of the same saint.7 I am informed that the site is now completely deserted, though it remains a pilgrimage for Moslems and Christians alike. Balchik (near). Here was formerly a Bektashi tekke of great importance, one of the largest in Rumeli. The saint there buried was called Hafiz Khalil Baba, or Akyazili Baba, and was by Christians identified with S. Athanasius.8 § 8. Serbia In ‘ new Serbia ’, i.e.Serbian Macedonia, tekkes are said to exist, or to have existed, at the following places ; 1 Op. cit. iii, 298 ff. (pp. 535 f. in the French translation ; see above, p. 296) ; cj‘ Niebuhr, ReisebeSchreibung^ iii, 174. 2 Μ. Μ. H. from several Albanians in 1923 ; see below, p. 544. 3 Beiträge, p. 17. 4 Midhat Bey Frasheri. 5 See below, p. 546. 6 Evliya, Travelsy ii, 72 ; cjbelow, pp. 575 f. 7 See above, pp. 429-31. 8 See above, pp. 90-2. M 2 524 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi many of them seem to have been destroyed during and after the Balkan war : Mon astir. Here there is a small tekke in the town, with the grave of Husain Baba, the founder, dated 1872-3 ; this tekke was unharmed in 1914. It is mutehhil. In the neighbourhood 1 there were two tekkes. At Kishova was a tekke founded by Khidr Babar, said to be old, and tenanted formerly by six or seven dervishes. It was mutehhil. On the death of the last baba the tekke was shut up and the Serbs arranged a church of S. Nicolas in it, saying it had formerly been such. At Kanadlar still exists a large said to have been founded about 200 years ago by Dikmen Baba, whom Kurd Baba succeeded. Uskub. Here therè were, before the war, two Bek- tashi tekkes named after Mustafa Baba and Suleiman Baba, the latter a recent establishment apparently ex- tinct in 1923. There was then no abbot at Mustafa Baba’s, only a married dervish. Other tekkes in this district are, or were, at : Kalkandelen. Here still exists a large and impor- tant tekke containing the supposed grave of Sersem Ali. This tekke was founded by Riza Pasha (d. 1822), at the instance of Muharrebe Baba, who discovered, by revela- tion, the tomb of Sersem АН.г The tekke stands within a rectangle of high walls, each pierced by a handsome gateway, just outside the town. The buildings include lodgings for the dervishes, two oratories ( ), the tombs of Sersem Ali, Muharrebe Baba, Riza Pasha, and others, a large open mesjid standing on columns, guest- rooms, kitchens, and farm buildings. All these seem to be of the date of the foundation ; they are for the most 1 Part of this section is by M.M.H. and based on information collected locally in 1923. 1 See below, p. 592, and, for Sersem Ali, Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28. Serbia 525 part picturesque and rather elaborate wooden buildings with deep porticoes. Pleasant fruit and flower-gardens are included in the precinct. At Tekke Keui, near the station of Alexandrovo, between Kumanovo and Uskub, is a small tekke with the grave of Karaja Ahmed. The cult has been dis- cussed by Evans ; 1 it now seems likely that this site will be transferred to Christianity.2 There were also tekkes at Ishtip and Kuprulu. Strumija3 (Strumnitza, in ‘ New Serbia ’). In this district there was, before the Balkan war, a Bektashi tekke containing the grave of a saint Ismail Baba, and a hot spring attributed to the agency of the saint’s foot. This tekke is now destroyed.4 In the Albanian district of Serbian Macedonia there were three tekkes. At Jakova still exists a new tekke built by the present abbot, Hafiz Baba. The Ipek tekke no longer survives. The Prizrend tekke £ built by the learned Haji Adem Baba, who now lives privately in Jakova, has been con- verted into a Serbian orphanage. A small tekke exists at Dibra. § 9. Greece 6 A.—Macedonia. {a) Salonica. A tekke formerly existing on the western outskirts of the town was destroyed during the Balkan war. 1 In J.H.S.xxi, 202 ff. ; fully above, pp. 274 ff. 1 Below, p. 582. 3 This tekke was in Bulgaria till after the European war. 4 From an Albanian dervish at Melchan (below, p. 546), who formerly resided at Strumija. 5 This tekke is mentioned by Brailsford, Macedonia, p. 247, and Jaray, VAlbanie Inconnue, p. 86. In his Au jeune Royaume d’Albanie, pp. 96-109, Jaray describes the tekkes of Ipek, Jakova, and Prizrend. 6 This section describes the Bektashi position as it was in Greece 526 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi (b) Kastoria. The tekke is situated at the entrance to the town on the Fiorina road. Small, insignificant, and in 1915 tenanted only by an abbot, who was gone in 1921,1 it is said to be ancient and formerly important. It suffered during the persecution of 1826. The chief saint buried here, Kasim Baba,2 is supposed to have lived at the time of the Turkish conquest, and enjoys considerable local fame as a posthumous miracle-worker. He is said during his lifetime to have converted many Christians by the somewhat crude method of hurling from the hill on the landward side of the isthmus of Kastoria a huge rock, which crashed into a church full of worshippers. Of a second tekke, occupied within living memory, at Toplitza (near the barracks) only the turbe and grave of Sanjakdar Ali Baba remain. The Bektashi also lay claim to the grave of Aidin Baba, in a humble turbe on the outskirts of the gipsy quarter. ( c) In the district of Anaselitza, west of the market- town of Lapsista, the Bektashi have a considerable following. The Moslem element in the population is here supposed to have been converted in recent times, ‘ a hundred and fifty years ago ’ being the usual esti- mate.3 This is borne out by the fact that the Moslems in question (called Vallahadhes) 4 speak Greek, and in some villages have deserted churches 5 (not converted into mosques), to which they show considerable respect. The Bektashi tekkes serving this district are at Vod- until the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) came into operation in 1924 and removed the Moslems to Asia Minor. 1 M.M.H. 2 Kuch in Albania also claims his real grave ; cfi. below, p. 547. He left his hand at Elbassan. M.M.H. 3 [Some certainly converted much earlier, for certain of their cemeteries contain tombstones dated as much as 350 years ago. Possibly there was a big movement at the traditional date.—M.M.H.] 4 For the Vallahadhes see the references given above, p. 8, n. 1. 5 For these see above, p. 8, n. 1 ad fin. Greek Macedonia 527 horina, two and a half hours west of Lapsista, and at Odra, high up on the slopes of the Pindus range. Both tekkes are connected with the same saint, Emineh Baba, who seems to be historical. He is said to have been executed at Monastir in a.h. 1007 (1598-9) for pro- fessing the unorthodox opinions of Manzur-el-Halaj, who is claimed by the Bektashi as an early preacher of their doctrines and a precursor of their order.1 Emineh appeared to his sister on the night of his execution at her home in Lapsista ; she was preparing a meal to which guests were invited. He helped his sister in her preparations, and afterwards sat down to table. Some of the guests, noticing that he took nothing, pressed him to eat, which he refused to do, on the ground that he was fasting. Finally, however, yielding to their im- portunity, he ate, with the words ‘ If you had not made me eat, I should have visited you every evening.’ He then disappeared.2 VoDHORiNA. The tekke here is an ordinary house in the village, the turbes of former abbots being as usual some little distance away and not architecturally re- markable. It is said to have suffered in 1826 and is now occupied by an abbot only, who is from the district and claims direct descent from Emineh Baba,3 the being mutehhil. A room of the house itself contains a plain commemorative cenotaph of Emineh Baba, his habit ( khirka), and other relics ; this room is used by the sick for incubation. Other cenotaphs of the saint 1 He lived in the early part of the fourth century of the Hejira and was martyred for his opinions at Bagdad. See Hastings’s Encycl. of Relig. s.v. Hallaj. 2 From the abbot at Vodhorina. Has the story any relation to S. Luke’s account (xxiv, 30 ff.) of Christ’s appearance to the disciples after the Resurrection ? The district is, as above stated, recently converted. 3 [Confirmed by his relative, the (:mujerred) abbot of Odra. Dated tombs of the intervening abbots exist in the village of Vodhorina. —M.M.H.] 528 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi are said to exist at Kapishtitza (near Biglishta) and at Monastir.1 Odra is, like Vodhorina, a small establishment oc- cupied by an abbot and two or three dervishes, all local but one, who is an Albanian. The present abbot founded the tekke some forty years ago : it is , unlike his kinsman’s at Vodhorina. The great attrac- tion is a cave or chasm in the mountain, said to have been formed miraculously by Emineh Baba, who smote the mountain with his sword. Local Greek tradition identifies the Odra site with that of a former church of S. Menas, to whom is attributed the miracle of the cave ; the habit of Emineh at Vodhorina, which is of no great antiquity, is also believed to be that of S. Menas. The identification may be due merely to the verbal assimila- tion of the names Emineh and "At (d) Near Kozani, in the Sari Gueul district, is a group of three Bektashi tekkes. The district in question is inhabited entirely by Anatolian Turks (‘ Koniari ’), who were settled there in the early years of the Turkish conquest and preserve their language and customs un- changed. By religion they are partly Bektashi and partly fanatical Sunni Mohammedans. Juma. The most important of this group is built on a slight eminence just outside the village of the same name. It has every appearance of prosperity, and is occupied by an abbot and nine or ten dervishes. The saints buried in the adjoining turbe are Piri Baba and Erbei Baba. Their date is unknown, but the turbe was repaired, according to an inscription, by two dervishes (implying the existence of a foundation) in a.h. 1143 (1730-1), while in the surrounding cemetery several graves are slightly older.2 Unlike most tekkes in this 1 He is evidently confused, perhaps wilfully, with Khirka Baba, an (apparently historical) orthodox sheikh of Monastir who ‘ disappeared ’, leaving, like Emineh, his habit behind him ; see above, p. 358. 2 M.M.H. TheoldestisA.11. 1113. Greek Macedonia 529 district, Juma seems to be a place of considerable religi- ous importance. It is much frequented in May (especi- ally Wednesdays and Saturdays) by Moslem women on account of the reputation of its sacred well for the cure of sterility. I was told by the abbot that Christian women made use of this well on Sundays, and, though this was denied by educated Greeks of Kozani, it may be true of the less advanced women of the adjacent Bulgarian villages. The turbe of the saints is used for incubation by lunatics, and contains a club and an axe, regarded as personal relics of the saints, which are used for the cure (by contact with the affected part) of various ailments. There is also a very simple oracle, consisting in an earthenware ball, suspended from the roof of the turbe by a string. The inquirer swings the ball away from him ; if it strikes him on its return swing, the answer to his question is in the affirmative. Baghje, in a healthy and pleasant position among trees and running water in the hills above the village of Topjilar.1 The tekke itself is an insignificant house, occupied by an abbot from Aintab and his servants : the abbot came by an untimely end in 1921 and no successor had been appointed up to 1923.2 The , which contains the grave of Ghazi Ali Baba, a saint of vague antiquity, was rebuilt in 1915. Bujak, between the villages of Keusheler and Sofular, is now subordinated to Juma and has no abbot. It boasts the grave of Memi Bey Sultan and is inhabited by married dervishes. About it are many graves, one as old as a. 11. 1051,3 marked by the Bektashi , their number confirming the statement that Bujak was formerly the largest tekke of the three but never re- covered from its losses in 1826.4 An egg suspended in 1 This village is Sunni, its neighbour, Ine Obasi, Bektashi. 2 M.M.H. 3 M.M.H. This is A.D. 1641-2. “t [Except Ine Obasi, all the villages in this district are now Sunni, but inspection revealed Bektashi headstones in all the cemeteries. 530 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi Memi Bey’s turbe is used for divination about the wel- fare of the absent, the procedure being parallel to that of the wishing oracle at Juma.1 At Ineli, between the Sari Gueul district and Kaya- lar, there is a turbe with the tomb of Ghazi Baba. The property of the tekkes at Juma and Bujak was confiscated in 1826 and acquired by a rich Greek of Kozani, who, however, never prospered after his sacri- legious purchase. The land was bought back ‘ about forty years ago ’ and the tekkes reopened. Vague tradi- tions as to the Christian origins of these foundations are current in Kozani. Some say that all Christian church lands were seized at the Turkish conquest and that monasteries then became tekkes ; others are equally certain that Ali Pasha was responsible. The dedications of the supplanted monasteries are similarly disputed. Juma is variously said to occupy the site of a church of S. George or of S. Elias ; Baghje of S. Elias or of S. Demetrius ; and Bujak perhaps one of S. George. The site of Baghje certainly suggests that of a Greek monas- tery, but a site suitable for a monastery is equally suit- able for a tekke, and the abbot informed me that in the considerable agricultural and building operations which have taken place under his direction, no evidence of former buildings has come to light. Christians frequent all three tekkes for healing purposes. (e) Elassona. Here there is a small tekke beside the Serfije (Serbia) road on the outskirts of the town. In 1915 it was occupied by an (Albanian) abbot only, in 1922 he, too, was gone and the tekke shut and deserted.2 The Greeks say it was founded after the union of Thessaly with Greece (1882), but the occupants hold that it is a good deal older. The chief saint is Sali Baba, who is buried in a simple turbe with the (two) successive abbots of the tekke, the late incumbent being the third : Evidently the Bektashi movement had ramified very widely before 1826.—M.M.H.] M.M.H. * M.M.H. Thessaly 531 the turbe is dated 1250 (1834-5). Sali Baba is repre- sented as a saint of much earlier date,1 who enjoyed a local vogue before the turbe was built at the instance of the first abbot (Nejib Baba), and at the expense of certain local beys. We have here, to all appearance, a documented instance of the occupation of a popular saint-cult by the Bektashi.3 Nejib Baba probably es- tablished himself as guardian of the grave, and received instructions in a vision as to the building of the turbe from its saintly occupant.3 (/) Aikaterini. It is at first sight surprising to find a Bektashi tekke in what is now a purely Greek coast- district ; but Leake’s account shows that in his time the local landowners were Moslems, and the bey of the village was connected by marriage with Ali Pasha : 4 the tekke was probably inter alia a road-post like All’s foundations in Thessaly.5 B.—Thessaly. All available evidence points to the period and in- fluence of Ali Pasha as responsible for the propagation of Bektashism in this province, ceded to Greece in 1882 ; this evidence is the stronger as coming from several independent sources. Rini. The sole remaining Bektashi tekke in Thessaly is at Rini, between Velestino and Pharsala.6 In 1914, 1 ‘ Five hundred years ago the formula for the period of the Tur- kish conquest. 2 See below, p. 566. 3 This is the typical development of a purely popular cult into a dervish establishment carried one step further than in the case of the tomb of Risk Baba at Candia (see below, Crete). [Circumstances having permitted me to make more extensive researches locally than my husband, I found in Albania, where new tekkes are constantly being built, that this is true in some cases, not in others. The tekke is frequently built round his actual grave, within a few years of his death, to perpetuate the memory of some dervish, who had won especial esteem in his lifetime, but died away from the tekke within which hr had lived.—M.M.H.] 4 N. Greece, iii, 415. 5 See below, p. 533. 6 See below, p. 582. 532 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi I found it tenanted only by an (Albanian) abbot and servitors. The rest of the dervishes, who seem also to have been Albanians, left at the time of the Balkan war. The tekke is beautifully situated and appears prosperous. Two turbes containing the tombs (i) of the saints Tur- bali Sultan, Jafer, and Mustafa, all reputed warriors of the period of the Turkish conquest, and (2) of certain venerated sheikhs, stand before the great gate of the tekke. These turbes are of some architectural interest, and seem at least as early as the seventeenth century ; in this they differ from most Bektashi buildings I have seen, which are unpretentious and obviously recent. According to local savants' the tekke was originally a Latin monastery, dedicated to S. George or S. Deme- trius, and was occupied by dervishes from Konia (Mev- levi ?) in the first half of the seventeenth century. Ali Pasha transferred it to the Bektashi ; it escaped the persecutions of 1826, and down to the occupation of the country by the Greeks, and even after, had a bad reputation as the resort of brigands and other bad characters.2 So late as 1888 there were 54 dervishes in residence. Other Bektashi tekkes in the province, now no longer existent, were established, according to the local autho- rities, by Ali and dissolved in 1826, at the following places : (1) Near Tatar, at the spot called Tekke and marked by a fine grove of cypresses.3 The present proprietor of the site, now a farm ( chiftlik), Mr. P. Apostolides, kindly informs me that it was till recently in the hands of the Mevlevi order,4 and that of the buildings an octagonal turbe is preserved, which is supposed to con- tain the tomb of the founder. His name was given me 1 See below, p. 766. * below, p. 767. 3 Mentioned by Leake, N. Greece, i, 445. 4 It may have passed from the Bektashi to the Mevlevi in 1826 ; cf. below, p. 553. Thessaly 533 at Rini as Balli Baba. The rest of the buildings were burnt in the war of 1897.1 (2) Near the village of Kupekli was a tekke contain- ing the grave of Shahin Baba. (3) The tekke of Hasan Baba at the entrance to the gorge of Tempe 2 is represented by the local authorities as another Bektashi convent founded or supported by Ali in order to control the traffic of the important road through the defile. Though the saint is, I believe, claimed by the Nakshbandi, ‘ Baba ’ more generally de- notes a Bektashi saint, and Hasan Baba seems to be re- presented as a warrior-saint of the usual Bektashi type. On the other hand, Dodwell’s drawing (1805) shows the tekke with a mosque and minaret, which latter is an unusual feature in a Bektashi convent. Edward Lear, in the fifties, describes the dervish in charge as ‘ steeple hatted ’, which rather points to the Mevlevi as the then occupants. At the fall of the Bektashi ( 1826), they were in the ascendant by the favour of Sultan Mahmud II.3 All these tekkes are said by local Greeks to have been made use of for political purposes by Ali, and their sites on or near important highways to have been selected w’ith that intent. All’s political connexion with the order is discussed elsewhere.4 Bektashis, however, state that the tekkes were founded at the time of the Turkish conquest. (4) At Trikkala Leake found a large and prosperous tekke built by Ali himself.5 1 The tekke was the head-quarters of the Turkish staff on May 9 (Bigham, With the Turkish Army in Thessaly, p. 92). 2 Dodwell, Fiews in Greece, II, vi (cf. Tour through Greece, ii, 107) ; Urquhart, Spirit of the East, ii, 27 ; Lear, Albania, p. 406 ; Chirol, Tzvixt Greek and Turk> p. 114.

3 Below pp. 620 ff. 4 See also below, pp. 586 ff.

5 N. Greece, iv, 284 : c Trikkala has lately been adorned by the Pasha

with a new Tekieh, or college of Bektashli dervises,on the site of a former
one. He has not only removed several old buildings to give more
space and air to this college, but has endowed it with property in

534 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

Agia (near). A Bektashi tekke at Aidinli, three miles
north-west of Agia (Magnesia) is mentioned by Leake as
being built by Ali Pasha in 1809.1 This seems to be
identical with the convent of ‘ Alicouli ’ mentioned by
Pouqueville.3

At Larissa the c Forty Saints whoSe tombs were
formerly to be seen at the £ Mosque of the Forty ’
(.Kirklar Jami), now destroyed, are claimed by the

Bektashi.

C.—Crete.

The Bektashi of Crete are now distributed in the
three chief towns of the island, Candia, Rethymo, and
Canea. There was formerly a tekke at H. Vlasios, a
Mohammedan village two hours south of Candia. At
Canea I obtained from a Bektashi layman approximate
statistics of the strength of the order in the three towns
before and after the troubles of 1897, which resulted in
a considerable emigration of Moslem Cretans to Asia
Minor, Tripolitania, and the Sporades. This move-
ment is reflected in the statistics, which are given for
what they are worth :

(1) Before 1897.

Candia……… 5,000

Rethymo .. 3,000

Canea .. .. 200

(2) Present day.

About 500
1,000
70

The district south of Candia was that in which the

khans, shops, and houses, and has added some fields on the banks of the
Lethaeus. There are now about fifteen of these Mahometan monks in
the house with a Sheikh or Chief, who is married to an Ioannite woman,
and as well lodged and dressed as many a Pasha. Besides his own
apartments, there are very comfortable lodgings for the dervises, and
every convenience for the reception of strangers.5

1 N. Greece, iv, 413 : 4 At Aidinli, Aly Pasha is now building a
Tekiéh for his favourite Bektashlis.5

2 Voyage dans la Grèce, iii, 61 : 4 … le bourg turc d’Alicouli, dont
le Téké, qui est le plus riche de la Thessalie, est le chef-lieu de l’ordre des
Bektadgis.5 The sheikh, Ahmed, was an acquaintance of Pouqueville’s.

Crete 535

Moslem element was strongest. It is hardly necessary
to say that the Moslem Cretans are of Cretan blood and
represent the indigenous element con ver ted from Christi-
anity since the Turkish conquest. The small number
of Bektashi at Canea, the capital of the island and an
important town, is accounted for by the fact that the
Mevlevi are strong there, as also, owing to the floating
population of Tripolines (‘ Halikuti ’) from Benghazi,
the Rifai.

Can dia. The tekke lies on the main road three-
quarters of an hour south of the town, near the site of
Knossos and the village of Fortezza.1 It was founded
before the fall of Candia (1669), in 1650* by a cele-
brated saint named Khorasanli Ali Dede, who is buried
there. The present venerable sheikh, who has the title
of khalife,1 2 3 is an Albanian from Kolonia and a celibate ;

his predecessor was married, and at his death it was
thought more expedient for the convent that a celi-
bate should succeed him. There are about a dozen der-
vishes, many of whom seem to be Albanian. The tekke
has every appearance of prosperity and good manage-
ment.

Outside the New Gate of Candia is the tomb of Risk
Baba, who is distinguished by the segmented taj on his
headstone as a Bektashi saint. To judge by the mass of
rags affixed to a tree in his precinct he is a very popular
intercessor. A small hut built beside the grave is that
of a self-appointed guardian of the tomb, who is buried
beside the saint.

The tekke at Rethymo contains the grave of Hasan
Baba. At Canea there is now no tekke owing to Bek-

1 The tekke is described, with a photograph of the meidan, by Hall
in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. 1913, pp. 147 ff. and pi. 39, and mentioned by
Spratt, Crete, i, 81.

2 Of this I was assured there was documentary evidence by a learned

Bektashi layman of Candia. The Turkish head-quarters during the long
siege of Candia were at Fortezza. 3 See below, p. 537, n. 4.

536 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

tashi migration.1 A Bektashi warrior-saint Mustafa
Ghazi is buried under an open turbe on the outskirts of
the town ; his headstone bears the taj of the order.
This tomb is much frequented by the Tripolines on
May 22.

D.—Epirus.

In this region Bektashism seems to have taken no
permanent root south of latitude 400. In spite of Ali
Pasha’s patronage,2 the Bektashi admit that they have
never possessed a tekke at Yannina, his capital, where
the only trace of them is the tomb of Hasan Sheret
Baba, a saint of All’s time, and that of Ali himself, the
headstone of which was formerly distinguished by the
regulation Bektashi tajJ> On the road between Yannina
and Metzovo a tekke which formerly existed is now
deserted ; we may probably regard it as one of All’s
‘ strategic ’ foundations devised to control the impor-
tant pass into Thessaly.4

At KoNiTZA exists what is said to be a very old tekke.
Husain Baba is the oldest baba buried there, with Turabi
Baba beside him. The present abbot is Haidar Baba.5

§ 10. Albania

The great stronghold of modern Bektashism is Al-
bania, especially south Albania, where nine-tenths of

1 The sheikh formerly in charge was invited by Cretan Bektashi
refugees in Benghazi to come and minister to them, but he died
without founding a tekke there ; this would have been difficult owing
to the predominance of the Rifai and Senussi sects in that district.

2 See below, pp. 586 ίϊ.

3 This is shown in a drawing of the tomb in Walsh’s Constantinople,
and was mentioned to me as proof of All’s connexion with the sect by
an elderly Epirote, who remembered seeing it. The headstone is
now replaced by a wooden post.

4 See above, Thessaly.

3 The son of a dervish sheikh at Konitza (probably therefore a Bek-
tashi) was martyred for Christianity at Vrachori in 1814 (‘ S. John the
Neomartyr of Konitza’, for whose life see N. Λειμών., p. 331 ; cf.
above, p. 449, n. 7).

Albania 537

the Moslem population are said by Bektashis to be
Bektashi, one-tenth only of the Ghegs of the north
adhering to the sect.

As to the history of Bektashism in south Albania
(sometimes called North Epirus), my researches have
been able to establish the leading facts : (1) that it is
of comparatively recent introduction, and (2) that the
firm root it has taken is mainly due to the influence of
Ali Pasha (1759-1822), who was himself a member of
the order.1 The Tosks regard the tekke of Kastoria 2 as
the most ancient in their country, but Kastoria belongs
geographically to Macedonia. The date of this tekke is
vague, and, as elsewhere in Rumeli, the saint there
buried is referred to the period of the Turkish conquest,
and his personality is frankly superhuman. On the
Albanian side of the mountains, on the other hand, the
dates of the saints are known and recent,3 and they have
no pretensions to be more than the founders of the
tekkes where their bones lie. In point of antiquity the
Argyrokastro foundations claim to be earlier than Ali
Pasha, but can produce no evidence. The Koritza
group, Konitza, the important of Frasheri, and

some others are admittedly foundations of All’s con-
temporaries, while many others confess to a much later
origin.

With very few exceptions the saints buried in Al-
banian tekkes seem to be of small religious importance,
the living abbot being much more considered.4 To an

1 This idea was put forward long ago on the evidence of tradition,
which is no safe guide, since a figure like All’s bulks large in popular
thought and is apt to absorb much that does not belong to it.

2 Above, Macedonia.

3 Cf., however, Hasan Dede of Klissura, alleged to be 350-400 years
old (below, p. 543).

4 Abbots may be appointed by khalifes as well as by the Akhi Dede
of Haji Bektash. In the Albanian area khalifes exist at Argyrokastro,
Turan (Tepelen), and Prizrend. A khalife seems to be a higher grade
of abbot, cf. above, p. 507.—M.M.H.

3295.3 N

538 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

outsider it appears that the Albanian temperament has
evolved a form of Bektashism in which the social organi-
zation rather than the religious-superstitious side is
uppermost. This is borne out also by externals ; the
Bektashi tekkes throughout the district have no dis-
tinguishing marks and no set plan. They are generally
built simply and solidly, like good country houses, and
situated just outside villages, more rarely in proximity
to considerable towns. The tombs of the saints are in
very simple turbes standing well away from the main
buildings, it is said for reasons of health.

Characteristic of the time at which Bektashism won
its foothold in Albania—the era of the French Revolu-
tion—is the prominence given here, in theory at least,
to certain liberal ideas, such as the Brotherhood of Man
and the unimportance of the dogmas and formalities
of religion as compared with conduct. Both these ideas
and the quietisi doctrines, which to some extent depend
on them, are latent in much dervish thought ; but they
are radically opposed to the stern ideal of Islam pro-
pagated by the sword which animated the Janissaries
in their days of conquest, and which shows itself in the
conception of the earlier Bektashi saints as superhuman
champions of the Faith.

The persecution of Sultan Mahmud (1826) touched
the Albanian Bektashi lightly, owing not only to the
fact that the movement in Albania had not reached its
height, but also doubtless to the wildness and inaccessi-
bility of the country ; we may well believe, indeed, that
it was a refuge for Bektashi proscribed elsewhere, cer-
tainly for those of Albanian birth.

The only orders competing with the Bektashi in
southern Albania were the orthodox Sadi (at Lias-
kovik) and the Khalveti ; of this latter an offshoot,
known as the Hayati,1 has or had establishments at
1 I can find in printed sources no mention of this order or sub-order.
Their patron is said to be Hasan of Basra. They can, I think, hardly

Albania 539

Tepelen 1 (burnt), Liaskovik (burnt), Koritza (ruined),
Biglishta, Changeri, Progti, and Okhrida. The Khalveti-
Hayati are said to have come into Albania later than the
Bektashi, but are shown by the date over the portal of
their ruined tekke at Liaskovik (1211 = 1796-7) to be no
recent intruders.

Sultan Abdul Mejid (1839-61) is said not only to
have abstained from persecuting the Bektashi, but to
have given positive orders that they were not to be
molested.2 Abdul Hamid seems to have suspected them,,
and is said to have sent a special emissary to Albania to
report on the extent of the heresy and the number of
tekkes, but no persecution or active measures followed.
His suspicions were probably based on the participation
of the Bektashi in the national movement of 1880-I,
when the cession of part of southern Albania to Greece
was under discussion, and the southern Albanians rose
under Abdul Bey Frasheri, ostensibly to save the threat-
ened provinces to Turkey, but really aiming at an inde-
pendent Albanian state.

The losses of the Bektashi order in Epirus during the
troubles succeeding the Balkan war were enormous,
many tekkes having been burnt to the ground, and most
of the remainder looted of everything moveable by the
Epirote irregulars. The nominal excuse for this was
(1) that the order was implicated in the national Al-
banian (and therefore anti-Greek) movement, and (2)
that some tekkes were suspected of having harboured
not only ‘ bands ’ but fugitives from justice (the two
categories largely overlap) and to have shared their
be identical with Rycaut’s Hayetti (Ottoman Empire, p. 61), an heretical
sect with Christian leanings, the Khalveti being regarded as orthodox.
Fadil Bey Klissura regards the Hayati also as orthodox.

1 This is presumably the establishment mentioned by Miss Durham,
Burden of the Balk ans, p. 242.

2 Aravantinos (Χρονογραφία της Ήιτζίρου (1857)? Щ 18) notes,
evidently with surprise, that in his day many of the inhabitants of
Argyrokastro were ope7tly Bektashi.

N 2

540 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

plunder. To this the Bektashi would probably reply
that they were natural allies, by blood and language, of
the Albanian cause and that hospitality, irrespective of
persons, is the rule of the order. It is clear that in such
a country the evident prosperity of the , whatever
the character of their inmates, would be sufficient to
attract the cupidity of guerrilla captains ; several der-
vishes are said to have been murdered because they
would not or could not disclose the whereabouts of their
supposed wealth.

Further north the chief Bektashi district is that of
Malakastra, a Tosk district lying between the River
Voyussa (Aous) and that of Berat (Lumi Beratit).
Numerous Bektashi tekkes existed here before the war,
but all were then destroyed, because such as escaped the
Greek irregulars immediately after the war were burnt
by the Gheg followers of Essad Pasha of Tirana.1 The
history of the conversion of this district to Bektashism
is vague : all seem agreed that it is recent, certainly
more recent than in Epirus. There seems considerable
probability that the beginnings of the propaganda are
as old as the time of Ali Pasha, since we know that the
sect was established further north (at Kruya, q.v.) in his
time, and some Bektashi claim that Omer Vrioni of
Berat2 and a certain Mahmud Bey of Valona, contem-
poraries of Ali, were in the movement.3 Traces of
Bektashism are to be found both at Valona and at
Berat, and neither Omer nor Mahmud is, like Ali, a
great figure to which popular tradition refers all events
indiscriminately. Still further north Bektashism is only
sporadic owing to the strong Sunni opinions and conse-
quent opposition of the Ghegs.

1 Essad is the great-grandson of the murderer of Mimi, below, p. 550.

2 The beys of Berat are said to be Bektashi (they denied this in
1923 to M. M. H.).

3 Degrand {Haute Albanie, p. 211) cites also a contemporary Ibrahim
Bey of Kavaya as a member of the sect.

Argyrokastro in Albania 541

The following1 is a list of the Bektashi in

Albania before the Balkan war. Villages with tekkes are
grouped with their market towns.

i. Argyrokastro. Bektashism is said to have gained
a footing here ‘ about 150 years ago ’. Ali Pasha’s in-
fluence was strong here owing to the marriage of his
sister to a powerful local bey.1 2 The chief tekke is that
of Haji Suleiman Baba, delightfully situated on a small
isolated eminence near the town. Before the Balkan
war twenty dervishes resided here ; there are now
rather fewer. The history of the tekke cannot be traced
for more than 90 years ; the earliest of the four turbes
containing the graves of deceased abbots dates only from
1862-3, but according to legend Argyrokastro was visited
at a vague early date by the Bektashi saints Hasan Baba 3
(really a Nakshbandi) and Mustafa Baba, of whom the
latter is buried here. The abbot is a ,4

Asim Baba’s tekke on the other side of Argyrokastro
was founded ‘ two hundred years ’ ago and is reckoned one
of the oldest in Albania. The founder and his successor
are buried on either side of the gateway so that they
may pray for all who enter. There are now seven der-
vishes with the learned Selim Baba as abbot. The Rule
of the tekke is unusually strict : no spirits are allowed
and dervishes are forbidden to quit the tekke grounds.
In addition, they wear a four-ridged taj outside the
ordinary twelve-ridged Bektashi hat in souvenir of 1826,
when only by adopting some such disguise could Bek-
tashi dervishes escape destruction.

The tekke of Zeynel Abidin Baba, between the town
and Haji Suleiman’s, is now deserted. It is 133 years
old.

1 [From this point onwards most of the information given comes
from my own 1923 notebooks, as conditions were then more normal
in Albania than when my husband travelled.—M. M. H.]

2 Leake, N. Greece, i, 40 ; cf. Hahn, Alban. Studien, p. 35.

3 See above, pp. 356-7. * See above, p. 537, n. 4.

542 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

Four hours S.E. of Argyrokastro at Melan near
Nepravishta there is a tekke which was founded sixty
years ago as an offshoot of Asim Baba’s tekke at Argyro-
kastro.

ii. At Tepelen, the birthplace of Ali, there was never
a Bektashi tekke,1 but there were, and are, several in the

villages of the district. These are :

Velikiot, an old foundation, which has been closed
since its destruction by Sultan Mahmud. Husain Baba
was the oldest of its saints.

Turan, two hours from Tepelen. The tekke was
founded about 1900, having had only two abbots, Ali
Baba, who died A.H. I324(a.d. 1906-7), and the present
incumbent. The tekke is rich and has notv twelve der-
vishes : its abbot is a khalife?

Memalia, a rich tekke about eighty years old, with
Husain Baba as chief saint. Destroyed, like Turan, by
Greek irregulars, it was rebuilt, only to be overthrown
by the earthquake which recently devastated the Tepe-
len area. There are now only two dervishes.

Marichan is about thirty years old, being founded
by Baba Musa who died during the Greek occupation
of south Albania. It has lately been rebuilt by the
dervishes who formerly occupied the tekke of Kichok.3

Further along the right bank of the River Voyussa
in the Malakastra district are the following tekkes.

Koshdan, a rich tekke,which is about no years old,
the present abbot being the sixth in succession. Ismail
Baba is the saint.

Krahas is about fifty years old, four , of whom
Husain Baba is the first, being buried here.

1 The ‘ Tekieh or convent of dervises ’ noted by Leake (N. Greece,
i, 31) on the slopes of Mount Trebeshin across the river from Tepelen
was the summer quarters of the Tepelen Khalveti dervishes, whom
Haji Khalil Baba founded 4 five hundred years * ago. They are now
settled altogether in Tepelen and the mountain establishment is
shut up.

2 See above, p. 537, n. 4.

3 See below, p. 544.

Malakastra Albania 543

At Kuta Rifaat Baba has just made his own house
into a tekke.

Drizar was founded by Jelal Baba some twenty years
ago.

The Kremenar tekke was founded about fifteen years
ago by Hasan Baba, who has not yet rebuilt it and lives
for the present at Krahas.

Kapani was founded about twenty-two years ago by
Baba Ismail, who is now dead.

Osman Zeza is eighteen years old : its founder, Baba
Elias, is dead.

On Pleshnik no information was forthcoming.

The Gresiiitza tekke is about sixty years old, its
founder being Husain Baba.

At Aranitas there is as yet no , but a baba has
for some years been living there in a house, which will
no doubt later become a tekke.

At Hekali there is a turbe but no tekke. Patsch
noted a cemetery containing graves marked by the
Bektashi taj.1

Lapolets, a small, insignificant , was founded by
Nuri Baba, who is now buried there. The tekke is
actually situated at Grenchie, a mile away.

At Valona Patsch saw the grave of a Bektashi saint,
Kosum Baba.1 He is sometimes called Kuzu Baba : it
is said that leave to build a tekke by his grave was
requested from the Turkish government but refused,
Valona being fanatically Sunni. He is now called
Shemsi Baba and is tended by a Sunni khoja.

iii. At Klissura, east of Tepelen, the beys are Bek-
tashis, and men swear by Hasan Dede, a local saint who
was brother of a local chief, Jadikula.

Northwards along the Berat road lie several tekkes.
The first reached is Suka, a recent establishment which
shares its baba with Prishta, of which it is a dependency.

1 Berat, p. 117.

3 Ibid. p. 9 ; cf. Durham, Burden nf the , p. 274.

544 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

Dervish Ibrahim, who is left in charge during the baba’s
absence, was formerly Sunni and a khoja.

Prishta is the richest tekkein Albania, owning Suka
and three other chiftliks. It was founded about i860
by Tahir Baba, who is buried there.

At Bubes there is no tekke, but only the turbe of Talib
Baba, who died about 1890.

At Kichok the tekke which Baba Kamber made about
1890 has not been rebuilt. The dervishes have gone to
Marichan, Baba Kamber to Bulgaria, where he has built
a tekke at Rustchuk.1

The poor tekke of Glava was built about forty years
ago by Ismail Baba.

The Rabia tekke was founded about thirty-six years

ago by Baba Suleiman.

The tekke at Komari was founded twenty years ago
by Islam Baba. At present there is no baba.

A tekke was built fifteen years ago by Husain Baba at
Gumani near Panaret.

The Threpel tekke was founded fifty years ago by
Behlul Baba.

iv. The high road leads east of Klissura to Premet,
passing the following tekkes :

DusHK,near the village of Grobova,3 founded twenty-
five years ago by Ahmed Baba.

Ali Postivan, with a baba and three dervishes,
founded twenty years ago. The buried saint is Ab-
dullah Baba.

At KosHiNA there is now no , but only a lodging
for travellers and an attendant dervish.

Three-quarters of the Moslem population of Premet
is Bektashi. On the slope of the hill above the town
there was formerly a tekke? founded by Bektash Baba

1 See above, p. 523.

2 This site has not been identified with certainty.

3 The tekke is described by Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans,
p. 228.

Liaskovik in Albania 54.5

about thirty-five years ago as an offshoot from Frasheri
for the greater convenience of the Premet Bektashis.
Both Bektash Baba and his successor, Ismail, lie buried
in the town beside the grave of Haji Baba, a very old
saint ‘ of Khorasan ’, who died ‘ 300 years ago ’ at
Premet, but protruded his hand from his grave to
signify that he wished to be transferred to Kesaraka,1
where he accordingly now rests. In 1915 Greek troops
were quartered in the tekke, so the abbot and dervishes
betook themselves to the town annexe, where they have
since remained, the tekke proper being now used by the
Albanians as a barracks.

V. A few hours from Premet on the Koritza road is
Liaskovik. The population of this (till the war) thriv-
ing hill-town is largely Bektashi.2 The tekke just out-
side it, on a hill above the Kolonia road, is said to have
been about thir ty-five years old ; it contained the grave
of the founder Abiddin Baba, and housed seven or eight
dervishes. The new tekke has been under construction
since 1921, but there is only an abbot as yet in residence.

vi. On the road to Kolonia (otherwise Herseka) there
is the tekke of Sianolas near Barmash. It was founded
by Baba Suleiman about forty years ago and had the
tomb of Hasan Baba and five dervishes before the war.
It still has an abbot and one dervish, but has by no
means recovered from its destruction by the Greeks.

At Istaria near Herseka, in the Baruch mahalla, there
is a poor tekke with only one dervish in residence. It
was founded thirty years ago by Husain Baba, who is
buried in it. Sick people incubate here.

At Kreshova there is a richer , founded by
Hasan Baba and enlarged by Jemal Baba. There are
now three dervishes besides the abbot.

vii. In the Koritza district3 there are four tekkes.

1 See below, p. 547.

2 Cf. Durham, Burden oj the Balkans, p. 217.

3 At Koritza itself there is the tomb of Koja Mir Akhor tended by

546 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

Forty minutes along the road to Kolonia is Kiatorom,
said to have been built by Bekir Efendi ‘ 150 years ago ’,
to have suffered under Sultan Mahmud, and to have
been restored by Kiazim Baba forty years ago, both
Bekir and Kiazim being buried in it. The buildings
look about forty years old. There are now three der-
vishes and an abbot, the latter’s appointment dating
from 1918.

Turan, with four dervishes in 1923, is close by. Its
abbot had then been three years absent. The fourth
abbot’s grave is dated a.h. 1307 (a.d. 1889-90).

Melchan is an hour and a half from Koritza along
the Moschopolis road and stands on high ground above
the village of the same name. The tekke was looted
by the Greek insurgents, but the solid and homely build-
ings were spared. The date of its foundation is given
as ‘ a hundred and eight years ago ’ : one of its two
simple octagonal turbes is inscribed a.h. 1221. The
founder, Husain Baba, is buried in an undated tomb ;
his successor, Abdullah Baba, lies in a grave dated a.h.
1274. In relatitfn to him an extraordinary story is now
told. When the French army was at Koritza, a major
dreamt that Abdullah Baba was beating him for having
entered the turbe without taking off his boots. He was
so much impressed that he put up a notice on the
forbidding any one to enter shod. Whatever the reason,
the notice in French and Turkish was there in 1923, with
the Frenchman’s signature appended—unfortunately,
not on Abdullah’s turbe but the other. An abbot and

a descendant and much visited by Bektashis. When Master of the
Horse to a certain sultan, he caught a Koran as it slipped from the
sultan’s hands. In return he was offered a favour and chose to possess
the land where his horse should die. He then went on his travels and
his horse died at Platza ( = crever in Albanian) near Koritza. This
tale, told me by Ali Kemal Bey Klissura, evidently refers to the founder
of the Koja Mir Akhor Jamisi at Constantinople, who is buried in his
Albanian birthplace (Hammer-Hellert, Jardin des Mosquées, ρ. \2
(412), in Hist. Èmp. Ott. xviii), Koritza.

Koritza in Albania 547

six dervishes were in residence in 1923. There is no
mesjid, the antechamber of one of the turbes being used
as such when required.

The tekke of Kuch is situated half an hour beyond
Biglishta on the road from Koritza to Fiorina and
Kastoria in Macedonia. Λ village of the same name
is near. The tekke is said to be one of the oldest in
Albania, having been founded by Kasim Baba,1 ‘ five
hundred years ago ’. His tomb is in a turbe a quarter
of an hour away, pilgrimages being made to it every
Monday and Friday. Elbassan and Kastoria also claim
to have his tomb, but, according to Kuch, theirs are
only cenotaphs, the genuine grave is at Kuch. In
a turbe near the tekke seven saints lie buried. After
Mahmud II’s persecution, Ibrahim Baba refounded the
tekke in а. и. 1295, while Hafiz Baba built the new
buildings in a. H. 1324. He was shot dead by the
Greeks, his bloodstained taj being shown to visitors,
as also the bloodstains on the floor, which resist all
attempts at washing them away. In 1923 there were
an abbot and three dervishes living in the tekke.

The important Christian monastery of S. Naum on
Lake Okhrida is visited by Bektashi as a pilgrimage.2

viii. Kesaraka, some hours north-west of Kolonia, ,
is a mutehhil convent. Before the war there were five
or six dervishes besides the abbot, now the abbot only
is left ; the tekke is not very popular, dervishes pre-
ferring the celibate system. The foundation was due
to Haji Baba of Khorasan, who died, as related above,3
at Premet. He lies in a handsome , which the
Greeks looted but did not entirely destroy.

ix. The pleasant tekke of Frasheri is situated amid
fantastic scenery some hours south-west of Kesaraka.
Before the war it was large and important, being tenanted
by about twenty dervishes, and containing the tomb of

1 See above, p. 526.

2 Above, p. 435 f., below, p. 583.

3 P. 545.

548 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

the sheikh Nasibi. This saint, who was a contemporary
of Ali Pasha, is much revered, and it is said that the
Tosks use his name in asseverations instead of God’s.
His original name was Moharrem Baba, but when he
made his pilgrimage to the tekke of Haji Bektash, the
door of the tekke opened to him of its own accord, and
the abbot, recognizing a miracle, said, ‘ It is thy fate
(nasib) Nasibi, with Sheikh Ali and Sheikh Mimi, is
said to have foretold to Ali Pasha his brilliant future,
warning him also of the fate which would overtake him
if he failed to govern justly. The , together with
the tomb of Nasibi, was burnt to the ground in 1914,
but it has since been almost entirely rebuilt.

To the south-east of Frasheri there are three turbes
about twelve years old, at Polena near Gaduchi, Bitisht,
and Breshdan respectively. Ismail Baba is the saint of
Gaduchi, the others are nameless.

X. North of the Frasheri area is the tekke of Bachka1
whose present abbot is the sixth in succession, the tekke
having been founded about sixty years ago by Hamid
Baba of Melchan. After its recent destruction it is
once more in going order. The tekke of Dervishei to
the south, with an abbot only, is a chiftlik of Bachka.

Between Gyeres and Kulmak, on the slopes of Mount
ToMOR, there is another tek, reputed the oldest in
Albania and dedicated to Abbas Ali, son of Ali. There
are said to be seven dervishes in residence. In August
a great panegyris is held there, both Bektashis and Chris-
tians frequenting it.2

The tekke of Shimirden is situated some hours north

1 Vrepska, north of Bachka, is a Khalveti pilgrimage, not a Bektashi,
as indicated in B.S.Â. xxi, 118.

2 Cf. Baldacci, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. (Roma), 1914, p. 978. The
most binding oath for all religions and sects in this district is by Mt.
Tomor, according to Ali Kemal Klissura. As at Kalkandelen I found
S. Elias equated to the Bektashi saint Ali, I suspect that the Tomor
saint is S. Elias to the Christians. For the difficulty of completely ascend-
ing the mountain at the August panegyris see Hasluck, Letters, p. 3.

Elbassan in Albania 549

of Tomoritza. It was founded by Mustafa Baba fifty-
five years ago and is considered a good place to visit for
purposes of prayer.1

xi. The next Bektashi region is Berat. Here there
was a handsome tekkebefore the war, under Baba
Kamber, but it has not yet been rebuilt. The actual
site is at Vilabisht, a little south of Berat.

xii. The tekke half an hour east of Elbassan was
destroyed by the Ghegs and is temporarily housed in
what was formerly the granary of the tekke, but fruit-
trees, flowers, and running water combine to make the
site a paradise. The founder was Mustafa Baba, who
is buried here. Lately there has been an improvement
in the relations of Sunnis and Bektashis in North Al-
bania, even in Elbassan, where there are said to be now
about five hundred Bektashi families. The reason is
mainly the emphasis laid by the Bektashis on patriotism
as a virtue. Kasim Baba г left his hand at Elbassan.

Bektashi ziarets at Durazzo and Bazaar Shiakh may
be inferred from Degrand’s version of the Sari Saltik
legend.1 * 3 The population of Tirana is said by the same
author to be equally divided between the Bektashi and
Rifai sects.4

xiii. The population of Kruya seems to be almost
exclusively Bektashi. Its extraordinary importance as
a place of Bektashi pilgrimage is brought out by De-
grand’s interesting account of the saints’ tombs, tradi-
tionally 366 in number, in and about the town.5 Bek-
tashism seems to have been introduced here towards
the end of the eighteenth century by Ali Pasha’s agent,
Sheikh Mimi, who founded a tekke at Kruya in 1807 and

1 It is probably the Shent Airain mentioned by my husband in
B.S.A. χχί, 121. None of my Albanian informants could identify it in

that form.—M.M. H. * See above, pp. 526, 547.

3 Haute Albanie, p. 240. 4 Ibid·., p. 194.

5 Ibid.,pp. 221 ff. : cf. Ippen, Skutari, pp. 71 ff., and in Wiss. Mitth.

Bosnien, vii, 60.

550 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi

at first made common cause with the local chief, Kaplan
Pasha Topdan, as against his neighbour the Pasha
of Skutari,1 who was hostile to Ali of Yannina. The
missionary sheikh afterwards fell out with Kaplan Pasha,
either, as the latter said, because he had been bought by
the Pasha of Skutari, or possibly because he suspected
Kaplan Pasha himself of similar disloyalty to Ali and the
Bektashi party. Kaplan ordered Mimi to quit Kruya ;
the sheikh retaliated by an unsuccessful attempt to
murder the pasha, which cost him his own life. But
public feeling in Kruya was so strong for Mimi, that the
Topdan family were unable to reside there, and moved
to Tirana.* The family quarrel of the Topdans with
the Bektashi is, as we have seen, perpetuated by their
modern representative, Essad Pasha.

Kruya is one of the many places associated with the
adventures of the Bektashi saint Sari Saltik.3 Of the
two chief tekkes there, one (‘ Mali Kruyes ’) is two
hours and a half’s steep climb up the mountain behind
Kruya town. It contains a grave of Sari Saltik.4 The
masonry at the spring is dated a. h. 1190. The shrine is
noted for its cures. The tekke is like Kesaraka,

and is deserted in winter.

At the tekke in the plain (‘ Fusha Kruyes ’) the chief
buried saint is Baba Ali, who is said to date from
150-200 years back and to be older than Sheikh Mimi.
An abbot and three dervishes are living there, but the
tekke was burnt by the Ghegs and is as yet only half
rebuilt. In the precinct are two remarkable trees, one
with flat, plank-like branches being said to have sprung

1 So we find Kaplan at the end of the eighteenth century celebrated
a victory over his rival by building a turbe to the Bektashi saint Hamza
Baba (Ippen, Skutari,p. 71). г Degrand, Haute , p. 210.

3 See above, pp. 435 ff. I have heard, but not very definitely, of a
hitherto unrecorded tomb of Sari Saltik at Khass, between Skutari and
Jakova : see, however. Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 304.

4 His saddle and pilaf-dish were turned into stone on the Kruya-
Shushi road, where they may still be seen.

Austro-H ungary 551

from a plank stuck in the ground b Baba Ali of Khora-
san, who was a contemporary of Skanderbeg.

At Giormi beyond Mamures on the Skutari road
there is a big tekke founded about 130 years ago by
Haidar Baba.

From Skutari the Bektashi were banished for political
reasons in the time of Ali Pasha1 and seem never to have
regained a footing there.

xiv. At Martanesh, on the head waters of the river
Mati, there were two tekkes before the war. That of
Balum Sultan, on the mountain, was built in the time of
Mahmud Pasha of Skutari and was burnt by the Serbs
a few years ago : they added insult to injury by shaving
the abbot’s beard off. Their attack on the tekke in the
town was foiled by the townspeople, though they are
mainly Sunnis and fanatical at that. This lower tekke
was built twenty-five years ago by Haji Husain Baba of
Kruya. There are now two dervishes besides the abbot
in it ; the mountain tekke has not been rebuilt.

XV. In the Dibra region in East Albania there is a
tekke at Blatza near Humesh which was built thirty
years ago by Yusuf Baba : the Ghegs destroyed it.

§ II. Austro-Hungary

A. —Bosnia.

There has been no Bektashi tekke in Bosnia since 1903,
though the sect lingers on and the communities are
visited from time to time by sheikhs from Albania.2

B. —Budapest.

The farthest outpost of Bektashism is the tekke of
Gul Baba, a relic of the Turkish occupation, which is
still one of the minor sights of the Hungarian capital.3

1 Ippen, Skutari, p. 36. * Ibid., p. 73.

3 See E. Browne, Travels (1673), p. 34 ; M. Walker, Old Tracks,
p. 289 ; J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 89 ; Die Osterreichische-ungarische
Monarchie in Wort und Bild : Ungarn (III), p. 96 ; Baedeker, Austria-
Hungary (1905), p. 345 : Boue, Turq. d’Europe, iii, 404.
XLII1

‘ BEKTASHI PAGES ’

Introductory

THE following text is a translation of an Albanian
Bektashi pamphlet which has a considerable re-
putation among members of that sect. The original
is written in the Tosk dialect of Albanian by Naim Bey,
a native of Frasheri1 and brother of the historian Sami
Bey and of a certain Abdul Bey Frasheri, who organized
through the Bektashi tekkes a national movement in
1880-1, when the cession of part of southern Albania
to Greece was under discussion.3 This movement was
secretly authorized by Abdul Hamid on the under-
standing that it should be a mock conspiracy designed to
throw dust in the eyes of Europe and save the Albanian
provinces to Turkey. Abdul Bey, however, intended
it as a blow for Albanian independence. His plans were
prematurely betrayed, his few hundred followers de-
feated, and he himself made prisoner. While Albania
still formed part of the Turkish empire, Naim Bey’s
pamphlet passed through two editions, printed respec-
tively at Bucharest in 1896 3 and at Salonica in 1910 4
in a mixed character based on Roman, but borrowing
letters also from the Cyrillic and Greek. It is now
everywhere on sale in Albania.3

Albanian being known to few persons outside the
Balkan peninsula, I availed myself of the kindness of

1 See above, p. 539, and Hasluck, Letters, p. 74.

3 See the bluebooks of these dates on c Rectification of the Greek
Frontier.’

3 Legrand, Bibliographie Albanaise, no. 608. [A copy of this
edition is now in the British Museum.—Μ. Μ. H.]

4 Of this I was lucky enough to secure a copy in 1915, through my
friend Mr. Micu Hondrosom of Bucharest, and it is from this that the
text below is translated. 5 Μ. Μ. IL

Commentary 553

Professor Charitonidis, a native of Tepelen, who to
Greeks interested in Albanian studies is well known for
his series of Greek-Albanian school books, and thus I
secured a literal translation of the Albanian text into
Greek; from this I have myself made an English version,
preserving the short paragraphs of the original which
seem in character with the aphoristic and didactic nature
of the work.1

The pamphlet is entitled Fletore e , which

may perhaps be rendered Bektashi Pages.2 Inside is the
second title Bektashite (‘ The Bektashi ’). It consists of
thirty-two i6mo pages, of which sixteen are occupied
with the prose exposition of Bektashism, the rest by
rhymed religious poems here omitted.

My complete ignorance of Albanian renders any com-
mentary on the style impossible. The matter is specially
interesting for its entire freedom from dogma and my-
thology and its insistence on ethics. The doctrine of the
brotherhood of man is a familiar feature in much der-
vish thought and is always to the fore in Albanian Bek-
tashism. The national Albanian sentiments expressed,
and the inculcation of patriotism as the highest of
virtues, are characteristic of the nineteenth century
awakening of national consciousness among the Balkan
peoples, and have a special interest on account of the
author’s family connexions.3

Particularly interesting is the fact that the prescribed
prayers are not in Arabic, the sacred language of Islam,
but in Albanian, the vernacular tongue.4 Similarly, the
Arabic and Persian religious terms in common use among
the Turkish Bektashi have been replaced, wherever pos-
sible, by native translations or equivalents not always
very satisfactory.

1 Assonances, which are characteristic of such works and probably
calculated as aids to the student’s memory, are noted on pp. 6, 15, and
17 of the original. 2 Literally ‘ Leaves of Bektashism.’

3 See above, pp. 539, 552. * A brief glossary is given, pp. 562-3.

3295.2

о

554

‘ Bektashi Pages

§ I. Translation

The Bektashi believe in the Great Lord and in the
true saints Mohammed Ali, Kadije, Fatima, and Hasan
and Husain.

In the Twelve Imams, who are Ali, Hasan, Husain,
Zein-el-Abidin, Mohammed Bakir, Jafer Sadik, Musa
Kiazim, Ali Riza, Mohammed Teki, Ali Neki, Hasan
Askeri, Mohammed Mehdi.

The father of them all is Ali and their mother Fatima.

They believe also in all the saints, both ancient and
modern, because they believe in Good and worship it.

And as they believe in these and love them, so also do
they in Moses and Miriam and Jesus and their servants.

For their first [founder] they hold Jafer Sadik and for
their patron-saint1 Haji Bektash Veli, who is descended
of the same family.

All these have said, ‘ Do good and abstain from evil ’.

In this saying the Bektashi believe.

Truth and justice, intelligence and wisdom, and all
the virtues are supreme.

The faith of the Bektashi is a broad Way2 lighted by
wisdom, brotherhood, friendship, love, humanity, and
all the virtues.

On one side of it are the flowers of knowledge, on the
other the flowers of truth.

Without knowledge and without truth no man can
become a Bektashi.

For the Bektashi the Universe is God.

But in this world man is the representative of God.

The True God, with the angels and Paradise and all
that is good, are found in the virtues of man.

In his vices are found the Devil and all evil.

1 The word used {plak = c old man *) is the translation of the Persian
pir> which bears the same sense in religion.

2 The simple Albanian word for É way 5 (ndha) is used instead of the
usual Arabic tarik.

Doctrines 555

Therefore they love and practise good and abstain
from evil.

All things are in man, yea, even the True God, since
when He wished to manifest Himself, He made man in
His image and likeness.

The Bektashi believe that man does not die but is
only changed and made different, and is always in the
presence of God, because the Father is hidden to the
children.

He who does good finds good, he who does evil finds
evil.

He who transgresses against humanity identifies him-
self with the beasts.

The Way of the Bektashi is open and broad : it is the
Way of Wisdom and of goodness to all who have intel-
ligence.

Man is not bound, but free in all respects, and he is
answerable for all his acts.

But he has a mind which reasons, knowledge by which
to choose, a soul which recognizes, and a heart which
discerns, and a conscience which weighs all his deeds.
Thus he has all that is necessary and needs no help from
without. Since the Lord has granted him in himself
all things of which he has need.

As the man, so is the woman, one in kind and not
separated.

In very great misfortune a man may be divorced from
his wife : in case of great need he may take a second wife.

In order that there may be no occasion when the wife
is far from her family, the way of the Bektashi is pre-
ferable.1

The woman does not veil or cover her face save only
with the veil of modesty.

1 Explained as meaning * superior to the ordinary Islamic marriage
law 5 because avoiding the difficulties caused by a divorce where the
wife’s family lives a long way off and she cannot easily return to her
father’s house.

556 ‘ Bektashi Pages

In the Way of the Bektashi the faith is modesty and
chastity, wisdom, and all the virtues.

Every ill deed, all vices, follies, and infidelities are
forbidden and accursed in this Way.

This is the Way of God and of all the Saints.

The Bektashi have for the book of their faith the
Universe, and especially mankind, because the Lord Ali
once said, ‘ Man is the book which speaks,1 faith consists
in speech, but the ignorant have added thereto. Faith
is in the heart, it is not in the written book.’

The Bektashi keeps unspotted his heart, his soul, his
mind, and his conscience ; and his body also, his clothes,
his abode, and his dwelling, his honour, and his good
name.

Not only among themselves but also with all men the
Bektashi are spiritual brothers.

They love as themselves their neighbours, both Mus-
sulman and Christian, and they conduct themselves
blamelessly towards all humanity.

But more than all they love their country and their
countrymen, because this is the fairest of all virtues.

The Bektashi loves humanity, helps poverty, pities
and grieves from his heart : a good spirit is in him.

Because this is the Way : if he is not such, he is with-
out the Way.

The Bektashi, that he may make a good entry into the
Way, must be virtuous and perfect in all things.

Whosoever is in this Way is called a Bektashi and has
no further need.

But whosoever will draw nearer obtains permission
from the Father 2 and becomes an Inner [brother].3 *

1 Note the assonance (Nyeriu eshtefletoreya qeflet).

2 The ‘ permission 5 granted by the ‘ Father ’ is a kind of diploma
given by the c Baba ’ or head of a convent and testifying to the candi-
date’s proficiency in the ‘ Way.’

3 Or ‘ Esoteric 9 ; the word is again Albanian, the corresponding

Turkish term being, I am told, dahile olan.

Admission 557

The Inner [brother] must be very virtuous in all
things.

Whosoever of the Inner [brethren] wishes to take the
habit and become a Poor [brother], which is called
dervish, obtains a fresh Permission from the Father.

But in this case he cannot put it off again, for it is not
lawful.

The Poor [brother] must be a servant of humanity,
wise, and very gentle. He must.be humble, and if any
man insult or strike him, he must not curse or abuse [his
aggressor] but suffer it.

The Poor [brother], if he is married before he takes
the habit, may remain in wedlock after his election,
abiding in his family and in his house.

But when he takes the vow never to marry, he ob-
tains a new Permission, but he cannot take back his word.

The unmarried Poor [brothers] live in a house which
is called Tekke or Dargah.

They have one Chief who is called Father and Guide.

Every Poor [brother] has a task or service of his own.

The eldest of them is called Leader, and it is he who
leads to the Guide those who wish to take Permissions.

When there are many Fathers, they choose one of
them and make him Chief : he is called Grandfather.

There are a good number as far [advanced] as this,
and the work of the Way is well completed.1

But sometimes there are many Grandfathers : then
they choose from among them and make him Great
Grandfather.

For a layman to become an Inner [brother] or for an
Inner [brother] to become a Poor [brother], he must
receive a Permission from the Father. For a Poor
[brother] to become a Father he must receive a Per-
mission from the Grandfather.

The Father, Grandfather, and Great Grandfather,

1 i. e. an aspirant may well be content with so much progress in the
Way.

558 i Bektashi ’

who are called Guides, must all be men perfect in all
things pertaining to the Way.

Whosoever obtains a Permission from the Guides
enters into the Choir of the Saints, since all the saints
are linked together hand in hand, and thus he enters into
this company, and into the Chain of these Lords, as in
a dance.

For this reason he who enters this Way leaves behind
all his vices and retains only his virtues. With an un-
clean heart, with an evil soul, with a bad conscience, he
cannot enter among the Saints who draw near to God.

Here must he know himself, for he who knows himself
knows what God is.

He must be [like] a gentle lamb, not [like] a wild
beast.

He must be reasonable, just, learned, lovable, and
have all the virtues which are necessary to a man.

This is the Way of Virtue, of Friendship, of Wisdom,
and of Brotherhood.

It is a great sin that a man should cast into this Way,
full of fair and fragrant flowers, thorns and prickles, as
do the ignorant.

Because this Way begins from Good and ends in Good.

The Guide who grants a Permission says : 4 To-day
thou hast taken the hand of God, thou hast been made
one with the Saints. Therefore lay hold on Good, and
be of their Way, and forget Evil. Take not where thou
hast not given, honour great and small, avoid slanders,
uncleannesses, perversities, and all evil ; and enter into
brotherhood,’ &c., &c.

The Bektashi looks on the wife of his neighbour as his
sister, on every poor old woman as his mother, on every
poor man as his brother, and on all men as his friends.

His conscience is good, his heart full of gratitude, his
soul sweet, for this Way is Good alone.

Without these things no Bektashi can exist.

Brotherhood, peace, love, virtue, nearness to God,

Fasts and Prayers 559

friendship, good conscience, and all the virtues are the
lights of the Way.

Before all things love is an approach and an interpre-
tation of the Way.

With all this, however, the Bektashi also have a kind
of fast and a form of prayer.

For a fast they have the mourning they keep for the
Passion of Kerbela, the first ten days of the month which
is called Moharrem.

In these days some do not drink water, but this is
excessive, since on the evening of the ninth day the war-
fare ceased, and it was not till the tenth after midday
that the Imam Husain fell with his men, and then only
they were without water.

For this reason the fast is kept for ten days, but
abstention from water is practised only from the even-
ing of the ninth till the afternoon of the tenth.

But let whoso will abstain also from water while he
fasts.

This shows the love the Bektashi bear to all the
Saints.

They have a fashion of prayer among them which is
called niyas : this the instructed use very seldom, the
others rather more often.

This prayer may be made in the houses which are
called jami.

But in the houses of prayer they may make the
other prayer, which is called namaz. For the Bektashi
do not reject this prayer, just as they do not reject
the fast of the month which is called Ramazani nor
any of the religious duties, since all are needful to
humanity.

He who serves in a house of prayer makes betrothals
and marriages, buries the dead, and performs all his
services and duties.

The Bektashi before and after food pray as follows :

‘ О True Lord, increase and multiply, for Thou dost

ζόο ‘ Bektashi Pages’

nourish and conserve the Universe. All good cometh
from Thee, for man and for all beasts Thou preparest
the life. May Thy Goodness and Mercy never forsake
us. Great Lord ! Mohammed Ali! Ye Twelve Imams !
All ye Saints ! Haji Bektash Veli ! May our prayer
come before you.’

At feasts and marriages they pray thus : ‘ Great and
True Lord, give and multiply Thy favour to mankind.
Send not upon us grief and misery. Grant to us all
good things. Show us the way of Righteousness, and
leave us not in darkness. Blessed be Thy name now and
for evermore, Lord Mohammed Ali ! Kadije ! Fatima !
Hasan and Husain ! Haji Bektash Veli ! All ye Saints !
May our prayers come before you.’

At betrothals they pray thus : ‘ True Lord, at Thy
command and in Thy name ! Grant concord and love,
give us Thy blessing, and deliver us from evil. Grant
us plenty and all good things.

In the name of David and Solomon, in the name of
Aaron and Moses, and of Husain, in the name of Haji
Bektash Veli, in the name of all our Lords !

In the Way of Mohammed Ali, in the teaching of the
Imam Jafer Sadik ! ’

At a marriage they add these words : ‘ Unite them
as Thou didst unite Adam and Eve, Mohammed and
Kadije, Ali and Fatima.

Grant them life and length of days, and good and
obedient children. May the Door be open for ever,’
&c., &c.

At deaths they pray thus :

‘ Lord great and true, Thou buriest day in night and
night in day. Thou leadest forth the living from the
dead, and the dead from the living. All things come
from Thee and return unto Thee again. Forgive the
sins of mankind for Thy glory’s sake ! And lead us to
the Light, for Thou art the Light of Light.

May our prayer come before Thee eternally,’ &c., &c.

Ίolerancξ6ι

The Bektashi mourn only with tears, never with
dirges and wailings.

They do not bury the dead in the grave : they mourn
[them] in their hearts.

They always speak well of the dead, saying, ‘ May his
soul shine and may it be filled with joy ! ’

The Way of the Bektashi holds all men, yea, all men,
friends, and looks on them as one soul and one body.

But this is recognized [only ?] by the learned and
reasoning Bektashi.

The true Bektashi respect a man of whatsoever re-
ligion he may be, they hold him their brother and their
beloved, they never look on him as a stranger.

They reject no religion, but respect all. Nor do they
reject the books of any religion or the [doctrine of the] future life.

The Bektashi keep for a holy day Bairam, the first
day of the month which is called Sheval. Their second
feast is on the first ten days of the month called Dilhije,
the New Day (which is called Nevruz) 1 * on the tenth of
March, and the eleventh of the month called Mohar-
rem.3 During the ten days of the Passion they read the
Passions of the Imams.

The Guides, who pray and worship Truth and Good-
ness and reject Falsehood and Evil, and regard all man-
kind as one family, and love it according to the Way of
Mohammed Ali—these must be men of intelligence, of
great wisdom, with zeal for adequate learning, for the
unlearned and perverse man is wood unhewn,з the un-
lettered is as the novice.4

Let the Guides be men of truth, let them be without
vices such as they have now, let them have integrity,

1 The Persia^ New Year’s feast. * See above, p. 559.

3 A widely spread Greek proverb (άνθρωπος αγράμματος ξνλον

άπβλάκητον) : cf. Polîtes, Παροιμίας i, 279.

4 Note the assonance of the Albanian equivalent (i pa dituri eshte si
i mituri).

562 ‘ Bektashi Pages ’

let them forsake greed, pride and folly, drink and
drunkenness, lying and injustice, and all the evils which
are without the Way of Humanity.

Let them strive night and day for the nation to which
the Father calls them and vouches for them that they
will work with the chiefs and the notables for the salva-
tion of Albania and the Albanians, for the education
and civilization of their nation and their country, for
their language, and for all progress and improvement.

Let them be peaceable, let them remember the poor,
let them shun evil and folly, let them cast into the Way
all works that are needful for mankind and for religion,
and let them forward all things good.

Together with the chiefs and notables let them en-
courage love, brotherhood, unity, and friendship among
all Albanians : let not the Mussulmans be divided from
the Christians, and the Christians from the Mussulmans,
but let both work together. Let them strain towards
enlightenment, that the Albanian, who was once re-
puted throughout all the world, be not despised to-day.

All these things for those that have intelligence and
who reason and work with zeal and with good sense are
not hard tasks, but very light.

When they accomplish these things, then will I call
them Fathers and Guides : but to-day I cannot so call
them.1

§ 2. Glossary of Albanian Religious Perms2

A ta, baba, father.

Brendes ( dahile olan, Tk.), interior, esoteric.

Dede (Tk.) ( =–gyg), grandfather.

Fakir (Tk.) ( = varfe), poor, dervish.

Gy g( = dede), grandfather.

1 The sentence with which the pamphlet closes contains, perhaps
characteristically, an assonance {pa so s’u dyern dot).

2 Non-Albanian terms which are in everyday use among Turks are
described as Turkish.—M.M.H.

Albanian Religious Terms

Jami (Tk.), house of prayer.

Murshid (Arab.) ( udhe-rre), guide.
Niyas (Tk.), request.

Pir (Pers.) ( = plak), old man, patron saint.
Plak ( =_pi>), old man patron saint,
iShpenes, leader.

XJdha (=Arab. tarik), way
Udhe-rrefenies ( = murshid),guide.

Varfe ( — fakir), poor, dervish.
XLIV

AMBIGUOUS SANCTUARIES AND
BEKTASHI PROPAGANDA 1

Introductory

THE stratification of cults at famous sanctuaries of
the ancient world, reflected for the most part in
their local mythology, has long been interpreted as
evidence of the invasion of older by newer gods and
religious systems. A religion carried by a conquering
race or by a missionary priesthood to alien lands super-
imposes itself, by force or persuasion, on an indigenous
cult ; the process is expressed in mythological terms
under the figure of a personal combat between the
rival gods or of the ‘ reception ’ of the new god by the
old.* Eventually either one god or the other succumbs
and disappears or is relegated to an inferior position ;
or, again, the two may be more or less completely identi-
fied and fused. Of the religions of antiquity it is seldom
possible to do more than conjecture by what methods
and processes these transitions were actually carried
out. The paper which follows is an attempt to examine
some phenomena of the superimposition of cult in the
case of a modern Mohammedan sect—the Bektashi—
acting on the sanctuaries of the mixed populations of
Turkey and in particular on Christian saint-cults. So
far as we can see, where Bektashism has gained ground at
the expense of Christianity, this has been accomplished
without violence, either by processes analogous to that
known to the ancient world as the ‘ reception ’ of the
new god by the old, or simply by the identification of

1 This chapter is an enlarged and corrected version of the article
which appeared in B.S.A. xx (19×3-14), pp. 94-122.

2 See above, pp. 58 ff.

Bektashi Usurpations in Asia Minor 565

the two personalities. The ‘ ambiguous ’ sanctuary,
claimed and frequented by both religions, seems to
represent a distinct stage of development—the period
of equipoise, as it were—in the transition both from
Christianity to Bektashism and, in the rare cases where
political and other circumstances are favourable, from
Bektashism to Christianity.

§ I. Bektashism and Orthodox Islam
Usurpation of alien sanctuaries seems to have played
an important part in the spread of Bektashism from the
beginning. In the first place it is now generally recog-
nized that the sect acquired its present name by such
a usurpation. The Anatolian saint Haji Bektash has
in reality nothing to do with the doctrines of the sect
which bears his name. The real founder of the so-
called Bektashi was a Persian mystic named Fadlullah,
and the original name of the sect Hurufi. Shortly after
Fadlullah’s death his disciples introduced the Hurufi
doctrines to the inmates of the convent of Haji Bek-
tash (near Kirshehr in Asia Minor) as the hidden learn-
ing of Haji Bektash himself, under the shelter of whose
name the Hurufi henceforth disseminated their doc-
trines, which are heretical and blasphemous to orthodox
Moslems.1

The methods used by the Hurufi-Bektashi to appro-
priate the sanctuary of Haji Bektash were evidently
used by them elsewhere for the spread of their gospel.
We may suppose that the persons administering tribal
and other sanctuaries were won over, probably by more
or less complete initiation into the secret learning of
the Bektashi and the increase of power and prestige
thereby afforded. The worshippers were satisfied by
some apocryphal legend connecting their saint with
Haji Bektash or a saint of his cycle,2 and probably by an

1 Above, p. 160.

2 So in ancient Athens the newcomer Asklepios is foisted on the

566 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

increased output of miracles ; the sanctuary with its
clientèle would be thenceforth affiliated to the Bektashi
organization. In the case of the more or less anony-
mous and untended saints’ tombs or , such as
abound all over Turkey, the problem was still simpler.
Such saints had only to be induced to reveal their true
nature in dreams to Bektashi dervishes, and for the
future their graves would be distinguished by Bektashi
headdresses.

Crowfoot’s researches among the Anatolian Shia tribes
(Kizilbash) of Cappadocia have revealed the process of
amalgamation in an intermediate stage.1 At Haidar-es-
Sultan, a Shia village near Angora, the eponymous saint
Haidar, probably tribal in origin,2 is identified quite
irrationally under Bektashi auspices with Khoja Ahmed
of Yasi, who figures in Bektashi legend as the spiritual
master of Haji Bektash, and also with Karaja Ahmed,
a saintly prince of Persia, who, though himself probably
in origin a tribal saint, has been adopted into the Bek-
tashi cycle.3 The tekkeof Haidar-es-Sultan has close
relations with the Bektashi.

Similar cases of absorption by the Bektashi could
probably be found without difficulty elsewhere. A
probable case seems to be the great and rich convent
with two hundred dervishes found by Lucas at Yatagan4
near Denizli5 (vilayet of Aidin). Tsakyroglous’ list of
nomad Turkish tribes includes one named Yataganli,

indigenous Amynos on the assumption that both were pupils of Chiron.
In the case of Turkish tribal sanctuaries the propagation of such myths
would be particularly easy : the tribes dimly remembered their immi-
gration, as squatters and raiders, from the East, while the fictitious
cycle of Bektashi tradition represented Haji Bektash and his companions
as immigrant missionaries from the same quarter.

1 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XXX (1900), pp. 305 ff.

2 On Haidar-es-Sultan see above, pp. 52-3, 403.

3 See above, p. 404 and n. 6.

4 So Arundell, Asia Minor, ii, 142.

5 Voyage fait en 1714, i, 171 : for the text see above, p. 508, n. 2.

Bektashi Usurpations in Asia Minor 567

which frequents the vilayet of Aidin.1 The saint buried
at Yatagan was in all probability the eponym of the
tribe (Yatagan-Dede ?) later adopted, like Haidar, by
the Bektashi. The tekke was one of the Bektashi con-
vents ruined in 1826 ; it is now insignificant, though
the tomb of Yatagan Baba survives.

Such absorption of tribal saints, whose cults are often
in the hands of more or less illiterate people, is compara-
tively easy. The Bektashi, according to their enemies
at least, were quite as successful in ousting rival religious
orders. Haji Bektash himself is generally considered by
the orthodox a saint of the Nakshbandi order, and since
the suppression of the Bektashi in 1826 an orthodox
mosque with a minaret has been built at the central
tekke and a Nakshbandi sheikh quartered on the com-
munity for the performance of services in it.2 Simi-
larly the Nakshbandi claimed that the Bektashi had
unscrupulously usurped others of their saints’ tombs,
including those of Ramazan Baba at Brusa and of the
saint buried in the tekke of Kasr-el-Aini at Cairo.3 Such
usurpations, if we may believe Assad Efendi, the his-
torian of Sultan Mahmud’s campaign against the Bek-
tashi, were numerous : under the pretext that the

titles baba and abdal denoted exclusively Bektashi

*

saints, the Bektashi appropriated the chapels and
sepulchral monuments of all the saints so entitled be-
longing by right to the Nakshbandi, Kadri, and other
orders.4

1 Перс Γιουρούκων, 15 : see above, p. 477.

* I have often found a mesjid or oratory in a Bektashi tekke, but never
a mosque with proper establishment. Mesjids are built for the appear-
ance of orthodoxy and for the accommodation of orthodox visitors.
[At Asim Baba’s tekke in Argyrokastro, Albania, the Nakshbandi taj
with its four segments is still worn over the usual Bektashi headdress :
see above, p. 541.—Μ. Μ. H.].

3 For this saint, see above, pp. 229-30, 516.

4 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires (1833), p. 300. The Albanian
Bektashi seem to lay claim to such saints as Shems Tabrizi, Nasr-ed-din

568 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

§ 2. Bektashism and Christianity in Asia Minor

We have thus found evidence of Bektashi encroach-
ments on tribal sanctuaries and on the holy places of
other orders. More interesting is their procedure in
the case of Christian churches and saints’ tombs ; they
have not only laid claim to Christian sanctuaries, but
have also in return thrown open the doors of their own
to Christians.1 This is the more remarkable since Chris-
tians in Turkish lands are much less protected by public
opinion than are orthodox Moslem sects like the Naksh-
bandi.

The numerous points of contact between Bektashism
and Christianity have been set forth at length by Jacob.*
The only historical evidence of overt propaganda among
Christians is to be found in the accounts of the rebel-
lion of Bedr-ed-din of Simav,3 in the early years of the
fifteenth century, which can hardly have been uncon-
nected with the Bektashi-Hurufi sect, though this is
nowhere explicitly stated. The rebellion was partly a
religious, partly a social movement : the programme in-
cluded the Bektashi-Hurufi doctrines of religious fusion
and community of goods. An enthusiastic welcome
was extended to Christian proselytes and proclamation
was made to the effect that any Turk who denied true
religion in the Christians was himself irreligious. A
special manifesto on these lines, carried by a dervish
deputation to a Cretan monk resident in Chios, was
successful in winning him to the cause.4 The pro-

Khoja of Akshehr, and Haji Bairam (founder of the Bairami order) of
Angora (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 230).

1 Cf. de Vogüé, Hist. Orient., p. 198. 2 Bektaschijje, pp. 29 ff.

3 Ducas, p. 112 В ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 181 ff.

4 The text is given by Ducas. The leader of the rebels sent to the
Cretan, saying: κάγώ συνασκητης σου ζίμι, καί τω вей ω λατρεύεις,
€Κ€ΐνω κάγώ την ττροσκυνησιν φέρω. With this compare the con-
duct of the Hurufi dervish met in Chios about the same time
by George of Hungary, who ‘ intrabat ecclesiam christianorum, et

Bektashi Propaganda 569

Christian tendencies of the rebels were evidently recog-
nized by the Turks in the punishment eventually meted
out to their leader, who was crucified.

Liberal theory, however, can have little real hold
on the imagination of the masses. For the illiterate,
whether Moslem or Christian, doctrine is important
mainly as embodying a series of prohibitions : their
vital and positive religion is bound up with the cult of
the saints and demands concrete objects of worship,
especially graves and relics,1 and above all miracles, to
sustain its faith. It is in the cult of the saints that the
Bektashi propaganda amongst Christians has left most
trace. The lines adopted are identical with, or parallel
to, those followed, according to the theory propounded
elsewhere,2 by the Mevlevi order of dervishes at Konia
in the Middle Ages for a similar purpose. On the one
hand, Moslem sanctuaries are made ‘ ambiguous or
accessible to Christians also, by the circulation of legends
to the effect (1) that a saint worshipped by Moslems as

signabat se signo crucis, et aspergebat se aqua benedicta, et dicebat
manifeste, uestra lex est ita bona sicut nostra est5 {De Moribus Tur-
corum, cap. хх).

1 The enormous potency of graves and buried saints in popular
religion is pointed out in regard to the Holy Places of Islam by
Burckhardt. Though the visit to the Prophet’s tomb at Medina is
optional and the pilgrimage to the Kaaba at Mecca obligatory, the
tomb of the Prophet inspires the people of Medina with much more
respect than the Kaaba does those at Mecca, visitors crowd with more
zeal and eagerness to the former shrine than the latter, and more
decorum is observed in its precincts. At Mecca itself men will swear
lightly by the Kaaba, but not by the grave of Abu Taleb {Arabia,
i, 235 ; ii, 195, 197). A Mecca merchant said to Niebuhr {Voyage
en Arabie, i, 350) that c à Mochha je me fierois peu a un homme, qui
affirme quelque chose en prenant le nom de Dieu à témoin : mais je
puis compter sur la foi de celui, qui jure par le nom de S ch ae deli, dont
la moschèe, et le tombeau, sont devant ses yeux \ Clermont-
Ganneau, Pal. Inconnue, pp. 55-6, found men frequently broke their
oath by God, their life, their head or yours, the Temple, or the Sakhra,
but almost never their oath by the local saint.

3 Above, pp. 371 ff.

3295.2

p

570 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

a Moslem was secretly converted to Christianity, or (2)
that the Moslem saint’s mausoleum is shared by a Chris-
tian. On the other hand, Christian sanctuaries are made
accessible to Moslems by (3) the identification of the
Christian saint with a Moslem. These three schemes
may be called for brevity ‘ conversion ’, ‘ intrusion
and ‘ identification ’ : for the latter process use is often
made on the Moslem side of a somewhat vague per-
sonage—at Konia Plato—as a lay-figure ’ capable of
assimilation to various Christian saints.

In Turkey, particularly in parts where the average
peasant intelligence and general culture are of a low
order and the difference between Christian and Moslem
is not acutely felt, it is usual for any sanctuary reputed
for its miracles to be frequented by both religions.1
The ‘ conversion ’, ‘ intrusion ’, and ‘ identification ’
schemes are devised to accentuate this natural point of
contact between the two religions and to put it on
a logical footing. The idea of metempsychosis, which
is often implied by ‘ identification ’, though foreign to
Orthodox Christian thought, is widely current in the
Shia forms of Islam.2

For Asia Minor the ‘ lay-figure ’ saint of the Bektashi
is possibly the protean Khidr.3 Khidr is reverenced in
a vague way by all Moslems, who often identify him
with S. George. He has a special prominence among
the Kizilbash of Asia Minor,4 whose connexion with the
Bektashi is obscure but well authenticated. The Kizil-
bash Kurds of the Dersim recognize the Armenian saint

1 In this assimilation language is an important factor. The pheno-
mena here mentioned occur markedly in central Asia Minor, where all
races speak Turkish, and in Albania, where all religions speak Albanian.

* The Persian Shah Abbas held firmly that Ali, S. George, and S.
James of Compostella were identical (P. della Valle, Viaggi, ii, 257 f.).

3 For Khidr see above, pp. 3×9-36.

4 White, Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 156 ; cf. Jerphanion in
Byz. Zeit. XX, 493. The same is true of the Nosairi (R. Dussaud,
Nosairis, pp. 128-35).

Religious Fusion 571

Sergius as identical with Khidr1 and make pilgrimage
to Armenian churches of S. Sergius as to sanctuaries of
Khidr.2 Farther west, among Greek populations who
hold S. Sergius of less importance than do the Armenians,
the connexion generally admitted by Moslems between
Khidr and S. George and S. Elias has probably served
its turn. At the tekke of Sheikh Elwan in Pontus Khidr
seems certainly to have supplanted S. Theodore,з who,
as a cavalier and a dragon-slayer, approximates to S.
George. Though we cannot as yet definitely ascribe
to the Bektashi this transference from Christianity to
Islam, the locality falls well within the range of their
influence.

The more ignorant the populations concerned, the
farther such identifications can be pressed. The Kizil-
bash Kurds, who possess in all probability a strong
admixture of Armenian blood, equate Ali to Christ,
the Twelve Imams to the Twelve Apostles, and Hasan
and Husain to SS. Peter and Paul.4 The conversion of
illiterate Christians, always aided by material attrac-
tions, becomes fatally easy under the influences of this
accommodating form of Islam.

Apparent examples of such religious fusion under
Bektashi auspices are to be found in the following
Anatolian cults.

i.—Haji Bektash Tekke, near Kirshehr

This, the central tekke of the Bektashi order, is frequented by
Christians, who claim that the site was once occupied by a
Christian monastery of S. Charalambos.5 On entering the
mausoleum (turbe) where Haji Bektash lies buried Christians

1 Grenard, Journ.Asiat, iii (1904), p. 518.

1 Molyneux Seel, Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 66. The Armenians
are said to confuse SS. Sergius and George (P. della Valle, Viaggi,
η» 258).

3 Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 9 ff. ; cf. iii, 207 ff. See further above,
pp. 47 ff. 4 Molyneux Seel, loc. cit.

5 Levides, Mopal τής Καππαδοκίας, see above, pp. 83-4.

572 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

make the sign of the cross : they are said to identify the tomb
with that of S. Charalambos, who, however, has no connexion
with Cappadocia. The identification has taken firm hold, but
it seems proved that it is not of great antiquity by the account
of the archbishop Cyril (1815), who equates Haji Bektash, not
to S. Charalambos, but to S. Eustathius,1 probably on the
ground of some stag story.*

The central Bektashi tekke is thus a holy place, not only for
the heretical Mussulman sect which possesses and administers it,
but for orthodox Mussulmans, who hold Haji Bektash for a
Nakshbandi saint and venerate him accordingly, and for Chris-
tians, who claim that site and tomb were originally Christian.
This state of things is almost exactly paralleled at the central
shrine of the Yezidi ‘ devil-worshippers ’ which contains the
grave of their alleged founder, Sheikh Adi. Orthodox Mussul-
mans abhor the religion of the Yezidi, but venerate the histori-
cal Sheikh Adi, whom they regard as an orthodox saint of the
sixth century of their era ; the local (Nestorian) Christians hold
that the site of the Yezidi sanctuary was originally occupied by
a Christian monastery of S. Addai (? or Addaeus of Edessene
legend) and subsequently usurped by one Adi, a renegade monk,
who is credited with evolving the religion actually practised by
the modern Yezidi.з

ii.—Haidar-es-Sultan , near Angora 4

Haidar, the Moslem saint buried here, is identified undei
Bektashi auspices with Khoja Ahmed (Karaja Ahmed ?), a dis-
ciple 5 of Haji Bektash, who is said to have settled here with his
wife, a Christian woman, named Mène, from Caesarea. Local
Moslem tradition holds that the tekke occupies the site of a
Christian monastery.6 The connexion with the Bektashi is
obvious from the legend : the village is Kizilbash or Shia, and
as such under their religious authority.7

1 See above, p. 84, n.7. 2 See above, p. 85.

3 W. B. Heard, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli, 202 f. : cf. Hume Griffith,
Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 291.

4 See above, pp. 52, 403.

5 A local error, see above, p. 404.

6 Crowfoot in J.R. Anthr. Inst, xxx (1900), pp. 305-20.

7 On this point see further White in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908),
p. 235. For the Kizilbash see above, pp. 139 ff.

573

Sidi Ghazi and Shamaspur

iii. —Tekke of Sidi Battala near Eskishehr

This dervish convent, which has been in the hands of the
Bektashi at least since the sixteenth century,1 claims to possess
the tomb of the Arab hero Sidi Battal Ghazi ; beside him re-
poses his wife, who was, according to tradition, a Christian
princess.3

iv. —Shamaspur Tekke, Alaja ( )

Local Moslems say of this (Bektashi) tekke that it was an old
Greek monastery.1 * 3 4 5 The saint buried there is Husain Ghazi, the
father of Sidi Battal.5 The name of the tekke, however, seems
to connect it also with Shamas, who figures in Turkish legend as
the governor of a castle near Kirshehr, slain in single combat by
Sidi Battal :6 this is a popular rendering and localization of an
incident in the Romance of Sidi Battal, in which ,

brother of the governor of Amorium, is slain by the hero.7 In
this same romance the hero converts to Islam a monk named
Schûmas.8 It is tempting to suppose that from these materials
a Christian figure, somewhat analogous to the ‘ monk ’ or
‘ bishop ’ buried in the tekke of the Mevlevi at Konia,9 has been
manufactured and intruded on the Shamaspur tekke.

1 For this tekke see below, pp. 705-10.

1 Here also there must for chronological reasons have been a usurpa-
tion by the Bektashi if the traditional account of the discovery of Sidi
Battal’s remains by a Seljuk princess is allowed. A legend is told at
the tekke of a visit of Haji Bektash to the place, and to confirm it,
marks of his hands and teeth are shown on the walls of the buildings
(Mordtmann, Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, Παράρτημα του θ’ τόμου, ρ. χν).

Other Bektashi legends connecting the convent with Haji Bektash or his
early followers are given by Jacob ( Bp. 13) from Evliya.

3 See below, p. 706.

4 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 402 f. : H. J. Ross, Letters from the East,

p. 243 ; Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 36. The tekke is also
mentioned as a place of miraculous healing by Prof. White, Trans.
Viet. Inst, xxxix, 159.

5 For the latter see below, p. 709.

6 Ainsworth, Travels, i, 157.

7 Ethé, Fahrten des Sajjid Batthâl, i, 27 : cf. below, p. 711.

s Ibid., p. 21 ; Shamas is the Arabic for deacon.

9 See above, p. 86.

574 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

v.—Tekke of Nusr-ed-din, Zile (Pontus)

This tekke is venerated by Christians, apparently as containing
the tomb of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. It was formerly
called Kirklar Tekke (* Convent of the Forty ’) and is thought
by Grégoire to have had a Christian past under that title.1 The
isolated position of the tekke in a strongly Shia district almost
warrants the assumption that it is connected with the Bektashi.

vi. —S. Nerses, Rumkale

This ancient Armenian church was occupied by Moham-
medans in the latter part of the seventeenth century 4 afin de
donner à entendre par là qu’ils reverent les Saints, & que celuy
auquel cette Eglise est dediée, estoit de leur party, & Musulman
comme eux ’.J Rumkale is on the Upper Euphrates, not far
from the country of the Kizilbash Kurds, who have, as already
said, a religious connexion with the Bektashi.

vii. —Chapel at Adalia

Savary de Brèves found at Adalia a cave-chapel still retaining
traces of Christian frescoes, in which was shown the tomb of a
Christian hermit. The latter, according to the Turks, had on
his death-bed confessed himself a Mussulman, and on this ac-
count received from Mussulmans the honour due to one of their
own saints.3 The Bektashi order has at the present day an
establishment at Adalia.

viii.—‘ Tomb of S.Poly carp? Smyrna

The history of this cult is discussed at length elsewhere.4 It
has been, as far back as it can be traced, Moslem in form, and
appears first in Moslem hands. S. Polycarp was formerly
claimed as a saint of their own by the dervishes in charge of the
tomb, who are shown by the Bektashi headdress on an adjoining
grave to have been at some time members of this order. A sup-
posed mitre of the saint was shown to pilgrims.5

1 B.C.H., 1909, pp. 25 fï. ; cf. above, pp. 49-50.

г M. Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie(1682), p. 46 : see also above, p. 53.

3 Voyages (Paris, 1628), p. 23 (quoted in full above, p. 74, n. 2). For
a similar legendary conversion, but to Christianity, of an ambiguous
saint, cf. above, p. 376.

4 Above, pp. 406 ff. (reprinted from xx, 80 ff.).

5 Cf. no. xii below (Eski Baba).

575

Bender e gli and Mamasun

ix.—‘ Tomb of S. Theodonear Bender egli

{Herakleia Pontica)

A turbe (mausoleum) on a hill above Arapli, a few miles west
of Benderegli, is visited yearly by Christians as containing the
tomb of S. Theodore Stratelates.1

The turbe seems to be a humble wooden erection and contains
two outwardly Turkish tombs,1 attributed by the Greeks to S.
Theodore and his disciple Varrò,з and by the Turks to a warrior
saint named Ghazi Shahid Mustafa and his son. These are
tended by a Turkish woman, who receives offerings from pil-
grims of both religions in the shape of money and candles.1 * 3 4 5

The connexion of this ambiguous cult with the Bektashi cannot
be pressed, but there is a village bearing the name Beteshler
(interpreted by von Diest as B * the Bektashis ’) in
the vicinity.5

X.—Mamasun Tekke (Ziaret Kilise) near Nevshehr

This sanctuary was discovered, apparently in the last century,6
by a series of ‘ miraculous ’ accidents, in a barn belonging to an

1 P. Makris, ‘Ηρακλΐία τού Πόντου, pp. 115 ff. See above, pp. 88-9.

1 Makris describes them as δυο ξύλινα κιβώτια eîve феретра,
adding ‘ προς то μύρος της κεφαλής φόρου σι κιδάρςις [turbans] καί
μύγα κομβολόγιον [rosary].’

3 * Varrò ’ (Ούάρρων) does not figure in the orthodox legend of S.
Theodore : Makris speaks of an ancient inscription formerly kept at
the site ; it possibly contained the name.

4 A similar mixed cult of S.Theodore and ‘un santon dit “Gaghni”’
in Pontus was reported by Père Girard to Cumont, but without
details (Stud. Pont, ii, 143, note 3).

5 Von Diest, Perg. zum Pontus, i, 81. Betesh or Petesh seems to be
the original form of Bektash. In George of Hungary’s De Moribus
Pur corum (cap. xv : see p. 496), written in the middle of the fifteenth
century, the saint is called Hatschi Pettesch (translated adiutorius
t>eregrinationis). The fdrm Bektash seems to depend on a false
etymology from geubek (‘ navel ’) and tash (* stone ’) as Leake betrays :

‘ The Bektashli are so called from a Cappadocian sheikh who wore a
itone upon his navel ’ (N. Greece, iv, 284).

6 It is not mentioned in the Archbishop Cyril’s Περιγραφή (1815)
эг indicated in his map (1812) which generally marks even purely
Moslem tekkes of importance. For a full account of this sanctuary
iee above, pp. 43-5 : for the relevant texts see pp. 759-61.

5 y6 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektasbi Propaganda

inhabitant of the (purely Turkish) village of Mamasun. The
rock-cut Christian church discovered was attributed to S.
Mamas, probably on account of the name of the village, and has
been adapted for the ambiguous modern cult. At the east end
is a Holy Table, at which itinerant Christian priests are allowed
to officiate, and a picture of S. Mamas, while in the south wall is
a niche ( mihrab) giving the orientation of Mecca to Turkish
pilgrims. There is no partition between Christian and Moslem
worshippers, but the latter, while at their prayers, are allowed
to turn the picture from them. The sanctuary is administered
by dervishes.

An analysis of these ten cases of ambiguous sanctu-
aries in Asia Minor gives the following results :

1. Connexion with the Bektashi is established in five
cases (i, ii, iii, iv, viii). The remainder of the sanc-
tuaries are situated within the area of Bektashi activities
and are not known to be in other hands.

2. Christian saints are claimed as Moslem by the
‘ conversion ’ or analogous motifs in four, possibly five,
cases (v ( ?), vi, vii, viii, x).

3. Apparently Moslem saints are claimed as Chris-
tian by ‘ identification ’ in two cases (i, ix). Moslem
sanctuaries have a Christian side developed by c in-
trusion 5 in two, possibly three, cases (ii, iii (?), iv).

§ 3. Bektashism and Christianity in Europe

The ‘ lay-figure ’ of Bektashi propaganda amongst
the Christians of Rumeli is Sari Saltik,1 whose elaborate
legend has been discussed elsewhere.1 2 3 Sari Saltik, origin-
ally, as I believe, a tribal saint,3 is identified in a general

1 Khidr [Khizr] also has an importance, at present ill-defined, for
Albanian Bektashism (Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 208).

2 B.S.A. xix, 203 ff. : cf above, pp. 429 ff.

3 This idea, put forward tentatively in B.S.A. xix, gains weight
from the following considerations : (1) Colour-adjectives (‘ black,’

4 white,’4 red,’ 4 blue ’) like Sari (4 yellow ’) are often prefixed to tribal
names, possibly alluding to the distinctive colouring or marking of the

Bektashi Propaganda in Europe 577

way with S. Nicolas, and seems to have occupied a
certain number of churches dedicated to that saint in
eastern Turkey in Europe. These can all be brought into
relation with the earliest cycle of the Sari Saltik myth,
which concerns itself with his apocryphal adventures in
Europe, and ends with his death and the miraculous
transformation of his body into seven bodies, four of
which were buried in Turkish territory (Thrace, Bul-
garia, Rumania, Crimea ?) and three in Christian Europe
(Bohemia, Danzig, Sweden).1 In a variant version,
from a manuscript discovered by Degrand at Tirana,
forty bodies of Sari Saltik are found after his death ; one
of these is singled out by a miracle as the genuine corpse
and buried in a circle composed of the other thirty-
nine.2 This variant suggests that a pretext was needed
for the usurpation of some cult of ‘the Forty ’.3 In the
western section, which appears to have been touched by

herds of sections of a divided tribe. (2) A town in the Crimea named
Baba Saltuk after a 6 diviner ’ {i. e. a tribal holy man ?) is mentioned
by Ibn Batuta (tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445), and Baba Dagh, the
starting-point of the Sari Saltik of Bektashi tradition, was colonized
by Tatars, probably from the Crimea. (3) Saltaklu appears as a village-
name near Eski Baba in Thrace, and Saltik in Phrygia near Sandikli.
(4) It is obvious that Saltik, like Betesh (above, p. 575, note 5), means
nothing to the ordinary Turk, by the frequent attempts to produce
an etymology for it. Sari Saltik is variously rendered 4 The Blond
Apostle 9 (Ippen, Skutari, p. 72) ; 4 the Yellow Corpse 9 {λείφανον),
which was the explanation offered me by the Abbot of S. Naum (see
below, no. xx) ; 4 Yellow Pate 9 (Bargrave, in Bodleian Cod. Rawlinson,
C. 799, f. 50 vso.) ; i Yellow Jacket ’ was the translation offered me by
a bey of Okhrida ; a still more complicated derivation, from salmak
(‘ dismiss ’), is given from a native source by Degrand {Haute Albanie,
p. 240).

1 This version is set down by the seventeenth-century traveller
Evliya Efendi on the authority of the dervishes of Kilgra {Travels,
ii, 70-72 : see above, p. 429).

2 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 242 : the MS. is said by Jacob to be
the Vilayetnameh of Hajim Sultan {Beiträge, p. 2, n. 4). See further
above, p. 437.

3 On this point see above, p. 437, and n. 5.

578 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

Bektashi propaganda a good deal later than the eastern
and now contains in Albania the chief stronghold of the
sect, Sari Saltik is identified with the Christian saints
Naum and Spyridon. The corresponding cycle of the
Sari Saltik myth now current in Albania makes that
country the exclusive scene of the saint’s activity. He
appears at Kruya, where he slays a dragon, and in the
sequel, to escape persecution, crosses miraculously to
Corfu, where he dies.1 To the date and bearing of this
part of the legend we have already referred.1 2 *

The following ambiguous sanctuaries may be cited
from the European area :

xi.— Tekke of Sari Saltik, Kilgra {Bulgaria)

This Bektashi sanctuary (now abandoned), on the promontory
of Kilgra (Kaliakra) in Bulgaria, was held by its former dervish
occupants to have been the scene of Sari Saltik’s fight with the
dragon, and one of the seven places where he was buried.*
Local Christians now hold that it contains the tomb of S.
Nicolas, with whom it may have been associated in Byzantine
times ; for the Turks the saint worshipped there is now known
as Haji Baba.4 *

xii.—Pekke at Eski Baba )

The Bektashi in charge of this sanctuary in the seventeenth
century identified the saint buried in it with their own Sari
Saltik and the Christian S. Nicolas.5 The tekke is said to be
a former Christian church and is to this day frequented by
Christians.6 A mitre and other relics, alleged to have belonged

1 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 240. Above, p. 436.

3 See above, p. 430.

4 Jirecek, in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), pp. 188 f. : ‘Am äussersten

Ende gibt es neben dem Leuchtthurm vier kleinere, künstlich ausge-
glättete und mit gemeisselten Sitzen versehene Höhlenräume, die wie

Wohnzimmer untereinander verbunden sind. Eine mit einer niederen
Umfassung zugemauerte Ecke darin gilt den Christen als Grab des
heil. Nikola, den Türken ab das des “ Hadji Baba See also above,
p. 51. 5 Above, pp. 54-6.

6 M. Christodoulos, Περιγραφή Σαράντα ‘Εκκλησιών, p. 47 : To
άρχαΐον άνομα αντικατέστη διά του σήμερον εκ τοΰ τάφου ττολιου-

Eski Baba and Bunar Hisar 579

to S. Nicolas, were formerly shown here, but were not accepted
as genuine by the Christians.1

xiii.—Tekke of В inbiroglu Ahmed , Bunar
Hisar {Abrace)

Macintosh in 1836 found just east of Bunar Hisar c a cemetery
distinguished by a tower-shaped building with a dome roof, said
to be a remnant of an ancient Greek , dedicated to St. Nicho-

las, but now the burying-place of a wealthy Turkish pro-
prietor *.* Boue, who describes the already deserted tekke of
this day (1837), speaks of the saint as a ‘ général Achmed ’ who
was regarded as the conqueror of the country.* Bektashi saints
in Rumeli are often represented as early ghazis. The full name
of the saint, and that of the order to which the belonged
(Bektashi), are given by Jochmus, who visited the place in
1847.4 The ‘ ambiguous ’ character of the sanctuary is betrayed,
in the light of Albanian and other parallels,? by Macintosh’s
words.

χου Δερβίση (Βαβά) χαίροντος υπόληψην παρά те

Χριστιανοί^ καμένου iv τω παρά ττ} κώμη Τεκεν
άρχαίορ Ναω τοΰ Άγιον Νικολάου εν ω καί катерκει. I was told
in 1907 that Christians still frequented the tekke ; see above,
p. 55, n. 6.

1 S. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, p. S : 4 Diese Waffen, sprechen die

Türcken, habe St. Nidaus geführet : Die Griechen aber sprechen, die
Türcken habens nur hinein gehänget.’ Cf. also Arsenij Cernojevic
(a.d. 1683) in Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 345. For a more detailed
description see above, pp. 430 ff. and for relevant texts see below,
pp. 761-3. 3 Military Tour, i, 73.

3 Itinéraires, i, 132: ‘On n’y voit plus qu’un pays couvert de
broussailles, au milieu duquel il y a une petite mosquée et vis-à-vis un
bâtiment carré entouré d’une muraille. La mosquée n’est que le
monument qui recèle les restes du général Achmed, le conquérant de
ce pays, et ceux de quelques uns de ses parents. Une natte entoure le
tombeau afin qu’on puisse y prier. Un cimetière est autour de cet
édifice, qui est un lieu de pèlerinage et le bâtiment carré sert à héberger
alors les dévots.’ The tekke was probably one of those put down in
1826, and is now a chiftlik or farm.

4 J.R.G.S. xxiv (1854), P- 44 5 for the inscription in ‘Ancient
Syrian ’ letters see above, p. 519, n. 4.

5 Especially nos. xviii, xix, below.

580 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

xiv.—Tekke of Akyazili , near Balchik

{Rumania)

Though it is nowhere distinctly stated, this tekke was in the
hands of the Bektashi, as a Varna resident informed me, in 1914.
The saint, who appears to have been purely Moslem in origin,1
developed a Christian side as S. Athanasius, who, under present
conditions, seems in a fair way to usurp all the honours of the
place.1

XV.—5. Eusebia, Selymbria ( )

What seems, in the light of modern developments in Albania,1 2 3
to be a corresponding adoption of a Christian saint by the Bek-
tashi is noted by Cantimir in Thrace, a former stronghold of the
order. ‘ At Selymbria are preserved entire ’, he says, ‘ the re-
mains of S. Euphemia : the Turks call her Cadid, and visit her
out of curiosity.’4 The allusion is to the body of S. (όσια) Xene
(in religion Eusebia) of Mylasa, which is still preserved in the
church of the Virgin at Selymbria.5 Here, as in Albania, if our
supposition is correct, the Bektashi have selected an ancient
church containing the tangible relics of a popular saint, whom
they have re-named for the purposes of their propaganda.

1 He was possibly tribal : a village named Akyazili formerly existed
in Bulgaria (Jirecek, in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), p. 161), and there
is a village Akyazi in Bithynia.

2 Kanitz, Bulgarie, pp. 474 ff. ; Jirecek, Bulgarien, p. 533 : cf.

Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), p. 182 ; J. Nikolaos, ’Οδησσός,
pp. 248-50. I was told by a local resident that during the last war
the crescent on the turbe had been displaced in favour of a cross by the
Bulgarian priest of the village. The development of this cult is
discussed in detail above, p. 90-2 : original texts are given below,
pp. 763 ff. 3 Below, nos. XX, xxi.

4 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 121. Turks or Greeks will of course frequent
any miraculous shrine for cure irrespective of religion ; the renaming
stamps this case as peculiar. Von Hammer (Hist. Emp. Ott. iii, 14)
translates Cadid by momie, but I can find no authority for this.

5 S. Xene figures in the Synaxariaof 24 Jan. Her relics at Selymbria

are mentioned already in 1614 by Pietro della Valle (Viaggi, i, 17) and
in modern times are one of the attractions of a frequented Orthodox
pilgrimage, cf. Prodikos, in Θρακικη i, 68 ; Anon., in

φάνης, iii, 256, 322. A distaff and other belongings of the saint are

Ainos

581

xvi.—Ainos (“Thrace)) Tekke of Tunuz Baba

A cruciform domed building, apparently of Christian origin,
on the outskirts of Ainos is called by the Turks the tekke of
Yunuz Baba and by the Christians the church of S. Euplous.1
Thrace was notoriously a stronghold of Bektashism down to the
fall of the Janissaries (1826) and Ainos was a garrisoned fortress.
Baba is the usual saint’s title and Yunuz (£ Jonas ’) a favourite
name among the Bektashi, perhaps on account of the famous
Bektashi saint Emrem Yunuz.*

S. Euplous, a Sicilian saint, though his memory is venerated
by the Orthodox (11 Aug.) is a most unusual patron for a Greek
church. We may possibly explain his presence at Ainos by the
assumption that he is a derivative of Yunuz Baba. The (verbal)
connexion of the name of S. Euplous with the sea is obvious,
and Yunuz (Jonas) is equally easily so connected.3

In the western section of Turkey in Europe, which
includes Albania, the great stronghold of Bektashism
to-day, many ambiguous sanctuaries besides those here
set down probably await discovery, since the Moslems
of Albania represent to a very large extent Christian
populations converted, some only nominally, at various
dates.4 They are generally considered lax Moham-
medans, and share much of the superstition of their
Christian compatriots. The Tosks are largely Shia.5

also shown ; such relics are comparatively rare in Orthodoxy, exceed-
ingly common in popular Islam.

1 Lambakis, in Δελτίον Χριστ. Άρχαιολ. ‘Εταιρείας, Η, 28.

2 It may be more than a coincidence that a Pasha named Yunuz
conquered the town of Ainos for Mohammed II, but did not die there
(Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iii, 28). Here is quite sufficient
foundation for a dervish legend of a ghazi saint.

3 Cf. the case of Yunuz Baba at Constantinople, who is also called
‘ Deniz Abdal \ ‘ the fool (-saint) of the sea \ and is believed to have
walked on the sea (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople,

p· 135)·

4 For the conversion of Albania see above, p. 439.

5 Ibrahim Manzour, Mémoires, p. xvii. A false prophet, claiming
to be an incarnation of Ali, appeared in Albania in 1607 (Ambassade de
J. de Gontaut-Biron, Paris, 1889, p. 138).

582 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

For Albanian Christians the material inducements to
become at least nominally Mussulmans have always
been great. A more promising field for Bektashi pro-
paganda could hardly be found.

The following ambiguous sanctuaries may be cited
from the western area, all demonstrably depending on
the propaganda of the Bektashi. The historical back-
ground of their development will be discussed later.

xvii.—Tekke of A urbe Ali , , near

Veie stino 1 ( )

This, the last remaining Bektashi convent in ‘ old ’ Greece, is
visited by Christians as a sanctuary of S. George, and a ‘ tra-
dition ’ is current that it occupies the site of a Christian monas-
tery dedicated to that saint. There is no trace of previous
Christian occupation.*

xviii.—Tekke of Sersem ,

The Bektashi saint supposed to be buried here is identified
by local Christians with S. Elias, apparently on no other grounds
than the similarity between the names Ali and .3 The
history of the foundation will be discussed below.

xix.—Tekke of Karaja , near Uskub

This (Bektashi) tekke, near the present station of Alexandrovo
(between Uskub and Kumanovo), has been described at some
length by Evans, who notes that it was in Turkish times fre-
quented by Christians on S. George’s day.1 * * 4 The identification
of Karaja Ahmed 5 with S. George has taken such hold on the
Christian population that since the Balkan war and the Serbian
conquest of the district the sanctuary has been formally claimed
for Christianity by the erection of a cross, though the dervish in
charge has not been evicted.6

1 South of the station Aivali, between Velestino and Pharsala : see

above, p. 531. * F. W. H. з F. W. H.

4 J.H.S. xxi, 202 ff. ; cf. Archaeologia, xlix, no: above, pp. 274-7.

5 Karaja Ahmed is a regular Bektashi ‘ intrusion ’ figure of the same

type as Sari Saltik : see above, p. 405.

6 From a local Mohammedan informant (1914).

S. Naum and S. Spy ridon 583

XX.—Monastery of S. Naum on Lake Okhrida

This monastery, containing the tomb of the saint, one of the
seven apostles of the Slavs, is known to local Moslems generally
as Sari Saltik, with whom the Christian saint is identified ;1
the Bektashi of the adjoining (Koritza) district make pilgrimage
to the tomb. Already in the twenties of the last century Walsh
remarks that ‘ the Turks claim S. Naoum as a holy man of their
religion V and von Hahn in the ’sixties found a prayer-carpet
kept at the tomb for the benefit of Moslem pilgrims :3 this
carpet, not being a necessary, or even a usual, feature of a
Moslem cult, was probably considered, or on its way to be con-
sidered, a personal relic of the saint. While I was at S. Naum
(1914), the Greek abbot, to whom I am indebted for informa-
tion on the relations of the Bektashi with the monastery, told
me that he had received a visit from the abbot of one of the
Bektashi tekkes at Koritza, who told him that Sari Saltik, on a
visit to the monastery, had, with the Christian abbot, miracu-
lously crossed the lake to Okhrida on a straw-mat (ψάθα). Such
miraculous journeys, generally made on prayer-rugs, are a regu-
lar motif of dervish stories.4 The introduction of Okhrida may
indicate the beginning of an adoption by the Bektashi of the
church and tomb of S. Clement in the latter town.

xxi.—S. Spyridon, Corfu

S. Spyridon, as we have said, is one of the Christian saints
identified by the Bektashi with their own apostle Sari Saltik ;3
this explains the introduction of Corfu, where S. Spyridon’s
body is preserved in the cathedral, into the Kruya cycle of Sari

1 According to one Bektashi tradition, Sari Saltik settled at the
monastery, converted, and eventually succeeded to, the Christian abbot.
This is a mild edition of the earlier episode at Danzig (above, p. 429).

1 Constantinople, ii, 376 ; cf. E. Spencer, Travels, ii, 76.

3 Drin und Wardar, p. 108.

4 The incident occurs in the ‘ first edition ’ of the Sari Saltik legend,
where the saint and his companions cross in this way to Europe, and in
a version of the Kruya-Corfu cycle told me by the sheikh at the tekke
of Turbe Ali ; in this latter story the dervish’s habit (

was the vehicle. For the theme in Christian and other hagiologies see
Saintyves, Saints Successeurs des Dieux, p. 254, and above, pp. 285-7.

5 See above, p. 436, n. 4.

584 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

Saltik’s adventures.1 Albanian Bektashi are said to make pil-
grimage to the saint in Corfu.1

xxii.— Athens, Pekke at Entrance to Acropolis

A tekke immediately above the Odeum of Herodes is shewn
in several early prints and existed down to the War of Inde-
pendence : the dervish order to which it belonged is nowhere
stated, but it seems probable that tekkes in this and similar
positions with regard to garrisoned fortresses served as chapels
or ‘ lodges ’ for the Janissaries during the connexion of the
latter body with the Bektashi.

Pittakys in 1835 writes of the tekke in question : £ les habi-
tants rapportent que là où avant la révolution grecque était
une mosquée (renés) existait auparavant une église consacrée

aux saints Anargyri ’.з A tekke containing two saints’ graves,
if it had a reputation for miracles of healing, might easily be
identified by the Orthodox with a sanctuary of the doctor-
saints, Cosmas and Damian, whether or not the site had
originally been consecrated to them.

An analysis of these twelve ambiguous sanctuaries in
Europe gives the following results :

1. Connexion with the Bektashi is established in
nine cases (xi, xii, xiii, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii).

2. Bektashi sanctuaries are made accessible to Chris-
tians by ‘ identification ’ in six cases (xiii, xiv, xvi, xvii,
xviii, xix).

3. Christian sanctuaries are made accessible to Bek- 1 2 3

1 See above, pp. 435 ff.

2 I am told by an English Corfiote of the older generation, Mr. Weale,
that in his childhood many Albanian Moslems visited the cathedral
at S. Spyridon’s two festivals, and paid their respects to the saint’s
remains : they often brought with them offerings of candles and even
of livestock. This has been abundantly confirmed by my own inquiries
at Corfu. Lafont (Trois Mois en Albanie, p. 50) heard it said by some
that the body was a woman’s : this may be a faint echo of the tales in
which bodies of Christians and Moslems are interchanged in their
graves, for which see further above, pp. 446 ff.

3 VAncienne Athènes, p. 224. Stuart and Revett seem also to have
thought that a church had occupied the site.

Theory of Bektashi Propaganda 585

tashi by ‘ identification ’ in four, possibly five, cases (xi,
xii, XV (?), XX, xxi).

It will be noted that the mental attitude of Bektashi
and Christians with regard to these ambiguous sanc-
tuaries is somewhat different. The educated Bektashi,
to whom the ideas of pantheism and metempsychosis
are familiar, find it easy and natural to identify the
Christian saints with their own ; for simpler souls, if
indeed the efficacy of the miracles does not suffice them,
fables like the ‘ disguise ’ of Sari Saltik in the robes of
‘ Svity Nikola ’1 may be used to bridge the gap. Chris-
tians, having before them numerous examples of churches
usurped by the Moslem conqueror, accept rather the
assumption that the Bektashi sanctuary occupies a site
already consecrated by Christian tradition, though their
act of worship is made in the actual tomb-chamber of
the Moslem saint and conforms to the custom of the
Moslem sanctuary. This leads in some cases to the
belief that the buried saint himself was a Christian, and
political changes may lead to the definite and official
transference of the tekketo Christianity.2 In the pro-
mulgation and acceptance of these fictitious identifi-
cations the material interests of the parties concerned
have evidently played an important part. The occu-
piers of the ambiguous sanctuary, be they Christian
or Bektashi, find their clientèle, and consequently their
revenues, increased, while the frequenters receive the
less tangible but not less appreciated benefits of miracu-
lous healing and intercession.

The concessions of Bektashism to Christianity and of
Christianity to Bektashism seem at first sight exactly
balanced. Christian churches adopt fictitious Bektashi
traditions and receive Bektashi pilgrims : conversely,
Bektashi tekkes adopt fictitious Christian legends and
receive Christian pilgrims. But the apparent equality

1 Above, p. 429. 2 Cf. nos. xiv, xix, above.

3295.2

Q

586 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

is only superficial. The ultimate aim of the Bektashi
was not to amalgamate Christianity with Bektashism on
equal terms, but to absorb Christianity in Bektashism.
It may well be that the partial adoption by the Bek-
tashi of such churches as S. Naum and S. Spyridon
really represent intermediate stages in the process of
transition from exclusive Christian ownership to com-
plete Bektashi occupation. In Albania we can under-
stand that the process was arrested by the revival of the
Orthodox Church in the eighteenth century. In Thrace
we seem to see in Eski Baba, where a Christian church
has become completely Bektashi, an example of successful
transference at a more favourable date. In Anatolia it
is at least possible that the same methods were used
earlier still, so early and with such complete success that
no trace of the process remains : but we have always to
bear in mind the possibility that supposed Christian
£ traditions ’ are to be accounted for by false legends,
circulated or countenanced from interested motives by
the dervishes in charge, or on patriotic grounds by the
local Christians.

§ 4. Political Background

The propagation of such a religion as Bektashism is
considerably aided if it can rely on the support or con-
nivance of the civil power, especially as it is regarded by
orthodox Moslems as heretical. In the case of the
western (Albanian) group of ambiguous sanctuaries
under Bektashi influence clear traces can be detected of
a political combination, such as we have suggested in
explanation of the analogous religious phenomena at
medieval Konia. The spread of Bektashism in Albania
is generally thought to be due to the support given to
the propagandists by Ali Pasha of Yannina (d. 1822) :1

1 Brailsford, Macedonia, pp. 233, 244. This I have found generally
admitted by south Albanian Bektashi, some of whom also connect

Ali Pasha and the Bektashi 587

this idea will be found to be well grounded, and there
are hints that All’s relations with the Bektashi were
paralleled by those of other Albanian and Rumeliote
potentates. It is still strongly held in Tepelen, the
birthplace of Ali, that his connexion with dervishes was
an important factor of his success.1 One tradition says
his father was a dervish.3 Ali himself believed devoutly
in dervishes, and not without reason. It is said that,
while still a poor and insignificant boy, he was pointed
out by a wandering holy man, to whom he and his
mother had, despite their poverty, offered shelter and
hospitality, as one that had a great future.3 This same
holy man gave him a ‘ lucky ’ ring, which he wore even
at the end of his life.4 His superstitious belief in pro-
phecy was enhanced by his contact with the Greek monk
and evangelist Cosmas (afterwards canonized),who fore-
told to him, already in 1778, that he should prevail over
the pasha of Berat, become vizir of Epirus, fight with
the Sultan, and go to Constantinople ‘ with a red
beard ’5—all of which eventually came to pass.

It was apparently in his later life that Ali ‘ got
religion ’ ; naturally it was not the strict observance of
Sunni puritans that attracted him, but rather the
licence and superstition of the less reputable members
of the dervish orders, and their potential political

Omer Vrioni of Berat and Mahmud Bey of Avlona, both contemporaries
of Ali, with the movement.

1 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 239.

3 For the family of Ali see Lamprides, Άλή Πασσάς, pp. 15 ff., who
says his grandfather was an Anatolian dervish of Kutahia.

3 Durham, loc. ciu A similar tale is told by Aravantinos, * AXrj Πασά,
p. 422.

4 Ibrahim Manzour, Mémoires, p. 271 (the author was a French
renegade who spent some years (1816-19) at All’s court) : a similar
story was told to Miss Durham at Tepelen.

5 Zotos, Λςζικον των ‘Αγίων, s.v. Κοσμάς, p. 621 ; cf. Sathas,
iVcocÄA. Φιλολογία, p. 491. It should be noted that a very similar
prophecy is attributed by the Bektashi to three of their own saints,
Sheikh Mimi, Sheikh Ali, and Nasibi.

Q 2

588 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

importance. ‘ In his younger years ’, writes Hobhouse in
1809, ‘ Ali was not a very strict Mahometan ; but he
has lately become religious, and entertains several Der-
vishes at his court V I was told definitely by a Bektashi
sheikh that Ali was admitted to their order by the
celebrated sheikh Mimi of Bokhara, who was certainly
alive in 1807.* This is probably the change to which
Hobhouse refers.

Towards the end of his life the Pasha was much
addicted to the society of dervishes, and Yannina be-
came notorious as the haunt of the most disreputable of
them.3 Ibrahim Manzur enumerates no fewer than
seven prominent sheikhs of his own time who received
special favours from Ali,4 being provided with endowed
tekkes or other establishment. One of them Ali used
regularly as his diplomatic agent ; another toured in
Albania, collecting contributions for the order, and,
doubtless, information for his master also. The sheikh
of a tekke at Skutari (Constantinople) visited the court
of Yannina regularly once a year.5 The local (Epirote)
Bektashi with whom I have conversed on the subject
did not recognize the names of the sheikhs enumerated
by Ibrahim Manzur as belonging to their sect : the one
possible exception wras Sheikh Hasan, who is probably
identical with the Bektashi saint Hasan Baba Sheret,
buried outside Yannina.6 My informants were agreed

1 Albania, i, 124.

– See below, p. 590. Aravantinos ÇAXfj Πασά, p. 417) says that
Ali boasted that he was a Bektashi, but cj. below, p. 589, n. 1. The
headstone of the tomb of Ali at Yannina was formerly marked by the
twelve-sided headdress (taj) of the order, as is shown in a drawing in
Allom and Walsh’s Constantinople. The headstone has been removed
within living memory.

3 Leake N. Greece, iv, 285 : ‘ There is no place in Greece where in
consequence of this encouragement these wandering or mendicant
Musulman monks are so numerous as at Ioannina.’ Ibrahim Manzur
says the same of his own time. 4 Mémoires, p. 211. 5 Ibid.> p. 291.

6 Of the others I was able to trace only Sheikh Brusalu, whose tomb
is still to be seen in Preveza : he is regarded as an orthodox saint.

Ali Pasha and the Bektashi 589

that their order had never possessed a tekke in Yannina
or south of it, on account of the fanatical orthodoxy of
local Moslems. Ali himself did not openly admit his
connexion with the heretical sect.1 It is, of course,
possible that some of the apparently orthodox dervishes
in his pay were either secret adherents of the Bektashi
or (to use no harsher word) latitudinarian in their
beliefs.*

All’s connexion with the Bektashi was mainly, per-
haps, a matter of policy,3 but his personal religion, such
as it was, shows the mixture of atheism tempered by
superstition, and tolerance towards other sects, espe-
cially Christians, which is characteristic of the lower
forms of Bektashism. 4 At the time that Christianity
was out of favour in France,’ says Leake, 4 he was in the
habit of ridiculing religion and the immortality of the
soul with his French prisoners ; and he lately remarked
to me, speaking of Mahomet, είμαι προφήτης στα

*Ιωάννινα—and I too am a prophet at Ioannina.’4 But with
all this he had a deep-rooted belief in charms, m agic,and
prophecy. As regards his tolerant attitude towards
Christians he may have been influenced by the prophecy

1 Ibrahim Manzour, Mémoires, p. xix, but cf. Aravantinos, above,
p. 588, n. 2 : one of All’s sons, Mukhtar Pasha, openly avowed
himself Shia ; Selim, another son by a slave wife, is said to have become
a dervish sheikh (North, Essay on Ancient and Modern Greeks, p. 191).

2 The distinctions between the Bektashi and other orders are not
rigid. I have heard of two recent cases of the conversion of sheikhs of
other orders to Bektashism.

3 Leake, N. Greece, iv, 285 : ‘ Although no practical encourager of
liberty and equality, he finds the religious doctrines of the Bektashi
exactly suited to him.’… * Aiy takes from every body and gives only
to the dervishes, whom he undoubtedly finds politically useful,’ cf.
ibid. i, 407. Pouqueville {Hist, Régénér. Grècey i, 59) gives a still more
cynical account as follows : 4 Musulman avec les Turcs, il caressait les
plus fanatiques… panthéiste avec les bektadgis, il professait le matéria-
lisme quand il était dans leur compagnie ; et chrétien lorsq’il s’enivrait
avec les Grecs, il buvait à la santé de la bonne Vierge : ’ cf. also i, 273.

4 N. Greece, iv, 285.

59° Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

of Cosmas, whose memory he perpetuated by the erec-
tion of a monastery to enshrine his remains.1 His Greek
wife was allowed an Orthodox chapel in his palace at
Yannina,1 * 3 and many Christian churches were built by
his permission,3 a concession exceptional, if not illegal,
in his time : on the other hand, he is said never to have
built a mosque.4 In his courts Christians were rather
favoured than otherwise.5 Here, as in his alliance with
the Bektashi, which was of the nature of a compact in
the interest of both parties, we must not lose sight of the
political motive : to conciliate the Christians was to
bid for the support of an important minority which
might otherwise give trouble.

So much for All’s connexion with the Bektashi and
the activities of the latter in Yannina itself. Leake, who
already recognized the Pasha’s predilection for the Bek-
tashi, noted in Thessaly, then one of his dependencies,
tekkes at Trikkala and at Aidinli (near Agia) built at his
expense.6 Kruya, which was in the pashalik of Sku-
tari and is now the great stronghold of Bektashism in
northern Albania, was for some years the residence of
Sheikh Mimi, who had admitted Ali to the order.
Mimi’s missionary work at Kruya was conspicuously
successful. He founded a tekke there in 1807, appa-
rently beside an existing (or reputed) saint’s grave, but
eventually fell a victim to his intrigues against the civil
governor.7 It is possibly in connexion with this incident
that the Pasha of Skutari banished from his capital all
Bektashi dervishes as emissaries of Ali.8

We have thus direct evidence of All’s connexion and

1 Zotos, loc. cit. 2 Beauchamp, Vie d*Ali Pacha> p. 182.

^ Juchereau, Empire Ottoman, iii, 65.

4 Miller, Ottoman Empire, p. 64, but the statement needs modifica-

tion ; cf. Holland, Travels, i, 412 ; Leake, N. Greece, i, 152.

5 Beauchamp, loc. cit. 6 Above, p. 534.

7 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 209: cf. 245. Sec above, p. 550.

8 Ippen, Skutari, p. 36.

Ali Pasha and the Bektashi 591

collaboration with the Bektashi in Thessaly, which
formed part of his satrapy, and in the province of
Skutari outside it. It thus seems probable that the
same combination was responsible for much of the
recent conversion of the southern (Tosk) Albanians in
the districts north of Yannina (Argyrokastro, Premet,
Konitza, Leskovik, Kolonia, Koritza), which are at the
present day strongly Bektashi.1 Patsch, speaking of the
district of Berat, remarks significantly that all Tosk and
Lap Albanians who first converted under Ali Pasha,
though they outwardly conform, are in fact but indif-
ferent Mussulmans, caring little for mosques or prayers.2

The claims of the Bektashi to the Christian saint
Naum, buried near Koritza, may possibly be traced to
the period and influences of All’s supremacy. The
monastery of S. Naum was rebuilt in 1806,3 and Leake,
who visited it in 1809, remarks the special favour shown
to it by Ali.4 Von Hahn was told in the sixties that the
fame of the monastery was relatively recent, and that
it was under the official protection of a local Moslem
(Bektashi ?) family : 5 the reverence shown by the Turks
for S. Naum is mentioned about the time of All’s death
by Walsh.6

As to the Sari Saltik-S. Spyridon equation, it occurs
first in the Kruya cycle of the Sari Saltik legend, the
whole of which is foreign to the earlier version given
by Evliya : the adventures of the saint at Kruya may
well have been adapted from the original legend for
local consumption by All’s agent there, the missionary
Sheikh Mimi. One of Ali’s great political ambitions was
to add the Ionian islands to his dominions, and especially
S. Mavra and Corfu, as being opposite respectively to

1 This is admitted both by Christians and Bektashi.

2 Beraty p. 53.

3 H. Gelzer, in Ath. Mitth. xxvii, 440. 4 N. Greece, iv, 149.

5 Drin and Wardary p. 108.

6 Constantinople, ii, 376 (quoted above).

592 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

Preveza and Sayada and SS. Quaranta, the ports of his
capital Yannina.1 S. Mavra he nearly succeeded in
taking : 2 Corfu had been prophetically promised him
by a dervish named Sheikh Ali (d. 1817) in whom he
implicitly believed.3 The alleged tomb of Sari Saltik
would form in Corfu just such a religious bait to his
followers as had been provided by the earlier version of
the legend at certain points in Christian Europe.4

The tekke at Kalkandelen5 offers a similar example of
retrospective legend. It was built, according to in-
formation collected on the spot, by a certain Riza Pasha
at the instance of a Bektashi dervish named Muharrebe
Baba, to whom was revealed at Constantinople (presum-
ably by a vision) the site of the grave of a great Bektashi
saint, Sersem Ali, at Kalkandelen. The tekke at Kalkan-
delen now contains amongst others the graves of Sersem
Ali and of the two founders, Muharrebe Baba and Riza
Pasha. Sersem Ali is supposed to have died in the
middle of the sixteenth century,6 and has, beyond this
reputed grave, no connexion with Albania. Riza Pasha’s
tomb is dated a. h. 1238 ( = a. d. 1822-3). It thus seems
fairly clear that the tomb of Sersem Ali is not authentic,
and that the dervish’s ‘ vision ’ was part of the Bektashi
propaganda in Albania. To judge by the date of Riza
Pasha’s death (the same as that of Ali) the may
well belong to the series dating from the period of All’s
power.

Both at Kruya and at Kalkandelen fabricated evidence
of earlier Bektashi occupation seems to have been made
the pretext or justification for the founding of Bektashi

1 Beauchamp, Vie dyAli Pacha, pp. 163, 194. : Holland, Travels,
i, 4°5, +5°> &c.

2 Leake, N. Greece, iii, 13. In Leake’s time the fort, still called
Tekkey on the mainland opposite S. Mavra was actually a dervish
convent.

3 Ibrahim Manzour, op. cit., p. 234. Sheikh Ali is claimed by the

Bektashi. 4 Cf. above, p. 433.

5 Above, no. xviii. 6 Jacob, Bektaschijjey p. 27.

Hasan Pehlivan and 593

tekkes, in the former case by a known emissary of Ali
Pasha, in the latter probably independently of his in-
fluence. Kalkandelen seems at this period to have been
subject with Uskub to hereditary pashas of old standing,1
of whom Riza was probably one.

Other local pashas in Rumeli were manifestly in touch
with the Bektashi movement at about the same date.
Hasan Pehlivan Baba, pasha of Rustchuk, founded the
tekke of Demir Baba, a saint supposed to have lived
‘ four hundred years ago ’.a This tekke seems certainly
to have been Bektashi, as it suffered under Mahmud II,3
the notorious persecutor of the sect ; the pasha himself
appears to have been loyal to the Sultan, though his
title of ‘ Baba ’ seems to indicate that he held a high
position in the Bektashi hierarchy. Another contem-
porary governor who may reasonably be suspected of
Bektashi leanings is the notorious Pasvanoglu, whose
successful rebellion (1799) against Selim III brought
him the pashalik of Vidin.4 He seems to have been a
strong partisan of the Janissaries (who were backed by
the Bektashi) and of the ancien ,5 and his fief of

Kirja or Kirja Ali, whence his ferocious irregulars, the
‘ Kirjali ’ were recruited,6 has been in its time an im-
portant Bektashi centre as containing the tomb of the
saint Said Ali.7

1 Grisebach, Reise durch Ruvielien (1839), 23°

2 Jirecek, Bulgarien, p. 411 ; cf. Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 535, for a
description and legends of the tekke. Pehlivan Baba is mentioned in
contemporary history (Jorga, Gescb. d. Osman. Reiches, v, 190, &c.)

and in legend becomes inextricably involved in the fantastic adventures
of the saint of the tekke : see above, pp. 296 f. з Kanitz, loc. cit.

4 On Pasvanoglu see Ranke, Servia, p. 487 ; Jorga, op. cit. v, 119, &c.

5 For the politico-religious combinations of this period see below,
pp. 618 ff.

6 Most contemporary travellers in Rumeli mention the devastations
of the * Kirjali5 bands in the district of Adrianople and elsewhere.

7 F. W. H. It would not be surprising to hear that the tomb of Said
Ali was i discovered ’ by a dervish in Pasvanoglu’s time.

594 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

In the present connexion the relations of Pasvanoglu
with the Greek patriot Rhigas of Pherae (1757-98)
have a special interest.1 Rhigas, inspired by the ideas
of the French revolution, was one of the prime movers
in a comprehensive conspiracy based on a combination
of the ‘ liberal ’ (or discontented) elements in the Tur-
kish empire. This conspiracy, which was encouraged by
Napoleon, aimed not only at the liberation of the Greeks
as such, but at the general emancipation of the sultan’s
subjects, irrespective of creed or race, from the yoke of
a tyrant.

Before this ambitious scheme was inaugurated, while
Rhigas was in the service of the hospodar Mavroyenis,
it so happened that he received orders to arrest and
hand over to his master Pasvanoglu, the future tyrant
of Vidin. Rhigas carried out the first part of his in-
structions but befriended his prisoner and released him
secretly, providing him with a disguise. After the
death of Mavroyenis (1790), Rhigas made use of this
incident to persuade Pasvanoglu into his conspiracy.
His arguments, as recorded by his friend Perrhaibos,
show the widest toleration in matters of religion. He
insists on the Brotherhood of all men, irrespective of
creed ; it is impertinence for either Mussulman or
Christian to insist on the superiority of his own creed,
since no man is competent to decide such high matters
and all men have one Creator and Father.1 2 This is of
course Bektashi doctrine and could make no appeal to
an orthodox Mussulman.

Rhigas seems further to have had secret relations
with the Albanian beys, including Ali Pasha, who, like

1 The chief source for the life of Rhigas seems to be the Βιογραφία
by his contemporary and friend Perrhaibos. A summary of his life
is given by Sathas, NeoeXX. Φιλολογία, pp. 529 ff : see also the recent
pamphlet of Lambros, ‘Αποκαλύψεις περί του μαρτυρίου του *Ρήγα :
cf. also his Άνεκ&οτα ‘Έγγραφα περί *Ρήγα.

2 Quoted from Perrhaibos by Sathas, p. 531.

Rhigas and 595

Pasvanoglu, made considerable, though unsuccessful,
efforts to rescue him during his captivity (1798). When
we hear that Rhigas carried on his intrigues in Rumeli
disguised as a dervish,1 we suspect some combination
with the Bektashi group. Either (which is not impos-
sible 1 2) Rhigas was himself affiliated to the sect and
bound by a vow to help a brother Bektashi in trouble,
which would explain his early intervention on Pasvano-
glu’s behalf,3 or at least his conspiracy had some such
secret relations with the Bektashi organization as seem
recently to have existed between the latter and the
Young Turkish party.

Turning back to the Asiatic side of the Aegean, we
find no clear evidence of similar combinations between
dervish orders and local beys, though they may be sus-
pected. In western Asia Minor, as in European Turkey,
the concentration of power in the hands of a few leading
families at the end of the eighteenth century has long
been remarked. The chief of these families were the
Karaosmanoglu, the Ellezoglu, and the Chapanoglu.
The dominions of the Karaosmanoglu 4 included a large
portion of the present Aidin (Smyrna) , their

capital being at Magnesia, which is only second to
Konia as a centre of the Mevlevi order of dervishes ; 5
the territory of the Ellezoglu marched with theirs on
the south, occupying the present of Mentesh

1 A. Kalcvras, Έπιστολαί, p. 8 : 6 ‘Ρήγας . . . ώς

δερβ ίσης απανταχού τής Τουρκίας υπό το πρόσχημα διδασκάλου τής
ηθικής καί μνστικώς μεν εδίδασκε τούς . . . διά να

συνενοηθώσι μετά τοΰ Ναπολεοντος ίνα υποστήριξή αυτούς εις
επανάστασιν τοΰ Σουλτάν Σελήμη και αυτούς μικρούς

ηγεμόνας ανεξαρτήτους. Cf. above, p. 594*

з The attempts of Ali, a known Bektashi, and Pasvanoglu to rescue
Rhigas may be assigned to the same cause. On the other hand, both
may have feared detrimental revelations at his examination.

3 For their rise, see below, pp. 597 ff.

5 Garnett, Women of Turkey, ii, 438. Magnesia was also a Bektashi
stronghold down to 1826.

596 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda

down to Budrum (Halicarnassus) ;1 while the Chapan-
oglu, farther east, with their capital at Yuzgat, governed
an extensive territory, inhabited largely by semi-nomad
Turkoman tribes, and including the central tekke of the
Bektashi, in the vilayets of Sivas and Angora. The
relations of these semi-independent feudatories were
harmonious and their rule strict but enlightened, notably
in the treatment of Christians, who throve conspicuously
under all three dynasties.2 The power of the three
governing families was broken by the centralizing policy
of Mahmud II, in spite of their proved loyalty,3 to the
great detriment of the country.

It is tempting to suppose that at the back of this
harmonious, tolerant, and (for Turkey) stable baronial
government, developed simultaneously over large dis-
tricts of Asia Minor, lay a secret religious organization4
with liberal principles such as those of the Mevlevi, or
such as Bektashism might have become under more intel-
ligent and far-sighted rulers than Ali Pasha of Yannina.

1 Spectateur Oriental, no. 297 (8 Dec. 1827) : cjForbin, Travels,
pp. 20-1.

2 This is a commonplace in the case of the Karaosmanoglu (see
especially Keppel, Journey across the Balcan, ii, 323). For the treat-
ment of Christians by the Ellezoglu see Cockerell, Travels, p. 162 ;
W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 10; TschihatschefPs Reisen, ed.
Kiepert, p. 23 ; for the similar tendencies of Turkish beys of the Mylasa
district, see Koutoulis, in Ξενοφάνης, iii, 452 : Turner, op. cit. iii, 67.
For the condition of Christians under the Chapanoglu see Perrot, Sou-
venirs, p. 386 : the best account of them is in Kinneir’s Journey through
Asia Minor (pp. 85 ff.).

3 It is noteworthy that in 1808, when Mahmud II came to the throne
by the deposition of Mustafa IV (a creature of the Janissary-Bektashi
combination), he had the support of the Karaosmanoglu and the
Chapanoglu (Times, Nov. 15, 1808 ; cj. Juchereau, Hist. Emp. Ott.
Ü, 247).

4 Such a combination certainly existed among the Turkomans of
the Angora district in the fourteenth century (Karabashek, in Num.
Zeit. 1877, p. 213 ; cf. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 214).
XLV

THE RISE OF THE KARAOSMANOGLU 1

4 We Moslem little reck of blood
But yet the line of Karasman
Unchanged, unchangeable hath stood
First of the bold Timariot bands
That won and well can keep their lands.’

Byron, Bride of Abydos (1813), vii.

§ I

THE Karaosmanoglu dynasty, which during the
eighteenth century and part of the nineteenth
ruled the province of Sarukhan (Magnesia) in Asia
Minor, stands almost alone in Turkish history as an
example of a family which not only won and retained
a wide local supremacy, but was conspicuous for family
solidarity and wise administration throughout its tenure
of power. Of the numerous pretenders to independence
who disputed the sultans’ sway during the centuries in
question, few were able to make their claims hereditary,
and none could justly boast, as could the Karaosmano-
glu, that their administration had raised their dominions
from poverty and disorder to a degree of prosperity
unknown probably since the Roman empire.

The history, real and mythical, of this great Turkish
family affords an interesting illustration of the growth
of folk-traditon and its relation to historical fact, since
we have here the rare advantage of being able to com-
pare and contrast fact and fiction, and even to trace the
growth of the myth. Less than a hundred and fifty
years from the rise of the family, which is not extinct at
the present day, its real origin is completely obscured ;
its actual history is supplanted by a purely legendary
set of incidents and associations by which the family
gains in prestige no less than in antiquity.

1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xix, 198 ff.

598 The Rise of the Karaosmanoglu

§ 2

Historically the foundations of the Karaosmanoglu
fortunes were laid about the close of the seventeenth
century by successful brigandage on a large scale. Hey-
mann, a pastor of the Dutch community at Smyrna,
visited Aidin probably in 1707 1 and there found the
original Karaosmanoglu established as governor of the
province. c This Pacha he says, ‘ is called Osman
Ouglou, and is the same who some years since made all
Natolia tremble, as captain of a corps of Banditti, con-
sisting of four thousand horsemen, with which he over-
run the country, raising contributions from persons of
fortune, and committing all manner of violences. The
Grand Signior, however, at length, pardoned him,
possibly more out of fear, than any other motive, and
conferred on him this post which is very considerable.’ 3
The same story with minor variations and a slightly
more heroic setting is told by Choiseul-Gouffier. ‘ About
sixty years ago ’ Kara Osman, a private soldier in the
service of a local agha, formed an army and a party,
seized Pergamon, and eventually the whole province.
Despite his success he was executed by the Sultan, but
his wealth was so used by his sons as to assure the per-
manence of the dynasty, and his brother bought the
aghalik of Pergamon.3

The local variation in these two stories need not
surprise us. Every brigand on a large scale in this
district made it his aim to ‘ hold up ’ the two great

1 For the difficulty of dating exactly incidents mentioned in Hey-
mann’s travels owing to the fusion of two later travellers’ accounts with
his own, see the note in Vivien de S. Martin’s bibliography of Asia Minor,
no. 91 (in Asie Mineure, ii) and Jöcher’s Gelehrteniexikon. Fortsetz. s. v.
He appears from G. Cuper’s Lettres to have been pastor at Smyrna by
1706 (p. 362) and as late as 1717 (p. 398) : he was at Damascus in 1708
(p. 194).

1 Egmont and Heymann, Travels (London, 1759), i, 132 : the passage
is quoted in full by Arundell, Asia ,ii, 220.

3 Voyage Pittoresque, ii (1809), p. 37 : he travelled in 1776.

Brigandage 599

caravan-routes leading to Smyrna—the valleys of the
Hermus and the Maeander—using as his base (and if
necessary his refuge) the mountains between them. It
is with the Hermus valley that the Karaosmanoglu were
chiefly associated, Magnesia being their capital and Per-
gamon the second town of their district. The discrep-
ancy as to the fate of the first Karaosmanolgu is possibly
due to a confusion on the part of Choiseul-Gouffier,
or his informant, between the rebellion of Karaosman-
oglu and that of Gedik Mohammed Pasha in 1689.1

The discrepancy in date is hardly more serious, since
neither authority is at all precise.2 In any case we can
place the rise of the first Karaosmanoglu pretty certainly
about 1697. Edmund Chishull, travelling through
Magnesia in 1699, mentions prisoners sent into that
town by c Osmanogli ’ as a matter of course,3 implying
that he had been established in the district (at Per-
gamon ?) 4 5 for some time. Contemporary newsletters
from Turkey speak of a serious rebellion in Asia Minor
during 1696 and 1697, when the war on the European
frontier made it impossible for the Porte to detach
troops to Asia Minor. In the latter year the troubles
were to some extent appeased by giving the leader of
the rebels, who is never mentioned by name, a com-
mand at the front.5 The war ended with the peace of

1 For this see Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Ott. xii, 274-6 ; Rycaut,

Hist, of the Turks, s.a. 1689, iii, 333 ff. ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, II,
ii, 90.

1 Egmont’s book, which did not appear till 1757, may be Choiseul-
Gouffier’s source. 5 Travels, p. 9.

4 The inhabitants of Pergamon were notorious for brigandage and
the town was fast declining when Rycaut visited the place ( and
Armenian Churches, p. 65). To employ an old brigand as policeman is
no strange thing even in modern Turkey.

5 Mercure Historique, 16972, Ρ· 264 : troubles in Asia Minor are

mentioned in various letters between June 1696 and July 1697. Cf.
also Rycaut’s Hist, of the Turks, iii, 548 f. ; Hammer-Hellert, xii, 397
(rebellion quelled in 1695).

6oo The Rise of the

Carlowitz in 1699, the year in which Chishull at Mag-
nesia speaks of ‘ Osmanogli \

§ 3

In 1671, probably before the name of Karaosmanoglu
had been heard of, Thomas Smith, then chaplain at
Constantinople, made the tour of the Seven Churches.
In a bath-house at Pergamon he saw a large marble vase
decorated with a frieze of horsemen in relief.1 This
vase was eventually (1837) acquired by the French
government 2 and is now in the Louvre.3 A few years
before its transference (1828) it was seen, still in the
bath-house, by MacFarlane, who was told the following
story by the owner of the bath :

‘ The tradition in my family states, that our ancestor, to
whom we are indebted for this vase, found five others with it :
each contained a quantity of coins in gold and silver, amounting
together to an immense sum. According to our laws, all hidden
treasures thus found in the earth, belong of right to the Sultan,
and consequently my ancestor, like an honest man and a good
Osmanli, remitted into the hands of government an exact ac-
count of all that he had so discovered. Instructions came from
Stambool, that he was to deliver up five of the vases, and keep
the sixth for himself ; and as in the donation of the sixth vase,
no mention had been made of the coins, he took also those of the
sixth and added them to the rest. The sultan, who intended he
should keep the treasure with the vase, was so pleased at this,
that he gave my ancestor a small estate, and the office, to be
transmitted moreover to his successors, of collecting the govern-
ment tithe on the grain growth in a neighbouring district. Now
if I were to make away with this vase, it would be destroying
a bond by which I hold my little estate and privileges.’4

1 Septem Ecclesiarum Notifia, p. 15. The vase seems to have been
discovered a year earlier by Rycaut (cf. Spon’s i, 261) ; for the

date of Rycaut’s journey see my footnote in B.S.A. xii, 210.

3 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 232.

3 Reinach, Répertoire de la Statuaire, i, 78 : Cat. Som. des Marbres,
29°5·

4 C. MacFarlane, Constantinople in 1828,1, 311. Turner ( in

Pergamene Vases 6οι

This tale is already suspiciously like folk-lore in some
details. The Pergamon vase, for instance, which mea-
sures 1*67 m. in diameter, is hardly a likely receptacle
for buried treasure, though no treasure story is too
extravagant to gain credence in the Levant. The just
prince and the virtuous subject are also, unhappily,
commoner figures in myth than in real life.

The final edition of the story, told, and half believed,
by Texier on the authority of the owner of the bath,
has advanced much farther on the same road. It not
only supplies the name of the sultan concerned, but
explains the origin of the greatness of the Karaosmanoglu
by means of the treasure.

‘ The prince of Karassi, whose seat was at Pergamon,’ runs
Texier’s version, ‘had been killed and dispossessed of Pergamon
by Sultan Orkhan [1326-60], but at this period the Ottoman
Sultans could not easily annihilate the great feudatories of the
growing empire. One of the descendants of Karassi, named
Kara Osman, was living in retirement on a fief in the neighbour-
hood of Pergamon (where his family had still partisans) when
he discovered three marble vases of colossal dimensions, filled,
the story goes, with gold pieces. Murad I [1360-89] was then
on the throne. Kara Osman sent the two largest vases to the
Sultan, who gave him in return the fief of Pergamon. This is
the origin of the Karaosmanoglou who down to recent times
governed the pashaliks of Pergamon and Guzel-hisar. The
two vases of the Sultan were without ornament : they were de-
posited in the mosque of S. Sophia at Constantinople where I
have seen them. . . . Their height is a little above ι·8ο m. The
third vase, being ornamented with human figures and animals
which are forbidden to Islam, could not be put to a religious
use. Kara Osman gave it to one of his most faithful servants

the Levant, iii, 277) was told that seven vases full of money had been
found : the sultan took six and left the seventh to the owner of the
bath as an heirloom. For the theme Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk-
lore de Constantinople, p. 182, where three marble vases of treasure are

said to have been found at Constantinople in the early nineteenth
century ; the sultan took two, the finder the third ; all are in the
mosque built by the finder.

3295-2

R

бог The Rise of the Karaosmanoglu

with the bath in which it was placed, and it was for his descen-
dants a title of possession.’1

This final version shows the illogical syncretism of
folk-tradition at work : it connects, without prejudice
to the owner of the bath, the remarkable local family
with the remarkable vase at Pergamon and with the two
remarkable, but quite dissimilar, vases at S. Sophia.

In actual fact, however, the Pergamon vase is un-
doubtedly Hellenistic ; the S. Sophia vases have been
declared Byzantine by Lethaby 2 and are said by Hafiz
Husain3 to have been given by Murad III (1574-95).
The latter, like many Turkish sultans, resided at Mag-
nesia before he came to the throne ; but the connexion
between the Pergamon vase and the S. Sophia vases does
not appear before Texier brought his tale to Constan-
tinople.4

As to the name of the sultan, all sultans in Anatolian

1 Asie Mineure, ii, 231. Λ similar story placing the discovery of the
vases ‘ shortly after the fall of Constantinople 5 (Turkish for ‘ a very
long while ago ’) was told of an ancestor of his own by ‘ a distinguished
Turk ’ to von Prokesch-Osten in 1826 (.Denkwürdigkeiten, iii, 327). A
variant as regards the vases (four found, one of which is at Pergamon,
one in S. Sophia, one at Brusa) is given by C. B. Elliott (1838, Travels,
ii, 128).

3 S. Sophia, p. 84 : the vases should be compared with the jars called
zir made at Cairo for the purposes of ablution (Migeon, Art Musulman,
ii, 69) and furnished, like those at S. Sophia, with taps in the lower part.
This form, used in Byzantine times, as Lethaby’s parallels show, for
ablutions and called κολύμβιον (Neale, E. Church, i, 214), is quite
different from that of the Pergamon vase, which in its method of use
was probably analogous to the kraters on high stands seen on some
stelae of the 4 funeral banquet9 type (e.g. the Thasian stele described
by Rodenwaldt in Jahrbuch, xxviii, pi. 26.)

3 Jardin des Mosquées (eighteenth century), tr. Hammer-Hellert,
Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 1, where the word given is bassin. Paspates
(Βνζ. MeXerai, p. 343), who had already the Texier tradition, translates
πίθοι. The vases at S. Sophia are first noticed, according to Lethaby,
in 1595.

4 It is mentioned by Paspates {loc. cit.) and Fossati {ap. Lethaby, loc.
cit.) who repaired S. Sophia in 1847.

Karasman 603

tradition tend to be named Murad (except in the radius
of Konia, where they are Ala-ed-din) on account of the
impression made by Murad IV’s (1623-40) marches
through Asia Minor to his Persian wars.1 In the district
of Sarukhan the name has a double chance, since the
two royal mosques at Magnesia were built by Murad
III 2 and bear his name.

Murad the first (1360-89) is probably preferred by
Texier as the hero of the story on account of his date,
which is not far removed from that of the extinction
of the house of Karasi ( c. 1355). The likeness between
the name of Kara Osman and that of the princely house
of Karaman has resulted in the false form Karasman
(from which to Karasi is an easy step), and has deceived
Byron and other writers into crediting the Karaosman-
oglu family with extreme antiquity. But the founder
of the family, as we have seen, was plain Osmanoglu
and still alive in 1699.

When the final version of the story comes to us the
Karaosmanoglu were no longer a reigning house, having
been deprived of their power by the reforming sultan
Mahmud II : had the dynasty lasted a few years longer,
the treasure-jars might have figured as the deposit of
one of their ancestors in the time of the ‘ idolaters before
Constantine ’ or even in the still more remote period of
the ‘ Genoese ’.3

1 For him (probably) at Aleppo, cf. Cahun, Excursions sur les Bords
de Г Euphrate, p. 147. So, too, Ibrahim Pasha has become a mytho-
logical hero since his occupation of Cilicia in the thirties : he is now
held responsible for ‘ almost every building or work of any consequence
along the road’, in the neighbourhood of the Cilician Gates (Ramsay, in
Geog. Journ. xxii (1903), p. 371, &c.). S. Peter is the inevitable
founder of churches (Gregorovius, ÌV a?iderjahre, v, 136).

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 315 ; Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie,
üb 537·

з The ‘ Jineviz 9 (lit. 4 Genoese ?) in Turkish folk-legend, owing pro-
bably to their apparent connexion with the jinn, are what the genera-
tions before the Trojan war were to the Greeks.

к 2
XLVI 1

THE GIRDING OF THE SULTAN

Introductory

NO ceremonial of the Turkish court makes a stronger
appeal to the imagination than the Girding of the
Sultan at Eyyub, which takes the place of our corona-
tion. The scene of the ceremony is for Moslems the
holiest spot in Constantinople : the Mosque of Eyyub,
set amongst ancient cypresses on the shore of the Golden
Horn, marks the grave of an Arab warrior-saint, re-
vealed, so legend says, while the army of Mohammed
the Conqueror, not yet victorious, still camped about
the beleaguered city. To these traditions are added
others of a yet older past which link the history of the
Ottomans with that of their forerunners, the Seljuks of
Rum. From Konia, capital of Rum, comes the vener-
ated Sheikh of the Mevlevi (‘ dancing ’) dervishes—the
supreme head of his order, and hereditary successor of
its founder—who plays the chief part in the investiture
of the Sultan ; it is he who, before the tomb-chamber of
the saint, girds about the new monarch the sword with
which Osman, first of the royal line which bears his
name, was invested by his liege-lord of Konia. Such
are the memories the ceremony of the Girding is meant
to keep alive.

§ I. The Traditional Origin of the Girding Ceremony

It is the purpose of the present paper to investigate
the latter part of the tradition—the connexion of the
ceremony of the Girding with the Seljuk sultans of
Rum and especially the privilege of the Konia sheikhs.

1 This chapter appeared in an inferior form in B.S.Â. xix, 208 ff.

Traditional Origin 605

The traditions popularly current in our own day are
given as follows by Sir Charles Eliot :

‘ When Osman was beginning his conquests, and had taken
Broussa and other towns from the Greeks, he sent a polite em-
bassy to Sultan Alau-’d-Din, who was then the most consider-
able Turkish sovereign in Asia, to explain his proceedings and
his desire to remain on good terms with the greatest chieftain
of his race. Alau-’d-Din replied that he had no objection to
the Osmanlis taking from the Greeks whatever they could get,
and, as a proof of his goodwill, sent the celebrated Jelalu-’d-Din
[Founder of the Mevlevi Order of dervishes] to give Osman a
sword of honour, a ceremony slightly suggesting the investiture
of a vassal. But this story presents difficulties. According to
the ordinary chronology, Alau-’d-Din reigned from 1219 to
1236; Jelalu-’d-Din was born in 1202 and died in 1273;
Osman reigned from 1288 to 1328.’1

We need not lay too much stress on the anachronisms
implied by the association of Jelal-ed-din with Osman,
since later Superiors of the Mevlevi order have borne
their founder’s name : the difficulty is moreover avoided
in the Konia version of the story set down by Cuinet.
According to this, Sultan Ala-ed-din the third of Konia
during his lifetime chose as his successor the Ottoman
chieftain Ertoghrul, who predeceased him. At the
death of Ala-ed-din (1307) the then Sheikh of the Mev-
levi wrote as his representative to Osman, the successor
of Ertoghrul, to come and assume the government.
Osman, being busy fighting, allowed the Sheikh to re-
present him at Konia till a more convenient season, and
was eventually invested by the Sheikh in the traditional
way.2

This picturesque story is unfortunately quite without
historical basis. It was evidently devised to represent
the acquisition of Karamania by the Ottomans as a
peaceful and legitimate succession dating back to the
earliest period of Ottoman power, whereas in fact the

1 Turkey in Europe, p. 183. 2 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 828 f.

боб The Girding of the Sultan

province in question was added to their dominions
by conquest from the Karamanoglu, successors of the
Seljuk dynasty, under Bayezid I in 1392.1 At the same
time the part taken by the Sheikh in the story is calcu-
lated to enhance the prestige of the Mevlevi order.

Two historical facts have been used in the fabrication
of the legend. (1) When Bayezid I, the actual con-
queror of Karamania, had been officially recognized as
sultan of Rum by the caliph, he is said to have granted
the privilege of girding on his sword when he went to
war to his son-in-law Sheikh Bokhara, surnamed Emir
Sultan.2 Emir Sultan is said to be one of the titles of
the Sheikh of the Mevlevi.3 (2) In 1435, when the
vassal prince of Karamania revolted and Konia was
taken by Murad II, the eventual agreement was signed
on behalf of the prince, who had fled to Cilicia, by the
then Sheikh of the Mevlevi, who bore the name of the
founder of the Order, his ancestor, Jelal-ed-din.4

But popular imagination carries the tradition still
farther. The Sheikh of the Mevlevi, who in history
represents the Karamanian prince of Konia, becomes in
tradition first the legitimate successor by blood of the
Seljuk dynasty 5 and finally the real caliph ! Sir Charles
Eliot was once told that ‘when the Chelebi [i.e. the
Sheikh of the Konia Mevlevi] proceeds to Constanti-
nople to gird on the sword, he does not go farther than
Scutari himself . . . because, if he were to set foot in
Constantinople, he would, ipso , become Sultan
and Caliph.’ 6 The sultans of Konia had of course no

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 308.

2 Ibid, i, 321-3 : Hammer already connects this episode with the
later Girding ceremony.

3 Ibid, i, 40.

4 Ibid, ii, 287 f. and note (491).

5 Cuinet, loc. fit. ; Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολις, iii, 575, quoted
below ; a garbled version in [Blunt] People of Turkey, ii, 267.

6 Turkey in Europe, pp. 183 f. ; cf. Slade, Travels in Turkey, p. 376,
quoted below, p. 615 : cf. Melek Hanum, Trente Ans dans les Harems,

Traditional Origin 607

pretensions to the Caliphate, but—and this may be the
exiguous foundation of the legend—Ala-ed-din I in
1219 received the title of representative of the Caliph in
Rum.1

The whole of this cycle of legend is fictitious : it was
evidently composed to increase the prestige of the Otto-
man house in Asia Minor, where Ala-ed-din is still a
popular hero of legend, and of the Mevlevi order in
Constantinople. It is based first and foremost on the
traditional right of the Mevlevi Sheikh to gird the new
sultan with the so-called sword of Osman. Now this
traditional right is entirely unknown to writers on Turk-
ish history and institutions so recent and so thorough
as d’Ohsson and von Hammer. Both these authorities
state that the girding ceremony was performed by the
Mufti assisted by the Chief of the Emirs or Descendants
of the Prophet (N akib-el-Ashraf) and the Esquire of the
Sultan ( Silihdar). Certain high officials, the two

askers, the Vizir, and the Agha of Janissaries, were ad-
mitted to the almost secret ceremony.3 When and how
did the Sheikh of the Mevlevi acquire his privilege ?

§ 2. The History of the Girding Ceremony

We must first attempt to investigate the history as
opposed to the legend of the Girding ceremony. The
mosque of Eyyub, where it takes place, commemorates
the discovery of the grave of the Arab ghazi Eyyub who
fell before the walls of Constantinople in the siege of
670. His tomb was miraculously revealed to the sheikh
Ak-Shems-ed-din, according to some writers actually
during the Turkish siege of 1453 : the best authorities,

p. 181. Stern (Die Moderne Türkei, p. ii8) says that Abdul Hamid
suspected the Chelebi as a possible rival and had him spied upon.

1 Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, p. 40.

2 DOhsson, Tableau, 11,258,277,111, 125 ; von Hammer, Staatsver-
fassung, i, 484 and 486 (official account of the accession of Suleiman II
in 1687).

6o8 The Girding oj the Sultan

however, place the discovery after the siege.1 The mos-
que, built by Mohammed the Conqueror, bears the
date 1458.* According to the tradition current in
d’Ohsson’s time, Sultan Mohammed II instituted the
ceremony of the Girding and was himself girded by
Ak-Shems-ed-din, the discoverer of the tomb, who held
no official position but was simply a greatly venerated
mystic in the immediate entourage of the Conqueror.3
The first contemporary mention I can find of Eyyub in
connexion with the accession of a sultan is Gerlach’s
reference to it at the time of the accession of Murad III
(1574), who is said to have visited the mosque more
maiorum : the Girding is not mentioned.4 On general
grounds it seems probable that the ceremony was a
counterpart of the Girding of Bayezid I, i.e. that it
commemorated the recognition of Mohammed IPs new
position by the Caliph. For this there is a still earlier
precedent in the girding of Melik Mensur, sultan of Egypt,
on his accession in 1342 by the Caliph Ahmed IX.5 The
extraordinary importance attached by Mohammedans
generally to the capture of Constantinople, owing to
the traditional dictum of the Prophet, is well known.6

Girding as a symbolic rite of investiture seems to be
of very ancient origin in the East. The pirs, or tradi-
tional patrons, of Turkish trade-guilds are all said to
have been appointed in this way by famous saints,? and
till recently apprentices were girded as the outward

1 See fully below, p. 715.

3 Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 57.

з DOhsson, Tableau, i, 305. 4 Ap. Crusius, Turco-Graecta, p. 67.

5 DOhsson, Tableau, i, 305. Similarly, Toghrul Beg, grandson of
Seljuk, is said to have been girded with two swords by the Caliph, when
he received from the latter the title of Emir of Emirs in recognition of
his conquests (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 13). Cf. the Tatar
khans of the Crimea, who also were girt with a sword at their investiture
(Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xii, 145).

6 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. ii, 393 f. : cf. the inscription in S. Sophia’s

given in Museum Worsleyanum, ii, 50. 7 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 94.

The Ceremony 609

symbol of their admission to the degree of master.1
Girding plays a similar part in the admission of novices
to dervish orders.2

It seems at least certain that the Girding ceremony
was by the seventeenth century a regular part of the
sultans’ investiture, and the official historians down to
d’Ohsson and von Hammer, as we have seen, regularly
assign its performance to the Mufti, with the assistance
of the Nakib and the SilihdarJ

The ceremony was performed in the open air on a
platform supported by marble pillars standing in the
middle of the inner court between the mosque and the
tomb of the saint.4 The mosque and its surroundings
were of extraordinary sanctity and till recently inacces-
sible at any time to ‘ Franks ’. Very few persons, even
of the officials, are admitted to the Girding ceremony.
As to the sword used in the ceremony, it is regularly
spoken of as the Sword of the Prophet.5 But among
the official relics of the Prophet at Constantinople 6 a

1 W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 217 ; Lane, Mod. Egyptians,
ii, 240.

2 Evliya, op. cit. I, ii, 104. Brides and young men are girt by their
fathers according to Melek Hanum, Trente Ans dans les Harems d’Orient,
p. 271.

3 For the Mufti as the ordinary protagonist see Sandys (1610),
Travels, p. 29 ; Du Loir, Voyages, p. 64 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, iv, 463 ;
Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 200 ; Veryard (1701), Choice Remarks,
p. 346 ; Tournefort, Voyage, letter xi ; Pococke, Descr. of the East,
II, ii, 128.

4 Sandys, loc. cit. ; Du Loir, loc. cit. The Girding at the present
day takes place in the court opposite the main door of the mosque and
in front of the tomb-chamber.

5 Von Hammer, Staatsverfassung, i, 484 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist.
Emp. Ott. xvi, 6 ; de la Mottraye, cited below, p. 611, n. 2 ; Dallaway
(1794-6), Constantinople, ρ. 118, Evliya (Travels, I, i, 120) says that
Murad IV was girded in 1623 with two swords, those of the Prophet
and of Sultan Selim, adding that 4 no monarch was ever girt in this
manner \

6 These, which comprise the standard, mantle, teeth, beard, and
footprint, are described by d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 261 : the footprint

6io The Girding of the Sultan

sword is never mentioned. We may venture a guess
that the sword at Eyyub was originally attributed to
another Mohammed, the Conqueror himself.1

§ 3. The Intrusion of the Mevlevi

In spite of the unanimity of the historians there have
been occasions when the Girding ceremony was not
performed by the Mufti and his assistants the Nakib
and the Silihdar. The first hint of the intrusion of the
Mevlevi is the tradition recorded by Rycaut :

‘ Ottoman, first of the Mahommedan kings . . . out of devo-
tion to their [the Mevlevi’s] Religion once placed their Su-
periour in his Royal Throne, because having been his Tutour,
and he who girted on his Sword (which is the principal Cere-
mony of Coronation) he granted him and his Successours ample
Authority and Rule over all others of the same Profession.’1

The reigning sultan during the whole of Rycaut’s
residence in Turkey was Mohammed IV (1648-87).
There are indications that the Mevlevi were influential
at the court of the preceding sultan, Ibrahim (iÓ4o-8),3
who was deposed in favour of his son by a plot, in which
the Mufti, the Agha of the Janissaries, and the Vizir
(‘ Mevlevi Dervish ’ Mohammed) 4 were all implicated.
At the investiture of Mohammed IV, a child of six, the
Vizir marched in the procession to Eyyub in the habit
of the Mevlevi order.5 Many highly placed officials
were at this period affiliated to the Mevlevi. It is at
least possible that some political combination turning

was deposited at Eyyub by Sultan Mahmud I (Jardin des Mosquées in
Hammer-Hellert, op. eit. xviii, 57), the rest are kept in the old Seraglio.

1 For a similar confusion between the two Mohammeds see above,
p. 186.

z Ottoman Empire, p. 67 : copied (?) by Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 390.

3 Monconys, Voyages, i, 390 : É Nous vismes passer les Deruis avec
leur Supefieur monté sur vn cheual blanc, qui alloient danser deuant
le Grand Seigneur qui les enuoyait quérir souuent le soir/

4 Vizir 1648-9 (Evliya, I, ii, 152).

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. x, 187.

Intrigues of the Janissaries n

on ‘ Dervish Mohammed’s ’ support secured to the
order in 1648 the privilege of the Girding of the sultan.

Half a century later, and again after an abnormal
accession, appears a third competitor for the privilege
of Girding. In 1703 Ahmed III came to the throne
owing to a rebellion of the Janissaries, directed chiefly
against the Mufti and resulting in his deposition in
favour of a creature of the Janissaries. According to
the official account the new sultan was girded by the
Silihdar, the Nakib, and the Agha of the Janissaries.1

Here the exceptional circumstances of Ahmed’s succes-
sion go far to explain the latter officer’s presence at the
ceremony. But de la Mottraye’s version, derived, as
he tells us, from a renegade present by special favour at
the ceremony, shows that it was the Agha of Janissaries
who played the chief part.2 When we remember that
the Janissaries were at this date already closely, and even
officially, connected with the Bektashi order of der-
vishes,3 we suspect an attempt on the part of this order

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiii, 135. Ahmed’s predecessor,
Mustafa II (1695), was girded according to Cantimir (ii, 242) by the
‘ Sheikh of the Jami (Mosque) probably a mistake for the Sheikh-
ul-Islam or Mufti.

2 Travels, i, 246, cf. p. 247 : ‘They keep in it [the mosque of Eyyub]

an old Sabre, which (they say) was Mahomet’s . . . the Ceremony of
the Coronation consists particularly in girding this Sabre about the
Emperor ; and the Turks say, instead of crowning, girding the Sabre
of the Prophet : ’tis the Office and Privilege of the Adgi Becktasse,
who ought to be (according to some Turks) always a Descendant
of that Tup : for Job [read “ Eyyub or Job ”], who by some Glorious
Action deserv’d the Sirname of the Father of the Janizaries.’ The
French text (Voyages, La Haye, 1727, i, 334) adds some details : ‘ Les
Turcs, au lieu de couronner, disent, ceindre le Sabre. Ce Sabre de
Mahomet est une vieille sorte d’armes Arabes. U Adgi Bectasse, qui
en fait l’office, est, dit-on, un descendant à’Eiub ou Job, qui selon les
Annales ou la Tradition des Turcs, étoit un grand Capitaine & un zélé
Musulman.’ ‘ Adgi Bectasse ’ is of course Haji Bektash, on whom see

above, pp. 488 ff. The passage on the following page of de la Mottraye
shows that the Mufti was on this occasion also present.

3 See especially Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 65.

612 The Girding of the Sultan

to seize the privilege and prestige of girding the sultans,1
and possibly to take possession of the mosque of Eyyub.
The political significance of this step is obvious. It was
a cynical indication that the elevation of sultans was in
the power of the Janissary-Bektashi combination, which
had been to some extent kept in check during the pre-
vious half-century by the strong vizirs of the Kuprulu
family.

In the decadent eighteenth century what evidence
we have points to the conclusion that a compromise was
arrived at with regard to the Girding by the parties
concerned ; the chief part in the ceremony was given
to the Nakib,г probably as being a politically insignifi-

cant figure. But we have still hints of competition for
the honour between the Mevlevi and Bektashi. Carsten
Niebuhr, in the reign of Mustafa III, says he was in-
formed by a Mevlevi dervish at Constantinople that,
while a member of the latter order had the privilege of
girding the sultan, the sword itself was attached by a
member of the Bektashi.3 The story then told by the
Mevlevi was that their founder had actually reigned at
Konia as successor to Ala-ed-din, whose daughter he had
married, but had been dispossessed by Osman.4

1 I was told by a Bektashi dervish of Constantinople that his sect
claimed for their founder, Haji Bektash, the original privilege of
girding the sultan and regarded the Mevlevi as usurpers of their right.
The mystical importance attaching to the girdle in Bektashi doctrine
(Jacob, Beiträge, pp. 50 f.) could easily be used in support of their claim.

1 This is stated of the accessions of Mahmud I in 1730 (Hammer-
Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiv, 235), Osman III in 1754 (Hammer-Hellert,
op. cit. XV, 272 ; dOhsson, Tableau, iii, 125), and Mustafa III in 1757
(Hammer-Hellert, xvi, 5-6 : both Mufti andNakib are here mentioned).
It is the Nakib alone who seems to be the recognized protagonist at
the end of the century (Juchereau, Révol. de Constantinople, i, 252 ;
Emp. Ott. ii, 238).

3 Reisebeschreibung, iii, 116 ; the symbolism would appear to be
that the Mevlevi consecrated the ruler and the Janissaries conferred
on him the command of the Ottoman army.

4 Ibid., p. 115 : this was told Niebuhr at Konia.

Intrusion of the 613

The century closes with the reign of Selim III
(1788 to 1807), notable for the sultan’s vigorous at-
tempts at reform, especially army reform, which excited
the jealous hostility of the Janissaries. In 1807 this
hostility found vent and Mustafa IV was placed on the
throne by a Janissary rising. The revolution was en-
gineered on their own confession by the Bektashi sect.1
Mustafa was deposed in the following year by a counter-
revolution, which brought to the throne Mahmud II,
a reformer like his cousin Selim.

It is about this date that we begin again to hear from
unofficial sources of the Girding as the exclusive and
old-established privilege of the Mevlevi Sheikhs. Al-
ready in the reign of Selim III we find current at
Constantinople a form of the modern legend. The
sword is girded, according to Comidas, by the deputy
of the Chief of the Mevlevi dervishes, called Mollah
Hunkiar, who resides in Konia and as a descendant of
Ala-ed-din has the privilege of investing the Ottoman
sultans. ‘ When the Deputy of the Mollah Hunkiar is
not in Constantinople, his office is performed by the
Nakib.’ 2 The last sentence interprets favourably to
the Mevlevi the intrusion of the Nakib at recent acces-
sions, and perhaps implies that the sultan then reigning
(Selim III) was not girded by the Sheikh of the Mevlevi
though the Order had asserted its claims.3 4

1 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 305.

2 Comidas, Deer. di Costant. p. 43 : this is evidently the source of
Byzantios, Κο)νσταντινούπολις, iii (1869), p. 575, who elsewhere
(i, 602) says the ceremony was performed by the Mufti.

3 In an exactly similar way we find a Mevlevi legend associating
their Order with the Janissaries just before the latter began their
official connexion with the Bektashi (1591, d’Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 325 f. :

4 L’institutione della beretta Uschiuff (la qual’ è ben nota fra i Capi de’
Janizzari) è stata inventata da Suleiman Bassa Guerriero Conquistatore
de Bullair, e fù portata per segno di grand’ amore e divotione, che
portavano à San Gelladino Greco’ [Jelal-ed-din Rumi, the founder of
the Mevlevi]. This is the version given by Saad-ed-din (tr. Bratutti,

6i4 The Girding of the Sultan

The Girding of Mahmud II in 1808 was accompanied
by an innovation which caused great comment at the
time. The Vizir, the same Bairakdar who had put the
new sultan on his throne, marched in the procession
with a guard of three hundred well-armed Albanians,
though the custom was that no arms should be borne.1
As to the ceremony itself many sources point to its
having been performed by the Sheikh of the Mevlevi
instead of by the Mufti : the anomaly mentioned above
may have been a precautionary measure in view of a
possible riot.

Many contemporary authorities state or imply that
Mahmud II was girded by the Mevlevi Sheikh. André-
ossi, who as ambassador at Constantinople from 1812

i, 40 : cf. W. Seaman, Orchan, p. 27, cj. p. 77) of a legend connecting
Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, with the Mevlevi, given also with
slight variations by d’Ohsson (Tableau, ii, 313) and von Hammer
{Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 210). For the likeness between the uskiuff as worn
by the Janissaries and the felt cap of the Mevlevi see d’Ohsson (loc. cit.)
and C. White (Constantinople, iii, 354). The Bektashi, on the other
hand, connected the peculiar headdress of the Janissaries with the
blessing of the new troops by their own founder, Haji Bektash (Jacob,
Beiträge, p. 3, &c.) ; of this legend I find the earliest mention in Leun-
clavius {Annales, p. 313 P. s.a. 1328) just before the Bektashi were
officially quartered in the barracks of the Janissaries. Similarly, the
Mevlevi legend that Ertoghrul visited Jelal-ed-din at Konia and
recommended his son Osman to the saint’s prayers (Browne (1802) in
Walpole’s Travels, p. 121 ; a variant version substituting Suleiman
Pasha for Osman in d’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 312) corresponds to the
Bektashi legend that Orkhan brought his new levies to be blessed by
Haji Bektash. The detail of this legend, which connects the flap on
the headdress of the Janissaries with the sleeve of the saint who blessed
them, is again paralleled by a Mevlevi tradition referring the same
peculiarity in the headdress of court officials to the blessing of Orkhan
by their founder (von Hammer, Staatsverfassung ii, 409). All these
legends alike seem aetiological inventions designed to increase the
prestige of the orders concerned and sometimes to pave their way to
a new claim.

1 Jouannin, Turquie, p. 379. Armed janissaries had escorted
Mahmud I in the same way at his accession in 1730, which also was due
to a Janissary rising (Perry, View 0/ the Levant, p. 80).

Intrusion of the Mevlevi 615

till 1814 had every opportunity of knowing the truth,
without referring to the Girding of Mahmud II in
particular, represents the Mevlevi Sheikh as the regular
protagonist in the ceremony.1 Von Hammer, knowing
the passage in Andréossi, categorically denies his state-
ment,2 3 evidently on the authority of d’Ohsson and
earlier writers. But Andréossi is confirmed by Frank-
land 3 (1827-8) on the authority of his landlord, who
was in service for fourteen years in the Seraglio, by
Marmont4 (1834), by Texier (1834),5 by Pardoe,6 and
by Slade (1827-8), who is so circumstantial as to be
worth quoting in full. The passage runs as follows :

‘ The investiture (with the Sword of Othman) is given by
the Scheick of the Mevlevi Dervishes, called Mollah Hunkiar,
who resides at Cogni, enjoying the office by right of his family,
which, as being descended collaterally from the Abbasides . . .
claims spiritual preeminence over the Othmans, no one of whom
would be considered reigning de jure in the eyes of the nation
unless girded by the Mollah Hunkiar. The present Mollah
succeeded to the office in 1803, when two years old, by the death
of his father, the old Scheick, and, when seven years old, was
brought to Constantinople to invest the present Sultan, Mah-
mud II.’ ?

1 Constantinople (1828), p. 2, quoted in full by Frankland,
Constantinople, i, 199 : ‘ Le cinquième ou le sixième jour de son
avènement au trône, le Sultan … se rend dans la mosquée d’Eïoub … ;
c’est là que le Cheikh des Mevlevi, ou son délégué, lui ceint le sabre
d’Osman.’ Pertusier makes the Mufti the protagonist, naming as his
assistants the Nakib and the Sheikh of the Konia Mevlevi (
dans Constantinople (1815), ii, 215).

г Hist. Emp. Ott. xvi, 5. Juchereau similarly seems to state that
Mahmud was girded by the Nakib, but is really only inferring it, as
Hammer did, from precedent {Emp. Ott. ii, 238, cf. Révol. de Con-
stantinople, i, 252).

3 Constantinople, i, 147 : ‘it is customary with the Sultans, upon

the ceremony of their inauguration to receive the sword of the Caliphs
at the hand of the Sheik Dervish.’ « Turkish Empire, p. 118.

5 Asie Mineure, ii, 144. 6 i, 52.

7 Slade, Travels in Turkey (2nd ed.), pp. 376 f.

6i6 The Girding of the Sultan

It is evident that by 1828 the girding by the Sheikh of
the Mevlevi was regarded as an institution and that the
explanatory legend was being developed.

Abdul Mejid, the son and successor of Mahmud, at
his accession in 1839, was again girded by the Sheikh of
the Mevlevi.1 The Mufti was induced with great diffi-
culty to be present at the ceremony : he pleaded that
the wearing of the fez by the sultan on this occasion was
repugnant to his religious scruples.2

From this time onwards the Girding of the sultan
seems to have been the acknowledged right of the Mev-
levi Sheikh.3

Meanwhile the ‘ Sword of the Prophet ’, in accor-
dance with the new legend, has become the ‘ Sword
of the Caliphs ’ 4 or more generally the ‘ Sword of

1 Lesur, Annuaire Historique, 1839, App. ρ. ΐ82 ; the actual
ceremony at Eyyub seems as usual to have been kept very private.
Wilkinson {Modern Egypt, i, 285) refers to the privilege of the Mevlevi
in this reign. г Juchereau, Emp. Ott. iv, 228.

3 The Bektashi have a special tradition regarding the Girding which
seems worth putting on record. They claim not only to have been the
first holders of the privilege (cj. above, p. 612, n. 1) but to have possessed
it till the destruction of the Janissaries by Sultan Mahmud II, when it
devolved upon the Mevlevi Sheikh, the latter being a Crypto-Bektashi.
We have seen that the Girding was in the hands of the Bektashi in
1703. It is quite possible that they resumed it at the accession of
Mustafa IV, which was entirely due to their intrigues.

4 Frankland, Constantinople, i, 147, quoted above, p. 615, n. 3. A
sword purporting to be the sword of Osman’s investiture, kept in the
Imperial treasury, is known to Hammer {Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 105), as
is a sword of the caliph Osman {ibid, ii, 20). Were these identical ?
Further, a ‘ sword of the caliph Omar ’, kept in the Seraglio, is mentioned
by Tavernier {Rei. of the Seraglio, 1677, p. 75) ; Mohammed IV,
before undertaking the Cretan War (1645), was twice girt by the Mufti
with the sword of Omar ‘ in anticipation of victory ’ (Evliya, ii, 76) ;
and I was told in 1913 by one of the imams of the Eyyub mosque that
the sword now used in the Girding ceremony was that of the caliph
Omar. It is possibly the same ‘ sword of the caliphs9 which the later
(Mevlevi) tradition has preferred to associate first with the caliph
Osman and next, by an easy transition, with the Ottoman sultan of

Intrusion of the

617

Osman V The earliest reference to the story now cur-
rent of the investiture of Osman by the complimentary
present of a sword from his suzerain Ala-ed-din comes
from Brusa : this version does not acknowledge the part
played in the ceremony by the Mevlevi Sheikh.2

The privilege of the Sheikh of the Mevlevi has, how-
ever, lapsed and been resumed even since 1839. Abdul
Aziz, a strongly orthodox3 sultan, was girded on 4 July,
1861, by the Nakib, acting as the representative of the
Mevlevi Sheikh,4 an arrangement evidently devised to
save the face both of the Ulema and of the Mevlevi.

Murad V, who came to the throne after the deposi-
tion of Abdul Aziz in the troubled year 1876, was cer-
tainly never invested in the traditional manner.5 All
preparations were made for the ceremony and proces-
sion by the end of May, but the investiture was put off

the same name. The Times of July 15, 1861, describing the girding 01
Abdul Aziz, says : ‘ The Sultan is girt with the sword of Othman, or one
of the other leading champions of the Crescent, for it appears that a
choice of sabre is allowed him.5

1 So in Comtesse Agénor de Gasparin’s Constantinople, p. 194, in
the modern versions cited above, and in Marmont’s Turkish Empire
(pp. 59, 118); also in Baedeker’s Konstantinopel (1914), p. 219. The first
mention of the ‘ sword of Osman 5 in this connexion seems to be in
Veryard, Choice Remarks (1701), p. 346. If the Mevlevi Sheikh, as
we have suggested, girded Mohammed IV in 1648, the variation is
intelligible.

2 Sestini, Lettere Odeporiche, i, no.

3 In this connexion it is interesting to note that Abdul Aziz built
a royal mosque in Konia, as did the bigoted Sunni Selim I. The
mosque of the latter stands immediately in front of the tekke of the
Mevlevi. Both foundations were evidently intended as a Sunni
counterpoise to the suspected influence of these dervishes, to whose
enormous local influence Niebuhr (Reisebeschreibung, iii, 118) and
others testify.

4 Times f July 15 : Βυζαντίς, 20 May (O.S.) : Γνωστόν οτι to

3395.î

s

6i8 P h e Girding Sultan

on the pretext that the Khedive wished to be present.
A few days later the sultan underwent an operation.1
He was deposed on 6 August in favour of Abdul Hamid
on the ground of insanity.

Abdul Hamid was girded on 7 September, apparently
by the Mevlevi Sheikh ; г the same was certainly the
case at the Girding of Mohammed V,3 who was uni-
versally admitted to be a member of the Mevlevi order.
The details of the ceremony on this occasion attracted
some attention on account of the political circumstances
which led to the change of rulers. Ramsay’s narrative
shows that there was no doubt in Constantinople before
the ceremony as to who would officiate : even a boat-
man was well informed on the point.4 Nevertheless
a Greek writer in 1907,5 and Ramsay himself in 1909,
looked on the participation of the Mevlevi Sheikh as the
revival of an ancient custom which had fallen into
abeyance.

§ 4. Political Combination under Mahmud II

So far, we have arrived at the conclusions ( 1) that the
privilege of the Mevlevi Sheikh is not an ancient institu-
tion but a comparatively recent innovation, and (2)
that there is a good deal of evidence to show that it

/

1 Νεολόγος, June I, June 23, June 26 (O.S.).

1 Cutts, Christians under the Crescent, p. 334; Times, 13 Sept.;
iVeoAoyos*, 27 Aug. The procession is fully described but not the
ceremony. The Times account says : 4 there lives at Konieh an old
Sheriff or Imam, the descendant of an ancient sovereign race who
waive their rights to the throne in favour of the house of Osman.*
The Νεολόγος gives the following note : περιζώνννται το ξίφος 6
τον ισλαμισμού αρχηγός ύπο τον διαδόχου των σελτσουκίδων του
9 Ικονίου (Μολλα Χουνκιάρ) ων 6 γενάρχης των 9 Οσμανίδων ύπηρξεν
υποτελής ηγεμών. This is the later popular legend mentioned by
Eliot and Cuinet.

3 Ramsay, Revolution in Turkey, p. 202. 4 Ibid. p. 154.

5 Antonopoulos, Μικρά 9Ασία p. 217 : so also I. Valavanis, Μικρά·
σιατικα (1891), p. 112.

Repression of the Janissaries 619

became regular only after the accession of Mahmud II
in 1808. What was the cause of the innovation ?

Mahmud II, continuing the policy of Selim III, was
pre-eminently a reforming sultan. He aimed particu-
larly at the remodelling of the army, which involved the
abolition of the Janissaries. The latter were already
hateful to him as responsible for the deposition of Selim,
to whom he was attached, and for the death of his own
vizir, Bairakdar, who had brought him to the throne.
The Janissaries were backed by the great dervish organi-
zation of the Bektashi. Mahmud first tried to amalga-
mate them with his new army, offering a pension to
those who refused.1 These conciliatory tactics proved
unsuccessful. In 1814-16 small bodies of Janissaries
were being secretly .made away with.3 By the drastic
action of 1826 the sultan rid himself of the Janissaries
and crippled the Bektashi organization.3 Any reformer
had, further, to reckon with the party of the Mufti and
Ulema, which on religious grounds has always been
solid for reaction.4 The Ulema party stood particularly
for the political and legal superiority of Mussulmans to
Christians, which in the latter part of his reign Mahmud
made some attempt to abolish.5 The Mevlevi more
than any Mohammedan religious body in Turkey have
stood for tolerance and enlightenment : 6 Mahmud

1 Times, Nov. 15, 1808.

s VV. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 390 ff., cf. p. 385.

3 See particularly Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, pp. 298 ff.

4 For the obstructive policy of the Ulema under Mahmud II see
particularly Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 300 f. ; cf. also H. Southgate,
Travels (1840), ii, 173, and Rolland, quoted below. Keppel ( Journey
across the Balcan, i, 96 ff.) considers the 6 unholy alliance ’ between
the Ulema and Janissaries as of much older standing.

5 Ubicini (Turquie, i, 447) says that Mahmud was not outwardly for
reform till 1826, but we have seen that his hatred of the Janissaries
can be traced much earlier than its overt manifestation. His action
on behalf of the Christians begins after 1830 (Ubicini, ii, 111), resulting
in the edict of Gulhane published some months after his death.

6 Eliot, Turkey in Europe, pp. 185 f. As to their relations with

s 2

020 The Girding of the Sultan

enlisted them as his allies. By some he was said himself
to have been a lay member of their Order,1 which is not
impossible.2 Certainly his minister Halid Efendi3 was
in close touch with them : it was he who rebuilt the
convent of the Mevlevi in Galata,4 where his own head
was for a time buried.5 Further, Halid was an un-
scrupulous enemy of the Janissary-Bektashi combina-

local Christians, Sir Charles Eliot heard on good authority that during
the Armenian massacres of 1895-6 the Christians of Konia owed their
immunity largely to the influence of the Mevlevi ; this is confirmed
by a Greek author (Antonopoulos, Μικρά *Ласа, p. 214). The same
was said at the time of the Adana massacres (Ramsay, Revolution in
Turkey, pp. 202, 207, confirmed to me by Dr, Post of Konia). On
the early relations of the Mevlevi with local Christians see above, p. 370
ff. Since 1634 Ofder has had an official position with regard to
them, since the revenues derived from the ray ah population of Konia
were conferred on them by Murad IV (dOhsson, Tableau, ii, 309).

1 Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 55, ii, 62 ; J. P. Brown, Dervishes^

P· 346·

2 Abdul Hamid is variously said to have belonged to the Bektashi
(Eliot, Turkey in Europe, p. 182) and the Rifai (White, in Trans. Viet.
Inst. xi (1908), p. ^35, Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 149) Orders.
The latter seems to be the correct version. The Rifai claim that Abdul
Hamid was converted by a dream in which, seeing himself attacked by
a snake, he called for help on the founder of the Order. The snake
vanished and the Sultan at once sent for a Rifai sheikh and was admitted
to the Order. To this circumstance may be attributed his selection of
the Rifai Ebul Huda as an adviser (Jacob, Beiträge, p. 47, n. 2). I am
told by a former consul at Mosul that the Young Turks at the beginning
of their régime made an attempt to destroy the tomb of Ahmed Rifai
near that place. The Bektashi, on the other hand, I am told on good
authority, voted solid for the Young Turks, though Abdul Hamid did
not persecute them.

3 Halid Efendi, the nishanji of Mahmud, was at the height of his
power in 1820 (Ubicini, op. cit. ii, 102) and lost his head over the ill-
success of the Greek War, which he had advised for purposes of his own.
The story of his fall is told in Walsh’s Journey, pp. 70 ff. ; he was over-
taken by the Sultan’s courier while on his way to seek refuge with the
Mevlevi at Konia.

4 R. Walsh, Journey, p. 70 ; Burgess, Greece and the Levant,
ii, 223.

5 Pardoe, op. cit. i, 53 ; Erankland, Constantinople, i, 133.

Advancement of the Mevlevi 621

tion,1 and advocated the war with Ali Pasha,* whose
power seems to have been bound up with the Bektashi
of Albania.3

Sultan Abdul Mejid, a reformer like his father, also
favoured the Mevlevi.4 Of the head of the Mevlevi at
Galata in his reign Rolland says : ‘ il est en effet l’une
des bonnes têtes de l’empire . . . Ami de Mahmoud, le
chef actuel des Tourneurs fut au nombre de ces instru-
ments ignorés mais efficaces, qui travaillèrent le plus
puissamment au triomphe de la Réforme. Personne
autant que lui n’aida le défunt empereur à déjouer
l’opposition de l’Uléma, à percer par la voie des inter-
prétations théologiques les obstacles du Koran.’ 3 The
passage probably refers to the same person who repre-
sented the Mevlevi on the religious council which con-
demned the Bektashi in 1826.6

We may thus claim to have made out a case for the
political combination of the sultan with the Mevlevi
order against (1) the Janissaries and their allies the
Bektashi dervishes, and (2) the party of the Ulema.

The Mevlevi order carried off a trophy from each of
these antagonists. Whereas hitherto the Superior of
the Bektashi had held the official rank of colonel in the

1 Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 92, Journey, p. 72 ; MacFarlane,
Constantinople in 1828, ii, 131 ff.

2 Walsh, Journey, p. 70.

3 Ali boasted that he was a Bektashi and for political ends favoured
and made use of the Order : see above, pp. 377-8.

4 MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, ii, 229 ff. Cf. i, 200; also
W. F. Lynch, Expedition to the Jordan, p. 89.

5 C. Rolland, La Turquie Contemporaine (1854), Ρ· 223 : the informa-
tion came from Prince Ghika.

6 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 315. The Galata tekke
of the Mevlevi takes precedence of all their foundations in the capital
and is supposed to be a foundation of Mohammed II. It was built in
1491-2 and rebuilt in 1795-6 by Selim III (Mordtmann in Encycl. oj
Islam, sv. Constantinople, p. 875). For a striking account of this tekke
and the power of its head see Osman Bey, Les Imans et les Derviches,
p. 100.

Ó22 The Girding of the Sultan

ninety-ninth oda of Janissaries,1 the Superior of the
Mevlevi received from Mahmud II the grade of marshal
(mushir) in the newly organized army.2 Similarly, the
privilege of the Mufti at the Girding of the sultan was
transferred to the Superior of the Mevlevi.

The secret history of the Girding of Mahmud II will
probably never be known ; in all probability the then
Mufti, from fear or interest, refused to officiate at the
ceremony and the highest dignitary of the Mevlevi order
was called in to take his place in consequence. The story
of the reluctance of the Mufti to be present, while his
successful rival girded Abdul Mejid, seems to show that
the situation was still strained in 1839. But the privi-
lege of the Mevlevi has continued to our own day to
perpetuate no misty connexion with the Seljuk house
of Rum, but the victory gained by Mahmud II with
their help over the reactionary ecclesiastical party, just
as the military grade of their Superior may be held to
commemorate the part taken by their order against the
military party of reaction represented by the Janissaries
and Bektashi.

1 D’Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 312.

2 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie,i, 829 ; Jacob, Beiträge, p. 9.
XLVII

COLUMNS OF ORDEAL 1

О self-respecting Cairene dragoman omits to point

out to his clients among the curiosities of the
mosque of Amr at Fostat two columns near the south
door, which are endowed, according to popular super-
stition, with the miraculous power of discriminating
between true Moslems and Unbelievers.2 Placed at
such a short distance apart (some ten inches) that the
passage between them can with difficulty be negotiated
by a man of average build, the columns none the less
allow a true Moslem, however stout, to pass between
them, while an Unbeliever, however slim, finds passage
impossible. In other words, the space is supernaturally
widened if necessary to accommodate the former and
contracted to exclude the latter class.

The columns actually used for this purpose at Cairo
do not seem long to have been associated with the
superstition. Visitors to the mosque in the sixties do
not mention it, though they refer to the companion
marvel of the column miraculously transported from
Mecca.3 The superstition itself, however, is of great
antiquity and relatively well documented. The purpose
of the rite, a spiritual test, distinguishes it sharply from
the many similar ‘ passing through ’ rituals universally
current and generally considered ‘ lucky ’ acts practised
with a view to the healing of disease, &c.4 Its symbolism,
as we shall see, suggests a Christian origin. A study of

1 This chapter is reprinted from B.S.A. xxiv, 68 ff.

г Murray, Egypt (1900), pp. 380-1 ; Sladen, Orient. Cairo, p. 183,
and Queer Things about Egypt, p. 198 ; Goldziher, Culte des Saints . . .
Musulmans, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 345.

3 See, e. g. Petermann, Reisen im Orient, ii, 384.

4 See above, pp. 182 ff.

624 Columns of Ordeal

its developments or ramifications into various parts both
of the Christian and Mohammedan worlds may there-
fore be attempted with more than usual accuracy and is
thus of considerable interest and value for the study of
kindred phenomena.

A more appropriate place of origin for a superstition
so distinctly theological in character and shared by the
two great religions of the eastern Mediterranean could
not be found than Jerusalem ; and we shall not go far
astray if we accept it hypothetically as such. Certainly
it is from Jerusalem that the earliest record comes to
us of the ordeal of passage, and at Jerusalem that the
rite continued to be practised, though on varying holy
sites, almost to our own day. In 723 S. Willibald, on
pilgrimage to the Holy City, visited on his round the
church of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives. Here,
he says, stood two columns ‘ within the church, against
the north wall and the south wall, in memory of the
two men who said, “ Men of Galilee, why stand ye
gazing up into heaven ? ” 1 And the man who can creep
between the wall and the columns will have remission
of his sins.’2

It does not seem possible, with the knowledge at our
disposal, to refine on Willibald’s account as to the posi-
tion of the columns. The point of the ordeal was
certainly, as at Cairo, that the aperture, here between
the columns and the wall, was narrow, and we may
perhaps assume from this the fairly usual Byzantine

1 Acts, i, II.

3 Ed. Wright, p. 19. The original text runs : ‘ illa ecclesia est
desuper patula et sine tecto ; et ibi stant duae columnae intus in
Ecclesia contra parietem Aquilonis, et contra parietem meridionalis
plagae. Illae sunt ibi in memoriam et in signum duorum virorum qui
dixerunt : Viri Galilaei, quid statis adspicientes in coelum ? Et ille
homo, qui ibi potest inter parietem et columnas repere, liber est a
peccatis suis ’ (Willibaldus, Vita seu Hodoeporicon, p. 376, in Mabillon,
Acta SS. Ord. BenedSaec. Ill, pt. ii, pp. 365 ff. ; also in Camisii
Thesaurus, ed. Basnage, ii,in-12, quoted byTobler, Siloahq.,pp. 94-5).

In the Ascension Church 625

arrangement of a column facing an anti-pilaster in the
adjoining wall. The symbolism of the ‘ Men of Galilee’
seems certainly no more than an ingenuity : that of the
rite itself seems to depend on the texts of S. Matthew,
which use the image of a narrow passage to illustrate the
difficulty of salvation.1 At the same time we may bear
in mind the special significance in the church of the
Ascension, marking the spot where Christ entered into
heaven, of two texts frequently displayed in Greek
churches. These are (1) ‘ this is none other than the
House of God, this is the gate of heaven ’2 and (2) ‘ this
is the gate of the Lord : the righteous shall enter into it \3
And it is not impossible that these were written over,
or in close proximity to, the two narrow openings
through which it was customary in Willibald’s time for
pilgrims to pass as a test of grace.4

As to the exact meaning of Willibald’s liber est a
peccatis suis, it is perhaps impossible to dogmatize, but
some light may be thrown on the subject by the parallel
of Mount Sinai. Here the ascent of the holy mountain
was restricted to pilgrims who had been duly confessed,
and a certificate of confession was required of them at
the beginning of the ascent, which was marked by a
gateway. The restriction was justified by the text,
‘ Who shall go up to the holy hill of the Lord and who
shall stand in His holy place ? He that hath clean hands

1 Matt. vii, 13-14 (‘ Enter ye in at the strait gate . : . strait is the
gate and narrow is the way which leadeth unto life ’), and xix, 24

(‘ It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a
rich man to enter into the kingdom of God’). Cf. Mark x, 25;
Luke xviii, 25.

3 Gen. xxviii, 17.

3 Ps. cxviii, 20 : Burckhardt notes the presence of this text over a
door in the village of Shmerrin (Syria, p. 105).

4 Similarly, on the way from Mecca to Arafat there are two pillars
of whitewashed stones, called el Alameyn, about 80-100 paces apart ;
pilgrims must pass between them on their way to, and still more from,
Arafat (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 113).

6г6 Columns of Ordeal

and a pure heart.’1 Felix Fabri informs us * that Jews,
who according to medieval ideas were vicariously guilty
of Christ’s blood and therefore could not have ritually
clean hands, were supernaturally prevented from pass-
ing the gate.3 It may have been the custom to confess
pilgrims before admitting them to the sanctuary of the
holy hill of Olivet.4

What appears to be a variant of the same rite in the
church of the Ascension, due probably to structural
alterations involving the removal or modification of the
original passages,5 is described by Felix Fabri as prac-
tised in his time by oriental Christians. This rite con-
sisted in embracing a certain column of the church.
If the pilgrim could span it so as to make his fingers
touch, it was welcomed as a happy omen,6 but of what

1 Ps. xxiv, 3-4. My authority is E. H. Palmer, Desert of the Exodus,
p. 105, quoting R. Clayton’s Journey to Mt. Sinai by the Prefetto of
Egypt (1722). According to G. Ebers (Durch Gosen, pp. 34 Q а
second paper was also given to them at the convent to be given up at
the second gate. 2 Evagat. ii, 455.

3 Similar cases of supernatural intervention for religious reasons are
given by Petachia, Pour du Monde, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii (1831),
pp. 296-300 (tomb of Ezechiel surrounded by a wall without a gate and
with only a hole through which Jews crawl : on the Feast of Taber-
nacles, however, it enlarges so that a man on a camel may pass through),
and by Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 199 (Mohammed’s entry into a small
low hermit’s chapel in the desert of Arabia caused the low entrance to
become 4 so great, and so large, and so high, as though it had been of
a great minster, or the gate of a palace ’).

4 Near the tombs of Hillel and Shammai at Meron there was a stone
basin found full of water by pious persons, but empty by the impious,
though the basin had no outlet (Petachia, loc. cit., p. 392, quoted by
Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 311). The pious could pass under the
suspended coffin of Daniel at Susa, but not the impious (Petachia,
oc. cit.y p. 366).

5 In the interval between the two accounts the church had been re-
built by the Crusaders and destroyed bySaladin(Tobler, Siloahq., p. 97).

6 4 Putant autem illi superstitiosi orientales, quod ille, qui id facere
potest, sit magis fortunatus, et quod sit signum cujusdam magni
boni ’ (Fabri, Evagat.y ii, 134).

In the Crypt of S. Pelagia 627

Fabri does not know or contemptuously declines to
state. We shall see, however, that the ritual has a place
in the story of the ‘ Columns of Ordeal

In the crypt containing the tomb of S. Pelagia,1
which is in the immediate vicinity of the church of the
Ascension, the rite described by Willibald seems to have
survived in a slightly modified form. It is described by
two Greek pilgrims of (approximately) 1185 and 1250,2
and again by Felix Fabri3 in 1489. All the accounts
are substantially in accord. It was customary for
penitents to squeeze through the narrow passage be-
tween the tomb and the wall of the crypt, their ability
to do this being considered as proof that they were in
a state of grace : if their previous confession had been
defective, they were unable to pass. Here again the
reminiscence of Sinai is strong. It is curious to note
that Saint Pelagia is known to Mohammedans as the
daughter of Hasan el Masri,4 and that the tomb of
Hasan el Basri has a similar peculiarity to hers.5

The seventeenth century sees a reappearance of the
same superstition, again in a slightly modified form, in
yet another Christian building, the church of the Holy

1 Her cell and tomb are traceable back to 600 a.d. (Antoninus of
Piacenza) according to Tobler, Siloahq., p. 126.

2 Anon. Allatii^ p. 87, de locis HierosoL (in L. Allatius, Σύμμικτα
vol. i), c. 1185 (Tobler, Siloahqp. 130, puts the Anon. c. 1400), and
Perdiccas (in L. Allatius, Σύμμικτα, i, 72) c. 1250.

3 Evagat. i, 398 : cf. Grethenius in Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 180.

4 ‘ Rabahet Bent Hassan el Masri’ (Tobler, Siloahq., p. 126).
Pelagia’s tomb was sometimes confounded with that of S. Mary of
Egypt (el Masri), her history being similar to the Magdalene’s (Tobler,
Siloahq.y p. 133). It became difficult of access for Christians about
1500, according to Tobler, Siloahq., p. 131, when a mosque was built
over it. Mejir-ed-din (p. 132) at this date says it was much visited
by pilgrims, but he does not mention the grave.

5 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 181 (Old Basra). His kubbe fell
twice, whereupon he appeared and said he wished no kubbe but a tower,
his tomb to be against the wall to prevent circumambulation. See
Hasluck, Letters, p. 189, for his connexion with S. Pelagia.

628 Columns of Ordeal

Sepulchre. It seems indeed as if Moslem encroach-
ments were continually driving it to new surroundings.

Near the chapel of Christ’s Prison, Doubdan,1 in 1652,
notices two small columns between which and the wall
pilgrims squeezed their way, confident that a successful
passage was an index, not of remission of sins, but of
legitimacy. The same superstition is described by Nau
in 1674,* who, however, makes the passage between the
two columns themselves. To the complete change in
the object of the ritual we shall return in the discussion
of the Moslem variants. Side by side with it was cur-
rent, as we see from Le Bruyn’s account,3 the idea of
proving that the penitent was in a state of grace.

Of the chapel of S. Longinus in the Sepulchre church
Kelly says : 4

* Beneath one of the altars lies a stone having a hole through it,
and placed in a short trough, so that it seems impossible for
anything but a spectre to pass through the hole. Nevertheless
the achievement was a customary penance among the Greeks,
and called by them “ Purgatory ” ; until a lady, enceinte, in
labouring to drag herself through it, came to some mischief ;
and ever since that accident, the Turks have in mercy guarded
the stone by an iron grating.’

This concludes the record of the columns of ordeal in
Christian sanctuaries at Jerusalem, unless we include as
such the unsatisfactory mention of a similar rite, of
which the purpose is not stated, practised in the church
of Mount Zion in Crusading times :

Ante Chorum quaedam pretiosi marmoris columna juxta
murum posita est, quam simplices homines circummigrare
soient.5

1 lerrc Sainte 1651-2, p. 75. 2 M. Nau, Terre Sainte, pp. 193 f.

3 Voyage (1683), ii, 258 ff.

* Kelly, Syria, p. 367, quoting Vere Monro, Summer Ramble
Syria[1835], pp. 216-17. A similar story is cited from d’Estourmel,
Journal, ii, 93 [1832], by Tobler ( G[1851], p. 337), in whose
time the tradition seems to have been forgotten.

5 Theodericus, De Locis Sanctis (c. 1172), ed. Tobler, p. 56.

Christian Ordeals Summarized 629

Summing up, we may distinguish two modifications
of the oldest form of the rite (passing between column
and wall) and a complete bifurcation of its purpose :

{a) At S. Pelagia’s, passage is not between column and
wall but between tomb and wall.

( b) In the Holy Sepulchre church, passage is between
column and wall or between two columns.

(c) In the later ritual of the Ascension church, passage
of any sort is abandoned in favour of embracing the
single column used for the rite. The original symbolism
is lost, but it must be noted that the object of the later
rite is not stated.

The first record of the practice by Moslems of the
column ordeal is no earlier than the middle of the
seventeenth century. The place is Jerusalem and the
building the Dome of the Rock. It is of course unsafe
to infer that the practice is not earlier, particularly as
the whole Haram area, and especially the interior of
the Dome of the Rock, was rigorously forbidden to
non-Moslems down to our own time. But the silence
of both Crusaders and Moslem writers on the subject,
and the warning of one of the latter (Mejir-ed-Din) 1
against the superstitious practice of the Christians on
the Mount of Olives makes it likely that the column
ordeal in the Dome of the Rock is not much more
ancient than our first records. It will be further noted
that the Dome of the Rock, whence Mohammed took
his miraculous flight to heaven, makes the rite appro-
priate in the same sense as it is appropriate for Chris-
tians in the church of the Ascension : and that the
traditional identification of the Rock as Bethel,* the
scene of Jacob’s vision,3 makes it a second time a sym-
bolical entry to heaven. Further, that the text

1 A.D. 1495, quoted by Tobler, Siloahq., p. 124. Cf. the long and
explicit description of the building given by Frater Philippus de
Aversa, for which see Z.D.P.V. i, 210 ff.

* Lubomirski, Jérusalem,p. 272. з 111,17.

630 Columns of Ordeal

xix, 24, is familiar to Moslems from its adaptation in the
Koran,1 2 which says that unbelievers shall not ‘ enter
into paradise, until a camel pass through the eye of
a needle \ Finally, we must point out, as at least an
extraordinary series of coincidences, that the crypt of
the Dome of the Rock passed for the place where Christ
forgave the adulterous woman, and was thence known in
Frankish times as confessiof exactly as the cave below
the church of the Ascension, in which the ex-harlot
Pelagia passed her days of penitence, was known as άγια
όμολόγησις.

The two accounts of the column ordeal as practised*
in the middle seventeenth century by Moslems in the
Dome of the Rock, refer to an identical pair of columns,
distinct from those of the structure itself, and placed
near the western entrance. Brother Eugène Roger
(i653) says that it was commonly said of them that any
one who could pass easily between them was predestined
for the Moslem paradise, and that if a Christian made
the attempt he would inevitably be crushed by them.3
D’Arvieux (1660), our second authority, says that they
were used as an oracle of legitimacy and that bastards
were unable to make the passage, at least not without
great difficulty.4 The practice of the ordeal on the
Dome of the Rock is not cited by any subsequent writer.
The association of the two ideas, (1) fitness for heaven
and (2) legitimacy, has already met us at the Holy
Sepulchre and will meet us again later. What is the
point of contact between the two ideas ?

A possible answer may be found in the fact that in
Moslem, and to a certain extent also in Jewish, theology

1 vii, 38 (Sale’s ed., p. 108).

2 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 544 : cf. Theodericus, De Locis
Sanctis, pp. 43, 123.

3 Chateaubriand, I finer, ii, 376.

4 MémoireSy ii, 210 f., retailing information gathered from monks
employed in repairing the windows of the mosque.

In the Mosque of Aksa 631

the relation of the soul to the Creator is habitually
figured by that of a wife to her husband. As the chief
virtue of a man is faithfulness to God, so that of a
woman is faithfulness to her husband : infidelity is in
either case the cardinal sin.1 2 On the fidelity of the wife
depends the legitimacy of her offspring, and both would
be satisfactorily tested if a pregnant woman passed
successfully between the miraculous columns. The
passage of pregnant women is indeed several times
mentioned, though it is obvious that the rite was shared
by others (possibly at first babies) with the object of
proving their own legitimacy.3

The ordeal of the columns is found a second time
under Moslem auspices in Jerusalem at the mosque El
Aksa in the Haram. Here it is mentioned by numerous
authors of the seventies,3 * and Conder tells us that it was
forbidden in 1881, when the space between the columns
was blocked by an iron bar to prevent the passage. The
purpose of the rite seems to have been exclusively to
test the suppliant’s fitness for heaven.

1 For the same collocation of ideas note that in judging the markings
of Arab horses a star on the shank is held to presage that the animal’s
owner will be of doubtful orthodoxy as a Mussulman, and that his
wife will be unfaithful (Kelly, Syria, p. 446).

2 Predestination includes a wide range of ideas among which are
(1) virtue, (2) freedom from mortal sin, (3) state of grace, (4) belief (for
Moslems), the central idea being fitness for heaven. It is not the same
ideaJor Moslems as legitimacy, although Islam allows special privileges
to 6 founders’ kin the legitimacy of whose descent from the Prophet
might reasonably be supposed to be tested by any given test of grace.
Jews and Mohammedans both accept proselytes, it will be remembered.

3 Conder, Jerusalem, p. 232 ; Lady Burton, Inner Life of Syria,
p. 379 ; J. A. Bost, Souvenirs d? Orient (1874) Pierotti, Légendes

Racontées, pp. 33 £ (he says they are verd-antique in colour and taper) :

Lubomirski, Jérusalem (1878), p. 277. De Vogüé, Syrie, pp. 202 f.,
gives an amusing description of the ceremony. Tobler, in his Topogr.

von Jerusalem (1853), does not mention the superstition : it will be
remembered that access to the Haram was still in his time almost
impossible.

632 Columns of Ordeal

Outside Jerusalem the rite has been copied (appa-
rently) at Urfa (Edessa) in the Jacobite crypt of S.
Ephraem under the Armenian monastery of S. Sergius,
though no definite purpose is attributed to it by our
single authority,1 who says, ‘ Before the grave is a rock-
hewn column near the wall, between which and the
wall everyone tries to pass ’.

What seems a certain case of plagiarism from the rite
of S. Pelagia’s church is found at Hassa Keui in Cappa-
docia, the alleged place of burial of S. Makrina, sister of
S. Gregory. Pilgrims to the tomb ordinarily circum-
ambulate it, but if they have made a vow to the saint
which they have failed to fulfil, they are arrested by a
supernatural force at a place where a corner of the
sarcophagus approaches to within a few inches of the
wall.*

Another derivative from the original rite of the
Ascension church, very possibly dating from the Cru-
sades,3 is at Nivelles in Belgium, where, in the church of
S. Gertrude, ‘ dans une chapelle … un pilier mono-
lithe de ira 30 de hauteur et de 24 c. de diamètre environ,
sans utilité spéciale dans la bâtisse, est appuyé sur une
base reliée au mur et distancée du sol par deux marches.

1 H. Petermann, Reisen ini Orient, ii, 354.

* Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г A sie Mineure, p. 206. For
analogies see above, p. 627.

3 Similarly, the legend of S. Hubert spread from Rome to Belgium
because many relics had been carried there, see above, p. 464. Secular
counterparts of the dispersion of stories of the saints are found in two
legends related by Baring Gould (Curious Myths, 2nd series, pp. 206 ff.,
314 ff.). The first is the legend of Melusine, the fairy ancestress of the
Lusignans of Poitou, the second tells how an ancestor of the Belgian
Godefroi de Bouillon met Beatrice, a mysterious woman, near a
fountain, and eventually married her. That is, two Persian-coloured
tales of fairy ancestors were told in Poitou and Belgium of noble
houses which became conspicuously famous in the Crusades. Trou-
badours were the main agents in the circulation of such stories, but
another important factor was the settlement of Crusaders in their
newly conquered lands in the East ; see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 117 -18.

In Mosques at Damietta and Kairuan 633

Le peuple prétend que toute personne qui n’est pas en
état de grâce ne peut passer entre le mur et le pilier :
l’espacement est environ de 30 centimètres.’ r

On the Moslem side the three examples from northern
Africa which follow are quite clearly derivatives from
the Jerusalem prototypes, all having in common both
the form of the rite, passage between columns, and its
main object, proof of orthodox religious sentiments.

To the Columns of Ordeal in the mosque of Amr at
Fostat (Old Cairo) we have already referred. Though
the main purpose of the ordeal here is as above stated,
Douglas Sladen, in his Queer Things about Egypt,2 hints
that they are also used as a test of women’s chastity.
We have already remarked that the practice does not
seem here to be ancient, probably deriving directly
from the Aksa mosque at Jerusalem. Similar Columns
of Ordeal are mentioned as existing in the mosque of
Amr at Damietta. The space between them may be
traversed only by ‘ the virtuous ’, presumably, here as
elsewhere, persons in a state of grace or believers.3 At
the mosque of Sidi Okba in the holy city of Kairuan in
Tunisia are likewise a pair of such columns : 4 they are
of red porphyry and are used as a test of Moslem ortho-
doxy or as a cure for rheumatism ! Like those of El
Aksa, they taper towards the top, so that with a little
chicanery a tall man stands a better chance of passing
than a shorter patient of like build.

Vaujany speaks of the Columns of Ordeal as a not
infrequent feature in Egyptian mosques. Considering
the importance of the mosques of Amr and Sidi Okba, it
1 Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 157, quoting O. Colson in
Wallonia, iii, 15. Sébillot’s very thorough work gives no parallel in
the French area. S. Gertrude’s is a Benedictine abbey church founded
by S. Gertrude in 645.

г P. 198 : cf. his Orient. Cairo, p. 183.

3 Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 205. For another column of predestina-
tion, this time at Bethlehem, see Tobler, Bethlehem, p. 90.

4 Poiré, F uniste Française, Paris, 1892, pp. 187-8.

3295.2 T

634 Columns of Ordeal

would not be surprising to find them widely distributed
in North Africa.

Two cases of an ordeal involving passage between
natural rocks as a test of spiritual acceptability may be
here cited, (i) At Haji Bektash, the chief seat of the
(Shia) Bektashi sect, pilgrims make the passage of a
natural rock tunnel with a view to proving their sin-
cerity of purpose. The aperture is narrow, and it is
customary for the pilgrim to remove his arms before
making the attempt : with arms, passage is reputed im-
possible, though, according to my informants, a certain
Albanian bey,who refused to conform to the rule, passed

successfully ; he was rewarded for his presumption by
an early death.1 (2) Of a closely similar rite in Morocco
I am informed by a friend long resident in Fez, whose
words I quote.

‘ An eyewitness here, credible, informs me that there is at a
mountain sanctuary called Mulaï Abdslam bel Meshish, a well-
known place in the mountains south of Tetuan, just outside the
shrine, a sort of cave, with a narrow entrance between two
rocks. Only one who is “ murda ” can pass in. If not “ murda ”,
the rocks would crush you. “ Murda ” is a technical word
meaning “ acceptable ” with special reference to God and your
parents. The local tradition in this place seems to know no-
thing of bastardy : it is morals of which it is the touchstone.’2

The close resemblance of these two instances may be
merely fortuitous, or both may alike depend on a proto-
type unknown to us, possibly in the Shia holy places.
Their ultimate relation with the Jerusalem group must
be regarded as ‘ not proven ’ pending further evidence
or indication.

Two instances of embracing a column for oracular
purposes, as in the second phase of the Ascension church
ritual, may or may not be connected with our series.

1 From Ali Kemal Bey Klissura, and his brother, Fadil Bey.

3 From Mr. J. M. Dawkins.

For Oracles 63 5

The embracing ritual in itself is early and obviously
derives from the enthusiastic salutation of the venerated
object by pilgrims. It is mentioned in connexion with
the column of Flagellation on Mount Zion by Anto-
ninus of Piacenza.1

The first of these instances is at Kufa, one of the
great holy places of Shia Islam, where there is a piece
of a column, reputed brought thither by Ali himself.
This is used as an oracle of legitimacy, bastards being
unable to make their fingers meet round it.* The
second is at Alexandrovo in Serbian Macedonia, where
the tekke of the Bektashi dervishes contains a miracu-
lous square pillar, which, supposedly brought there by
a Bosnian saint, is embraced by pilgrims. If they can
make the fingers of their two hands meet round the
pillar, their prayer is granted.3

The connexion of the two Shia rites seems obvious,
the generalization of the purpose of the ordeal in the
derivative at Alexandrovo being characteristic. It would
be dangerous without further evidence to connect them
with the second ritual of the Ascension church, though
it will be remarked that the purpose of the latter has
not come down to us.

1 Ed. Tobler, xxii, p. 24 ; Kelly, p. 366.

г Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 216.

3 Evans in J.H.S.xxi, 203 : see further above, p. 277.

T 2
XLVIII

THE STYLITE HERMIT OF THE
OLYMPIEUM

ALL early drawings of the Olympieum at Athens,
/X from Carrey’s downwards,1 show on part of the
architrave a rubble building of peculiar form, which has
been removed only in comparatively recent years.2 So
many writers allude to this building as the dwelling of
a Stylite hermit that the statement has passed unques-
tioned into Gregorovius’ standard work on Athens in
the Middle Ages.3 A closer examination of our sources,
however, makes it abundantly clear that the Stylite
hermit of the Olympieum is a product of the imagina-
tion alone and had no historical existence. We will
examine first the testimony of our authors as to the
hermit, and secondly the nature of his supposed cell.

The first allusion to the hermit is no earlier than
1739. Pococke, after his description of the rubble build-
ing on the architrave (to which we shall return), con-
tinues sceptically : £ some imagine that the palace of
Adrian was built on those high pillars, but this wail
[1. e. the supposed cell] appears to be modern . . . and
they pretend to say, that some hermit lived in that airy
building.’ 4 Chandler’s testimony is similar : ‘ you are
told it has been the habitation of a hermit, doubtless of

1 Omont, Athènes au XVIIe Siècle, pi. xxii.

3 Apparently in the seventies: cf. Transfeldts in Ath. Mitth. i
(1870), p. 112, n. I.

3 Gregorovius, Stadt Athen, i, 68 : cf. Julliard, Voyages Incohérents,
pp. 301 f., who mentions this as a fact and with details so late as the
beginning of this century.

4 Descr. of the East> II, ii, 166. Before this date most took it for
remains of Hadrian’s palace (e.g. Randolph, Morea, p. 22).

Growth of the Legend 637

a Stylites V Dodwell, in 1805,says ‘it is supposed to have
been the aerial residence of a Stylites hermit ’,1 2 Hob-
house, in 1809, that ‘ Greeks and Turks declare it to have
been the habitation of a Saint’.3 Turner, in 1814, ‘was
told ’ quite a different legend, viz. that ‘ on a piece of
the architrave between two of them e. the columns] a Greek, in the time of a terrible plague that infested
Athens, built a small chamber of brick, to which he
ascended with cords, drawing them up after him ’.4 *
The discrepancy need not trouble us, since none of these
traditions have more truth in them than the frankly
supernatural story told by an old Albanian woman to
Dodwell, that the so-called Stylite’s Cell was full of
treasure and guarded by an Arab who made his abode
there and by night jumped from column to column.3

As the century goes on the Stylite story becomes
accepted and grows more detailed and explicit, but the
only author whose account can be construed as the
record of an eyewitness is Frankland, who is ambiguous :
‘ a Fakir, or Dervish, had contrived to ensconce himself
upon the remains of the Epistylia in one angle of the
colonnade.’6 Lacour, in 1832, has the story with more
detail : ‘ de nos jours, un Ermite a vécu pendant dix-huit
ans sur l’architrave des cinquième et sixième colonnes
de la face orientale ; c’est au moyen d’une échelle de
corde, qu’on lui envoyait les provisions de la semaine ;
il y resta six années sans en descendre.’ 7 Baird was told
by an Athenian friend in the fifties a similar story of
a hermit who lived ‘ many years ago ’.8

1 Travels in Greece, ii, 87.

2 Tour through Greece, i, 389 : his companion, Pomardi, gives the
tale with more detail, qualifying his statements with the phrase 4 al
dire de’ naturali 5 (Viaggio nella Grecia, i, 150).

3 Albania, i, 322. ·* Tour in the Levant, i, 379.

5 Op. cit.y i, 390. 6 Constantinople, i, 302.

7 Excursions en Grèce, p. 185.

8 Modem Greece, 1856, p. 52 : cf. Byzantios, who, in a footnote to

63B The Stylite Hermit of the Olympieum

As we have said, no author, with the possible excep-
tion of Frankland, claims to have seen the hermit. Lady
Craven, in 1786, says vaguely that he was long since
dead,1 as do Laurent 2 and Trant 3 ; Michaud that he
died a few years ago,4 d’Estourmel that he lived in the
last century ;3 Lacour dates him, as we have seen, ‘ in
our own times

To sum up, the tale is first told in the first half of the
eighteenth century. Pococke, Chandler, Dodwell, and
Hobhouse do not believe it. Subsequent writers at
short intervals accept the tradition, but date the hermit
at various periods, all before their own visits to Athens,
with the solitary exception of Frankland (1827). The
latter’s visit falls between those of Laurent (1818) and
Trant (1830), both of whom knew of the hermit as long
since dead. It seems quite evident that Frankland’s
notice, ambiguous at best, cannot be accepted as an
eyewitness’s account.

When we turn to examine the supposed Stylite’s cell
itself, it is obvious that it was ill-adapted for a human
dwelling-place. Pococke describes it as ‘ a wall built
with three passages in it, one over another, and open-
ings in it one over another, and openings at the side
like windows and doors ’.6 It is so represented in the
drawings, of which the most exact are Stuart and
Revett’s.7 What purpose could such a perforated wall,
perched on columns sixty feet high, have served ?

The system of water-conduits generally employed in
Turkey substitutes for the continuous arcaded aque-
ducts of Roman times a series of detached towers (r«

his Κωνσταντινούπολή, (ii (1862), p. 94), mentions the οίκίσκος . . .
tV ω εστυλοβάτει Δερβίσης τις, καθά Λεγονσιν, επί Τουρκοκρατίας.

1 Journey to Constantinople (1786), ρ. 259·

2 Classical Tour, ρ. φ.

3 Journey through Greece (1830), ρ. 265.

4 Corresp. d’Orient (1833-5), i, 161 (1830).

5 Journal (1844)* i, 97*

6 Loc. cit. 7 Ant. of Athens, III, ii, pi. 1 ; III, iii, pi. 1.

A Suggested Explanation 639

terazi or ‘ water balances ’), placed at suitable intervals,
which serve the double purpose of checking an over-
rapid flow of the water (and so easing the strain on the
pipes), and facilitating the inspection and repair of the
channels.

‘ Upon the side nearest to the channel of supply they are fur-
nished with earthen pipes, through which the fluid, ascending
by its own impulse, mounts to the summit. Here the ascending
pipes terminate, and discharge their contents into a small
moossluk (water gauge or cistern) lined with khorassan and
lukium.1 Upon the opposite side are one or more orifices, from
two to three inches lower than the supplying tubes. After cir-
culating, and being exposed to the pressure and renovating
action of the atmosphere, the water departs through these
orifices, and descends through pipes communicating with un-
derground channels, which convey it to the next Souteraxy . . .
or distribute it to lateral tanks.’1

The height of such water-towers is of course condi-
tioned ultimately by that of the fountain-head serving
the aqueduct : some are as high as ninety feet.3 The
cistern on top is generally open to the air.

It seems possible that in the rubble building on the
architrave of the Olympieum we have the remains of
a triple series of cisterns or clearing-chambers from a
Turkish aqueduct, the already existing columns of the
Olympieum being utilized to avoid the expense of build-
ing a water-tower. The ventilation of the lower two
cisterns was secured by openings in the side-walls.

An aqueduct was brought into Turkish Athens in
1506-7 as the following note 4 from the ‘ Chronicle of
Athens ’ testifies :

,Ev crei # ζιδ ‘ Αύγουστου кЬ’ αρχ το κουντίτο * Αθήνας

καί άνηγέρθη ή βρύσιςτου Έζεχώρου καί ή βρύσις

1 Kinds of cement (F. W. H.).

1 C. White, Constantinople, ii, 28.

3 Forchheimer and Strzygowski, Byz. Wasserbehälter, p. 24.

4 Ed. Lambros in Άθηναΐον, vi (1877), p. 441.

β\ο The Sty lite Hermit of the Olymfieum

της χώρας διά συνδρομής του OKcvrèp τον Άλιμττασα

καί διά ό£όδον τ οΰκόσμου όσόβη το vepòv ’Απριλίου κη’ η μόρα.

As to levels, if we assume that the water supply re-
ferred to entered the city from above the ‘ Kolonnaki ’
square (77Λ ατβιατης Φιλικής ‘ ) by the ancient

aqueduct which still serves Athens,1 2 we find that the
drop from ‘ Kolonnaki ’ (134*1 m.)3 to the Olympieum
site (8o*8 m.) is great, and water flowing thence could
easily ascend the extra sixty feet afforded by the
columns of the Olympieum serving as a water-tower.
The purpose of bringing a conduit so far away from
the town was obviously the supply of water to the
citadel, in the outer works of which the Odeum
(97*7° m. above sea-level) was then incorporated.

1 Ziller in Ath. Mittb. ii, 120.

2 These figures are from Cordelias’ At ΆΘfjvat ζξεταζόμζναι υπό

υδραυλικήν enoifnv, p. 18.
XLIX

WESTERN TRAVELLERS THROUGH
EASTERN EYES

A JOURNEY ’, says a Tradition of the Prophet, ‘ is
a Fragment of Hell.’ The western love of travel
for travel’s sake is a perpetual enigma to the eastern
peasant. Travelling is both expensive and troublesome :
sensible people only consent to expense and trouble as
a means to an end, material or spiritual. The merchant
who travels for ultimate gain, is understood : so is the
pilgrim who visits Jerusalem or Mecca for the good of
his soul. A man who confesses to travelling without
a definite aim, or in search of knowledge, is either a
madman or a very clever person masquerading as a
madman. Consequently, elaborate explanations are
sometimes brought forward to account for the curiosity
of the ‘ Franks ’ concerning eastern countries. One
such explanation is to the effect that westerns who die
in the East are re-incarnated as young children 1 and
are thus enabled to begin their lives over again. Gener-
ally, however, a more material view is taken. ‘ Franks ’
are known to have curious knowledge. ‘ The Franks
are devils, they know everything,’ was the (wholly ad-
miring) comment of a Turkish peasant, when I produced
a map showing the lake beside which his village was
built. Further, hazy recollections and oft-repeated
stories of Franks who appeared from nowhere and
distributed quinine and pills to ailing villagers give
colour to the belief that all Franks are doctors,2 and,

1 Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 512.

3 Λ certain British Consul at Samsun in Asia Minor was constantly
worried for remedies for fever by the natives. In despair, and hoping
to end the nuisance, he gave them impressions of the consular seal on

642 Western Travellers through Eastern Eyes

disease being the work of jinnsmedicine and magic in
the East go together.

Thus, people who are doctors and use maps, who
even know the name of a village before they have seen
it, are magicians or little short of it. An archaeologist
is perhaps beyond all others marked out as a dabbler in
the occult. His interest in the crops is feeble : he has
nothing to sell : his religion (if Franks have any, which
is more than doubtful) is some sort of Christianity, so
his objective in a Mohammedan country can hardly be
a pilgrimage. On the other hand, he will part with
good money to be shown such things as ruins and in-
scriptions. Everybody knows that ruins are likely places
for buried treasure and that inscriptions are directions
for locating it. Everybody, again, knows that treasures
are guarded by spirits and that ordinary people cannot
read ancient inscriptions, which are written in ‘ Fran-
kish ’ characters, probably cryptic at that. The infer-
ence is obvious. The affected interest of the archaeo-
logist in things ancient merely masks a treasure hunter 1
specially qualified by knowledge of the occult. Marvel-
lous stories are current and implicitly believed, ex-
emplifying the Frank’s proverbial knowledge of his
subject. Near Pergamon, so I was told by an otherwise
shrewd Mytilenean, there was a village shop-keeper who
owned an ‘ antica ’ in the shape of a marble owl, which
he kept in his shop. One evening a mysterious Frank
arrived in the village, sat down at the shop, and made
himself very agreeable, spending money right royally—
as much as three and sixpence, some said. In considera-
tion of his custom, the shop-keeper allowed him at his
own request to spend the night, not in the best room,

paper. The patients drank the talisman soaked in water and found it
so effective that the clamour for it became general (Van Lennep,
Travels in Asia Minor, i, 285.)

1 Miss Durham found herself suspected of this (High Albania,
p. 56) : cf. Doughty, Arabia, ed. Garnett, i, 114.

Treasure-Hunters 643

which was offered and refused, but in the shop_When

his host came to wake him in the morning, the Frank
had gone, the marble owl had been , and its

two halves, which were hollow, lay on the counter, and
by them a gold coin. This told its own tale. The Frank
had evidently got wind of the existence of the marble
owl beforehand by the aid of his books, and had made
his descent on the village with the express intention of
securing the treasure concealed in it. If he left, out of
gratitude to his host as was supposed, one gold piece on
the counter, how many more must not the owl have
yielded ?

The books of the Franks are credited with contain-
ing all sorts of occult information on inscriptions and
treasures. This idea is confirmed by the fact that an
archaeologist often does know of an inscription before
he has seen it, but of course from quite prosaic archaeo-
logical publications. Given the inscription, the treasure
is easily found. The methods used by the Franks for
carrying it off are various. They may remove the in-
scribed stone bodily and extract the treasure at their
leisure. Some think the procedure is to bewitch the
treasure so that the coins of which it is composed turn
into flies,1 and then to conjure the flies to betake them-
selves into the country of the Franks, where they can be
re-transformed into coins. This method, though elabor-
ate, has the advantage of avoiding the expense of carriage.

The boundary line between the adventures even of
particular Franks and pure fairy story is slight indeed.
The following story, told to Hamilton in 1836 by guides
from Everek near Caesarea, shows the machinery of the
folk-story unfettered by any consideration of prob-
abilities.

‘ Λ traveller once came from Frangisi an, in search of a rare

1 Turner, op. cit., iii, 513. In North Africa insects fly out to attack
those who would rob the tomb of the Christian woman near Algiers
(Berbrugger, Tombeau de ία Chrétienne, pp. 36-8).

644 Western Ίravellersthrough Eastern Eyes

plant which grew only on the summit of Argaeus, having ten
leaves round its stalk and a flower in the centre. The plant was
guarded by a watchful serpent, which only slept one hour out
of the four-and-twenty. The traveller in vain tried to persuade
some of the natives to accompany him, and point out the way ;
none of them would venture, and at length he made the ascent
alone. Failing, however, in his attempt to surprise the dragon,
he was himself destroyed. He was afterwards discovered,
transformed into a book, which was taken to Caesarea, and thence
found its way back to Frangistan.’ 1

This astounding rigmarole affords a fine example of
the atmosphere of magic and mystery which surrounds
the wandering Frank : and it is some consolation to the
western traveller, who often enough feels himself but
a commonplace person in the East, to realize that he
also may become in the mouths of the people the hero
of such a fantastic, if ill-starred, Odyssey.

As a matter of fact, the hero of the Everek tale was
real enough. Near the village is a modest gravestone 2
with the inscription ‘Nathan Gridley, American Mis-
sionary from the United States, born in Farmington,
Connecticut, 31 years and 35 days old, died 1827,
Sept: 28 ’ ; then the same in Greek and Armenian.

Deceased was a medical missionary who lived here
several years, serving alike all the inhabitants of Caesarea
and making himself respected even by the fanatical
Turks. Having paid a visit to Everek, he made up his
mind to be the first of moderns to ascend the mountain
on foot, as was his regular practice, trusting to his
immense physical strength. He was at first accom-
panied by four Greeks, but he tired them out in the
first four hours. Despite their warnings, he continued
the ascent alone, till he sank, worn out, to the ground.
It was only next morning that he was able to crawl
painfully back with bleeding feet to Everek. He was
put on a horse and taken to his own house at Erdenlik,

1 Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 275. 2 Tschihatscheff, Reisen, p. 38.

Seekers of the Gold Plant 645

where he died in three days from the effects of his
exhaustion. Les Grecs restaient convaincus qu’il était
mort étouffé par le manque d’a

The plant was evidently the magic flower lampedona
(Λαμπεδόνα), which is only to be distinguished at night
by its luminosity and has the property of turning all it
touches into gold. It grows habitually on the tops of
mountains and Franks know of it and make gold with it.2

1 Texier, Asie Mineure (1834), ii, 62. For a brief bibliography of
Gridley see Memoirs of American Missionaries for?nerly connected with
the Society of Enquiry respecting Missions in the Andover Theological
Seminary, pp. 127-34. I have to thank Mr. L. D. Caskey for an
extract from this publication, as also for a reference to Leonard
Worcester, A Sermon delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. Elnathan
Gridley, Boston (Crocker and Brewster), 1825.

2 A Cretan monk inquired about it from Sieber (Kreta, i, 544) in
the early part of last century. The existence of this flower is a widely
spread superstition common to Greece and other countries of the
Nearer East (Polites, Παραδόσ€ίς, nos. 318 f., and note on no. 318,
which gives a full bibliography on the subject). For its existence in
Palestine see Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 289 (also called
‘ tortoise herb ’) ; for it in Egypt see Amélineau, Contes de VÉgypte
Chrétienne, i, 149 (the ‘ morceau de bois qui change les créatures ’
made the Queen of Sheba’s goat-foot human) ; for it on a mountain of
the Soudan see G. J. ЫBlackwood?s Magazine, March, 1918, p. 406 ;
in Arabia see Dorys, La Femme Turque, p. 173 (herb of youth and beauty
on mountain near Mecca, but long ago) ; in Persia see Mrs. Bishop,
Journeys in Persiay i, 321 (the authoress was thought to have come in
search of it) ; in Crete see, besides the references quoted by Polites
(supra), Dandini, Foyage du Mont Liban, pp. 17-18 (where it grows on
Mt. Ida and turns the teeth of the animals that browse on it yellow) ;
in Albania, on Mt. Tomor, see Berati in U Albanie, April 1918. It is
in some way related to a plant which is of the highest value to alchemy.
Lane heard of it in Egypt as growing on a mountain (Thousand and One
Nights, pp. 341-2, where, however, the connexion is fraudulent).
Carsten Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie, en Suisse, ii, 307, cf 393) heard
it grew on a mountain of the Yemen, where it yellowed the teeth of
goats which fed on it. Mejir-ed-din (died 927 a. h.) mentions plants
on the Sakhra rock at Jerusalem which turn silver to gold and gold to
silver (ed. v. Hammer in Mines de Г Orient, ii, 94). Farther east, in
Persia, Villotte (Voyages, p. 483) heard of a plant whose root turns
quicksilver into silver.
L

DIEUDONNÉ DE GOZON AND THE
DRAGON OF RHODES 1

§ I. The Story and its Development

THE story of the Rhodian knight Dieudonné de
Gozon and the slaying of the great dragon of Mal-
passo is, largely owing to Schiller’s adoption of the theme
in a ballad,3 one of the best-known legends of its type.3
It is one of several instances in which an historical
personage figures as the hero of this quite mythical
adventure.4

Dieudonné de Gozon, a member of the Provençal
langue, was the third Grand Master of the Knights of
S. John at Rhodes, ruling from 1346 to 1353. He is
represented as a simple knight at the time of his great
adventure. As might be expected, no contemporary,
or nearly contemporary, authority mentions the dragon
fight of de Gozon.5 But so early as Mandeville and
Schiltberger we find anonymous Rhodian knights figur-
ing as the heroes of current folk-tales of the chivalric
type.6

1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared in 1(J.S.A. xx, 70 ff.

2 Der Kampf mit dem Drachen (1799).

3 For dragon-legends in folk-literature see Hartland’s Perseus,
Cosquin’s Contes de Lorraine, i, 60 ff. and Frazer’s note on Pausanias,
ix, 26, 7.

4 Other historical personages credited with dragon-fights are Sire
Gilles de Chin (d. 1127) and one of the Counts of Mansfeld (Hart-
land, Perseus, iii, 46). The Russian saint Alexander Nevski is repre-
sented as a horseman and dragon-slayer, but was really an historical
Grand Duke of the thirteenth century (Bouillet, Dictionnaire, s. v.).

5 On this point see Raybaud, Hist. des Grands Prieurs de 5. Gillesy
ii, 300.

6 So in Mandeville (ed. Wright, p. 139) a Rhodian knight has adven-
tures with the enchanted daughter of Ypocras in Kos; in Schiltberger

Early Accounts 647

The earliest form of the de Gozon story known to us
is the version set down by a noble pilgrim who visited
Rhodes on his way to the Holy Land in 1521.1 He was
there told that between the city of Rhodes and the
castle of Phileremo was a church of Our Lady called
Malapasson, so named because years ago the spot had
been rendered impassable to travellers by a monstrous
dragon which did great damage to the countryside.
A French knight asked the Grand Master’s leave to
attack it, but the latter forbade him on the ground that
the enterprise was too dangerous. Not content with
this refusal, the knight went back to France and trained
his horse and two dogs to face the dragon by setting
them at a dummy monster made by covering a calf with
a dragon’s skin.* Having trained the animals, he re-
turned to Rhodes and attacked and killed the dragon
with their help, cutting off a piece of its tongue as
evidence, but telling no one of his exploit. Some days
after the encounter a Greek found the dragon’s carcase
and claimed to have killed it himself. The false claim
was refuted by the knight, who produced his trophy as
evidence,3 but, so far from receiving honours or reward,

(ed. Hakluyt Society, p. 42) a Rhodian knight attempts the enchanted
‘ Castle of the Sparrow-Hawk 9 ; and later in Rhodes itself a Rhodian
knight takes the castle of Phileremo by one of the regular strategies of
folk-lore (Röhricht and Meisner, Deutsche Pilger reisen, p. 371 ; Torr,
Rhodes, p. 91). All these are well-known folk stories to which local
colour has been given by the characterization of the heroes.

1 Pfalzgraf Ottheinreich, in Röhricht and Meisner’s Deutsche
Pilgerreisen, pp. 392-4. The learned editors recognize in this the
earliest record of the de Gozon legend.

2 This rather unconvincing stratagem, much elaborated in the
canonized version, may have been suggested by the local legend of
Phileremo alluded to above, in which the castle is taken by a similar
trick, the hero and his companions disguising themselves in ox-skins
(Deutsche Pilgerreisen, p. 371 ; Torr, Rhodes, p. 91).

3 The episode of the false claim, discarded in the later canonized
version of the story, is a feature common to many folk-tales of this
type (see above, p. 430, and note 1).

648 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

was imprisoned by the Grand Master on the score of
disobedience. He eventually became Grand Master
himself, either the third or fourth. From this last it is

clear that the legend of 1521 was already associated with
de Gozon, not with an anonymous knightly hero.

If we consider the number of earlier voyages, all
teeming with marvels retailed to pilgrims by the way,
which have come down to us, it seems improbable that
the story of Dieudonné de Gozon and the dragon was
current in Rhodes much before 1521, a hundred and
seventy years after its hero’s death, when we first hear
of it. On the other hand, we find in Kos, like Rhodes
a possession of the Knights, a simple legend of a dragon-
slaying with an anonymous hero current as early as
1420,1 and in the preceding century a tradition of the
bewitched daughter of Hippocrates appearing in dragon
form in the same island.2 Any country at all in touch
with the East was likely to develop these folk-themes
with a local setting. In the de Gozon legend it is the
choice of the hero and the details of his stratagem which
are of special interst.

To Bosio, the historian of the Order of S. John, who
wrote some seventy years later, e. after the departure
of the Knights from Rhodes, is due the general currency

1 Buondelmonti, Liber Insularum, § 45 : 4 non diu est quod serpens
maximus devorans apparuit armenta, et territi omnes fugam arripiebant.
Tunc strenuus vir pro salute populi duellum inceptat, dum inter
bestias ruere vellet. Quod cum hoc serpens percepisset, equum
morsibus illico in terram prostratum occidit ; iuvenis autem, acriter
pugnans, tandem viperam interfecit.’ Folk-legends of fights with
dragons in Greek lands, sometimes dated more or less exactly, are given
by Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 154 (Rhodes, 4 no years ago ’), and
Polîtes, Παρα8όσ€ΐς, nos. 375 (Mykonos,) 381 (Skopelos) 383 (1509,
Cephalonia, cf. Ansted, Ionian Islands, p. 342), 387 (1891, Rapsani).
With these it is interesting to compare the crocodile story from Egypt
told by Lucas (Voyage au Levant (1705), i, 83 ff.).

2 Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 138 : for the obscure connexion
between this dragon and the devastating monster mentioned above
see note in Warner’s edition.

Bostons Version 649

of the legend. His account is very detailed, though it
seems to be given with some reserve.1 2

The dragon lived in a cave, from which a spring
flowed, at the roots of S. Stephen’s hill, some two miles
from the city, at a place called Malpasso. Every one was
forbidden to fight with it. De Gozon, however, re-
solved to defy the prohibition. He retired to the castle
of Gozon in Gascony, where his elder brother ruled, and
made a dummy dragon of canvas stuffed with tow,
resembling the real dragon in every particular, and so
devised that it could be moved mechanically, making
hideous noises as it did so. Having trained his horse and
dogs to attack the dummy monster, he returned to
Rhodes and set out to Malpasso by a roundabout route,
sending his dogs with the servants to wait for him at the
church of S. Stephen. Thence he made his attack on the
dragon’s cave and after a terrific combat, slew it by
a stroke in the under part of its body. In its last agonies
it fell on him and he was with difficulty rescued from
under it by his servants.

The incident of the Greek and the false claim is
omitted in Bosio’s version. De Gozon for his disobedi-
ence was deprived of his habit by the Grand Master
(de Villeneuve), who, however, afterwards relented and
reinstated him. In course of time the dragon-slayer
became Grand Master. At his death he was buried in
the conventual church of S. John, his tomb being
signalized by a representation of his heroic achievement
and the words draconis extinctor.

Later historians of the Order, Boissat,* Marnili,3
Vertot,4 and Paoli,5 * draw largely, if not exclusively, on

1 G. Bosio, Istoria della S. Religione di S. Giovanni, pt. ii, pp. 45 ff.

2 Histoire de VOrdre de Sainct Jean (1612), pp. 120 ff.

3 Vite de9 Gran Maestri della S. Religione di S. Giovanni (1636),
pp.300 ff.

4 Histoire des Chevaliers de 5. Jean (1726), ii, 22.

5 Codice Diplomatico del Ordine Gerosolimitano (1733-7), ii, 464 .

3295.2

U

650 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

this account. The traveller de Brèves gives a slightly
different version, making the gallant deed of de Gozon
not the cause of his degradation, but an attempt to
rehabilitate himself.1

The characteristic points of the dragon-legend re-
lated of de Gozon are : (1) the difficulty of obtaining
permission to fight the dragon, and (2) the training of
the dogs with a dummy dragon. These are, so far as
I know, peculiar to the de Gozon legend and that of
Sire Gilles de Chin, of which the details in question
have been shown to be of seventeenth-century origin and
therefore probably derived from the de Gozon legend.2

§ 2. Tangible Evidence

Down to quite recent times writers of otherwise un-
impeached sanity have laboured to prove that de Gozon’s
exploit was, at least in essentials, historical. A certain
amount of tangible corroborative evidence has been
brought forward to this end, but none of it bears
examination.

Paoli is the first to associate the legend of de Gozon with that of
Phorbas, as does in our own times C. Torr (Rhodes, p. 94).

1 Voyages (1628), p. 18 : this is curiously paralleled by a western
type of dragon-legend in which the hero is a condemned criminal or a
deserter (cf. Salverte, Sciences Occultes, 3 ed., p. 477).

3 C. Liégeois, Gilles de Chin (1903), p. 124. Supernatural dogs are
introduced in some folk-stories of the dragon-fight (cf. Hartland,
Perseus, i, 29 f.) as assistants of the hero, but their setting and importance
are wholly different. There is in Zotos Molottos’ Λεξικόν των ‘Αγίων
a curious account of S. George and the Dragon, which is copied almost
exactly from the Dieudonné de Gozon story, the scene of the fight
being at Adalia. Zotos Molottos says the MS. of the legend is in a
Leipzig library: it cannot be of any antiquity as it mentions ύπέρπυρα
χρυσά, a coin used in the East in the later Middle Ages, but not
earlier. Dieudonné’s exploit is very rarely attributed to S. George,
so that its attribution to him in the Adalia legend is perhaps due to
the proximity of that town to Rhodes, especially as de Gozon’s memory
was perpetuated there by the preservation till c. 1830 of the dragon’s
head. In the Adalia story S. George has an attendant Lupus, who
figures in other martyrologies.

Corroborative Evidence 651

(1) The cave in which the dragon lived was shown in
Rhodes.1 * Such evidence is fairly easy to find. We may
here note the possible contribution to the legend afforded
by the existence in the early part of the fifteenth cen-
tury of a rich Rhodian, apparently not a knight, named
(or nicknamed) II Dracone, who had a villa and garden
at some distance from the city.* In Greek lands old
proprietors’ names are very apt to cling to their estates,
and a place originally named after II Dracone would
afford plausible evidence to later generations for the
location of a dragon-fight.

Palerne, in the early years of the seventeenth century,
seems to be the first traveller who claims to have seen
the cave of the dragon ; he adds that ‘ the story [of de
Gozon’s exploit] was engraved in the rock.’ 3 In this
detail he is confirmed a hundred years later by Egmont
and Heymann,4 who give the text of the inscription as
follows :

FR.DEODATUS DE GAZONE [sic] hie anguem
immens ae molts, orbibus terribilem, miser os Rhodi incolas
devorantem, strenue peremit, deinceps Magister creatus
est A.c. 1349.

Subsequent writers do not mention this inscription.

(2) For the alleged representation of the combat and
the words draconis extinctor on the tomb of de Gozon
at Rhodes our only authority is Bosio,5 who in all prob-
ability was never in the island, since in his time the seat

1 Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d’Orient, iv, 20 ; A. Berg, Die
Insel Rhodas, i, 86 ; Bilioni and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 152 : Belabre,
Rhodes of the Knights, p. 185.

* Viaggio (1413) of Nicolò d’Este {Coll, di Opere della R. Commissione
ре5 Testi di Lingua, i, 115 : cf. p. 142. 4 II Dracone 5 was in all proba-

bility identical with Dragonetto Clavelli, a Rhodian gentleman who
acted as procuratore for the Grand Master in 1392 and held lands from
the Order (Bosio, ii, 102 (1392), 114 (1402)).

3 Peregrinations (1606), p. 347. 4 Travels (1759), i, 277.

5 Op. cit. ii, 55.

Ü 2

652 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

of the Order had been removed to Malta. Vertot, who
was in the same case, gives the epitaph in French, cy
gist le vainqueur du dragon, adding that this was the
only inscription.1 A fragment of a supposed tomb of
de Gozon was discovered by Rottiers, at a church of
S. Stephen outside the city.1 But the inscription, so
far from mentioning the dragon, does not contain the
name of de Gozon and the date is a year out.

A genuine sarcophagus of de Gozon was removed
from Rhodes to France in 1877, and is now in the Cluny
Museum.3 It is very plain and bears the mutilated
legend :

Cy gist Fr. Dieudonné d]e Gozon mais tre de Г Ospitai.. .
[qui trespassa] Van mcccliii a viij jors de Dese[mbre . . .

(3) Rottiers claimed to have discovered in a private
house in the Street of the Knights at Rhodes a fresco
representing the combat with the dragon. To judge
from the drawing made by his artist the fresco, like most
of the buildings in the street, is much later than the
date of de Gozon.4

An earlier fresco illustrated 5 by the same author was
seen by him in a vault of the ruined church of Notre
Dame de Philerme, built, to judge by the arms on the
corbels, by the Grand Master d’Aubusson, the hero of
the first siege of Rhodes (1480). A knight, not de
Gozon (as is shown by his arms), kneels before S. Michael,
who spears a monster. Adjoining the group is a rock
with a spring of water gushing out, surmounted by a
serpent and two doves.6 Rottiers rightly abstains from

1 Op. cit. ii, 54 : the same epitaph is given by Paoli, loc. cit.

г Monumens de Rhodes (1828), p. 340 and pi. lii.

3 Catalogue du Musée des Thermes (1883), p. 40, no. 422 : the
sarcophagus is illustrated in L’Illustration, 1878 (bori), no. 1826
(Feb. 23). The drawing of de Gozon’s tomb in de Villeneuve-
Bargemont’s Monumens des Grands-Maîtres (i, pi. xxvi) is of course quite
fanciful. 4 Monumens de Rhodes, pp. 239 £., pi. xxvii.

5 Op. cit., p. 372, pi. Ixii.

6 The whole seems to form a pendant to another fresco in the same

Corroborative Evidence 653

associating this fresco with the de Gozon legend. It
may nevertheless have been considered locally as con-
firmatory evidence.

(4) We have further to reckon with a reputed ‘dragon-
stone ’ preserved in Bosio’s time by the de Gozon family
as a relic of their famous ancestor. This is described
as a crystal of the size and shape of an olive and of
varied colour : it was supposed to have come from
the forehead of the Rhodian dragon. The idea of such
stones, derived from Pliny and Solinus, was widespread
in the Middle Ages 1 and persisted late.2 The de Gozon
stone, like most of its class, was an antidote (on the
homeopathic principle) against poison. Water in which
it was placed bubbled violently while absorbing the
virtue of the stone, and was afterwards given to patients
to drink. A Rhodian knight of the de Gozon family
affirmed that he had himself seen the remedy adminis-
tered and a serpent i| palms long vomited up by the
patient.3 In the wars of religion the stone was stolen
and given to Henry IV.4

series representing an attack by a saint on a dragon in a cave surmounted
by an owl.

1 A fourteenth-century Lapidaire, bearing the name of de Mandeville
tells us (p. 113) that the 4 pierre de serpent ’ or Dreconcides ζ est engen-
drée de plusieurs serpents qui joignent leurs têtes ensemble et soufflent ;
elle est noire et porte à son chef une partie de blancheur pâle au milieu
de laquelle est une image de serpent ; elle vaut contre venin, et garde
celui qui la porte de morsure de serpent et de bêtes vénimeuses, en
telle manière, qu’on peut les prendre en sa main toute nue, sans se
blesser.’ The dragon-stone must be taken from the brain of the
monster while it still lived (Conrad von Megenberg, Buch der Natur,
p. 444? § 29). Palmer found the snake-stone legend current at Mount
Sinai {Desert of the Exodus, p. 99). For the legend in the West see
Maury, Croy; du Moyen Âge> p. 230, η. 2.

3 The question of the authenticity of4 dragon-stones ’ or escarboucles
is seriously discussed by J. B. Panthot, Traité des dragons.

3 Bosio, op. cit. ii, 55.

4 Kergorlay, Chypre et Rhodes, p. 275 (quoting de Naberat, Hist. des
Chevaliers de S. Jean, Paris, 1629, p. 70).

654 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

(5) A head supposed to be that of the dragon slain by
de Gozon was seen by the seventeenth-century traveller
Thévenot hung up in one of the gateways of Rhodes.1
There is no mention of this head in Bosio or any earlier
writer than Thévenot. Subsequent writers speak of
such a head (or heads) in a similar position ; it seems to
have disappeared in 1839.2

This supposed evidence for de Gozon’s combat has
long been recognized as an instance of the familiar use
of ‘giants’ ’ (i.e. crocodiles) and ‘ dragons’ ’ (crocodiles’
or whales’) heads as charms against the evil eye.3 The
selection of city gateways for the suspension of such
charms is again familiar. Gates, like all entrances, are
considered critical points, city gates especially so from
the strategic point of view.4 It will be noted that, like

1 Travels, p. 117 : cf. Veryard, Choice Remarks (1701), p. 331:
Dumont, Nouv. Voyage, p. 230.

2 Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, pp. 150 ff. Cf, Rottiers, p. 235 ;
Alichaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d’Orient, iv, 20 ; Berg, Rhodus, i, 90.
In 1696 Villotte saw one of the dragon’s ribs in a gate at Rhodes
(Voyages, p. 344). ^

3 A well-known instance is that of the crocodile of Seville (Elworthy,
Evil Eyeyp. 214). Others are cited from Marseilles, Lyons, Cimiez,
and Ragusa by Salverte (Sciences Occultes, p. 482), from Verona by
Berg (op. cit.y p. 90), and from Siena by Baedeker (Central It.y p. 23).
Cf. above, p. 231.

4 For the protection of gates by talismans see Quiclet, Voyages, p.
111 (‘ Giant’s bones ’ at gate of Belgrade) ; Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 948
(Whale’s bones at Seraglio gate, Constantinople) ; Evliya, Travels,
ii, 230 (Whale’s bones and old arms at gate of Angora) ; Texier, Asie
Mineure, pi. xcvii (stone balls at gate of Konia) ; Evliya, op. cit. ii,
201 (Mace and bow at gate of Kemakh) ; Belon, Observations de phi-
sieurs Singularités, III, eh. xlii (‘ Sword of Roland ’ at gate of Brusa :
cf. Thévenot, Voyages, i, 282) ; L. Stephani, Reise des nördlichen
Griechenlandes, p. 16 (Giant’s boot at gate of Chalkis : cf. Hugonnet,
La Grèce Nouv.y p. 279) ; Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 151 (bones of
Digenes (really whale’s) at S. Catherine’s gate, Rhodes : cf. Chaviaras
in Λαογραφία, i, 278) ; Gerlach, Tage-Buchy p. 337 ; Covel, Diaries,
pp. 217 f. (various charms on gates of Constantinople). The gate of
the Knights’ Castle at Budrum was protected by the charm-text Nisi
Dominus, &c. (see above, p. 203). Ali Pasha protected the main gate

Dragon Processions 655

all the other tangible evidence of de Gozon’s exploit,
the dragon’s head at Rhodes is first mentioned long
after the death of the hero.

We may here incidentally remark that the Turkish
dragon-legend current in our own time at Rhodes, the
hero of which is a dervish who kills the dragon by induc-
ing it to devour forty asses loaded with quicklime,1 ojves
nothing to that of de Gozon in detail, and probably
arose simply from the ‘ dragon’s ’ head suspended in the
city gate.

§ 3. Dragon Processions

We come now to discuss the outstanding peculiarity
of the de Gozon legend, the incident of the dummy
dragon. Bosio’s elaborate description is worth quoting
in full. ‘ The dragon ’, he says, ‘ was made of canvas
stuffed with tow, of the same size, form, and figure and

of his island-citadel at Yannina by building in the head of an c Arab ’
still to be seen there, carved in stone and painted black, and the gate
of the fort at Preveza, taken by the Greeks in the Balkan war, has been
similarly protected by a number of painted crosses. For the analogous
protection of gates by saints’ tombs see Frazer’s Pausanias, iii, 468.
There are excellent Turkish examples at Nicaea, and at Candia in the
* New Gate ’. The existence of such saints is doubtless often inferred
from that of their supposed bones, arms, or other relics originally
suspended as talismans. See further above, pp. 229 ff.

1 Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 153, from whom Torr, Rhodesy
p. 94 ; for the stratagem we may compare that of the eponymous hero
of Cracow, who gave the local dragon food mixed with sulphur, pitch,
and wax till it eventually died (Münster’s Cosmographie, ed. Belieferest,
i, 1781), and the History of Bel and the Dragon (vv. 23 ff.) in the
Apocrypha. A somewhat similar stratagem occurs in the Shahnameh
of Firdawsi, where Isfendiar begins operations on a dragon by inducing
it to swallow a cart loaded with daggers and other weapons ; a probable
variant of this tale occurs at Herat : see Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âge,
p. 231, η. 5 (quoting J. Abbott, Journey from Herat to Khiva, 1843,
i, 239). Daniel killed a serpent by making it swallow pitch (Millin,
Midi de la France, iii, 528). Sébillot (Folk-Lore de France, i, 469)
records a tale in which a dragon swallows powder dressed up in a calf’s
skin by a knight.

656 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

of the same colours as the beast itself. It was of the size
of an ordinary horse. It had the head of a serpent, with
ears the size and shape of a mule’s, covered with a very-
hard and scaly skin, with a great and frightful mouth
armed with very sharp teeth. Its eyes, deeply sunk in
the head, glittered like fire and glared with horrible
ferocity. It had four legs something like a crocodile’s,
with paws armed with very hard and sharp talons.
From its back rose two wings, not so very large, which
were the colour of a dolphin above and scarlet with
some spots of yellow below. The body and legs were
of the same colour as the wings, the belly red and yellow
like the under side of the wings. It had a tail something
like a lizard’s. It ran with a speed greater than that
of the swiftest horse, flapping its wings and making
a tremendous noise.’ All these minute details come
from a man—Bosio or another—who had seen such a
mechanical dragon as he describes.

All over France, and apparently also in the Nether-
lands and Spain,1 are found traces of medieval festivals
generally in connexion with Rogation processions,2 in
which dragons were an important feature. A figure of
a dragon, originally symbolizing the Spirit of Evil, was
carried or led in procession for three days and then
sometimes £ killed ’ or rendered innocuous in a sort of
rough religious play.3 In these cases the dragon is apt
to resume his old folk-lore connexion with water and is
often regarded as a haunter of springs, or a river beast,

1 W. G. Clarke (Gazpacho, p. 95) saw the processional 6 tarasca * at
Toledo, where there is a body of S. Martha as at Tarascon (see below),
according to Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Reliques, s.v. Marthe. For
‘ tarasques ’ in Spanish Christmas and Fete-Dieu processions see also
Maury, Magie, p. 160, n. 3.

2 For their significance see Hasluck, Letters, p. 57.

3 For the widespread vogue of these festivals see Salverte, Sciences
Occultes, pp. 475 ff. ; and, for legends of dragon-slaying saints in
western Europe, Douhet, Diet. des Légendes, s. v. Larasque, and Cahier,
Caractéristiques des Saints, s. v. Dragon.

Dragon Processions 657

or even identified with notable floods of the local
river.1

In certain instances the dragon came to be popularly-
regarded as representing an actual monster subdued by
the local saint. At Tarascon, where the procession of
the ‘ tarasque ’, or dragon supposed to have given its
name to the town, still survives, the mechanical monster
formerly used for the procession was of immense size
and was manipulated by a dozen men from inside, one
of whom opened and shut its jaws ; it was baited by
persons dressed as knights, and on the third day was
made to give three jumps to signify its submission to
S. Martha, who here figures as the heroine of the local
dragon-legend.2 Similar dragon-processions or legends
existed in many towns of Provence ; a mechanical
dragon was used at Aix.3 A ‘ property ’ dragon of this
sort is surely at the back of Bosio’s elaborate description.4

1 For the world-wide connexion of dragons with springs and water
see Frazer’s Pausanias, v, 44.

3 The modern 4 tarasque ’ is shown in B.S.A. xx (1913-14), pi. ix.
Maury says (Croy. du Moyen Age, p. 232, n. 1, quoting Bouche, Hist. du
Provence, i, 326) that the 4 tarasque ’ is first mentioned in the twelfth
century. Sincerus, travelling soon after 1600, saw at S. Martha’s,
Tarascon, 4 monstri effigies chartacea hominem deglutiens ’ and
quotes the epigram

4 Suspice multipedem squamosum deinde draconem
Auritum cernas dentigerumq: caput
Martha . . .

Perdomuit, loro continuitq: brevi.’

See Sincerus, I tin. Gall., p. 128.

3 See especially J. B. F. Porte, in Mem. Acad. Aix, iv (ι84θ),ρρ. 261-

3°8·

4 Compare the description of the Tarascon 4 tarasque ’ given by
A* Dumas (Midi de la France, 1834, ch. 34) : 4 C’est un animal d’un
aspect tout à fait rébarbatif, et dont l’intention visible est de rappeler
l’antique dragon qu’il représente. Il a environ vingt pieds de long,
une grosse tête ronde, une gueule immense, qui s’ouvre et se ferme à
volonté ; des yeux remplis de poudre apprêtée en artifice, un cou qui
rentre et s’allonge, un corps gigantesque, destiné a renfermer les per-
sonnes qui le font mouvoir ; enfin, une queue longue et roide comme

658 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

§ 4. De Gozon and the French Side of the

Legend

De Gozon, as we have said, was of the langue of
Provence. The ancestral castle of the family1 in the
valley of the Tarn (near Costes, Department of Aveyron)
still bears their name. A cave in the neighbourhood,
called les Dragonnières, whence a spring issues, is shown

as the scene of the training of the dogs.3 It may be that
the legend of de Gozon’s exploit grew up in his native
land and was carried thence to Rhodes. This would
explain not only the ‘ dummy ’ dragon, by the analogy
of the French processional dragons, but the otherwise
unnecessary French interlude in the story, which de-
pends ostensibly on the Grand Master’s strict prohibi-
tion of dragon-hunting—an unusual, if not unique,
feature of the story.

We may possibly detect an etymological basis in the

une solive, vissée à l’échine d’une manière assez triomphante pour
casser bras et jambes à ceux qu’elle atteint. Le second jour de la
fête de la Pentecôte, à six heures du matin, trente chevaliers de la
Tarasque, vétûs de tuniques et de manteaux, et institués par le roi
René, viennent chercher l’animal sous son hangar ; douze portefaix
lui entrent dans le ventre. Une jeune fille vêtue en sainte Marthe
lui attache un ruban bleu autour du cou ; et le monstre se met en
marche aux grands applaudissements de la multitude. Si quelque
curieux passe trop près de sa tête, la Tarasque allonge le cou et le
happe par le fond de sa culotte, qui lui reste ordinairement dans la
gueule. Si quelque imprudent s’aventure derrière elle, la Tarasque
prend sa belle, et d’un coup de queue, elle le renverse. Enfin, si elle se
sent trop pressée de tous côtés, la Tarasque allume ses artifices, ses
yeux jettent des flammes ; elle bondit, fait un tour sur elle-même, et
tout ce qui se trouve à sa portée, dans une circonférence de soixante-
quinze pieds, est impitoyablement brûlé ou culbuté.’ Dumas
adds that in 1793 the Arlesians were at war with the Tarasconnais,
beat them, and burned their Tarasque, which was 6 un monstre de la
plus grande magnificence, d’un mécanisme aussi compliqué qu’
ingénieux \ The present Tarasque is an imitation of the other.

1 Dumas (loc. cité) places it on the Little Rhone, in Camargue.

2 De Gissac in Congrès Arch. xxx (1863-4), PP· 65-70; cj.
d’Estourmel, Journal, i, 169.

De Gozon in France 659

name of Gozon, which might conveniently be connected
with the Italian gozzo (crop, )1 as expressive of the
characteristic of many dragons,2 or with , , gots

(and gozzone), Provençal for , which would explain

the introduction of the dogs. But such philological
speculations offer more scope for ingenuity than proof,
and the point cannot be pressed. The introduction of
the dogs is perhaps sufficiently accounted for by the
stories retailed to pilgrims in the fifteenth century con-
cerning the trained dogs kept by the Knights of Rhodes
at the Castle of S. Peter (Budrum).3

The dragon-slaying of Sire Gilles de Chin, to which
we have before alluded, was based on a legendary ex-
ploit of the historical hero in the Holy Land during the
Crusades. This exploit—the killing of a lion—which
possibly derived ultimately from the lion which so often
serves as footstool to recumbent sepulchral figures, gra-
dually developed, aided by an allegorical picture,4 till it

1 It occurs in modern provincial French (Lorraine) as gosse (4 stomach
of fatted beasts ’) with the verb gosser (4 to fatten for market’).

2 The processional dragon of Poitiers was named 4 Grand’ Gueule 9
(La Mauvinière, Poitiers, p. 75 : Salverte, Sciences Occultes, p. 477),
that of Rheims 4 le Bailla ’ (Salverte, p. 475). Similarly, the name of
Rabelais’ giant Gargantua (originally a folk-lore figure), as also that of
his father 4 Grangousier ’ correspond exactly in sense to Gozzone (cf.
testa, testone, &c.). S. Romanus ßubdued the dragon of Rouen, which
was known as Gargouille : for it see Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques,
i, 38, iii, 45 ; Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, p. 232 ; Sincerus, Itin. Gall.,
p. 214. A stream in the department of Aveyron, which flows through
a narrow gorge, is called Gouzon. Gozon may have personified its river
as a dragon, as Grenoble does the river Drac (Salverte, op. cit., p. 463).

3 So Torr {Rhodesy p. 93, and Class. Rev. i, 79) who suggests that these
legends are due to the Greek lions’ heads built into the castle, probably
as talismans, by the Knights. The dogs are mentioned fairly regularly
by fifteenth-century pilgrims, e.g. WilliarmWey {i\62>ltinerariesy p. 94),
Joos van Ghistele (1483, Ύ Voyage, p. 334) and later located at Rhodes
{Veryard, op. cit.y p. 331). labri (Evagat. iii, 261-2) says the dogs
could distinguish Christians from Moslems by their smell.

4 On the influence of allegorical pictures on legend see above,

p. 49, n. 2.

66o Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

eventually became a dragon-legend located in the native
country (near Mons) of the hero. In a similar way de
Gozon’s exploit may have developed at home aided by
the family’s possession of the dragon-stone, the obvious
suitability of the country for dragon-warfare, and, it
may be, also by a local dragon-procession regarded as
commemorative of an actual dragon-fight, till it was
finally located at Rhodes, owing to (i) the connexion of
the de Gozon family with the Rhodian Order of S.
John, and (2) the suitably romantic background ob-
tained by the change of scene. It is even possible that
one beginning of the legend was the introduction of the
festival of Rogations into Rhodes, maybe by de Gozon
himself. As is well known, Rogations had been in-
stituted in France at Vienne by S. Mamert (d. a. d. 474)
and from France spread all over western Europe.1 * A
passage in the *Ασίζαιτης Κύπρου shows that the fes-
tival spread also to Frankish Cyprus,* so that its in-
troduction into Rhodes is by no means impossible ; it
will also be remembered in this connexion that Buondel-
monti refers to a dragon slain in the neighbouring Kos.3

1 For French instances of the festival see Maury, Croy. du Moyen
Âge, ρ. 219, η. 3, ρρ· 228 ff. ; for Roman see Lanciani, Pagan and

Christian Rowe, p. 165, who states that the Great Litany at Rome was
celebrated as early as Leo III (a. d. 795-816).

3 Ed. Sathas, Μεσ. Βιβλ. vi, 125, the words used are τάς ημέρας
της Παρακλησεως, τοντέστιν бит a εύγάλουν τον Δράκον : I owe
the reference to Professor R. M. Dawkins.

3 Quoted above, p. 648, n. 1. Polîtes gives (Παραδόσεις, no. 383)
an interesting dragon story from Cephalonia from a forged docu-
ment bearing the date 1509. The hero went to the proveditore,
borrowed a suit of armour, and, thus protected, entered the dragon’s
mouth when the latter opened it to eat the hero ; the hero then cut
the dragon’s throat with a razor from inside. In his notes on no.
383 Polites gives several variants of the tale as current in Cephalonia ;
the details about the huge size of the dragon, the burning of its body
outside the church of S. Nicolas, the official doxology, as well as the
actions of the dragon, are reminiscent of a Rogation procession, so
that, like the de Gozon story at Rhodes, the tale may have originated

Rogations 661

Whether the story arose from a Rogation procession
or not, the case for the French, as opposed to the
Rhodian, origin of the legend is considerably strength-
ened by the date at which the story appears in Rhodes.
Bosio’s information as to the £ dragon-stone ’ in the
de Gozon family comes, as he tells us, from a Rhodian
knight connected with the family, Giovanni Antonio
Foxano. The wonderful story illustrating the peculiar

in such a procession. Another possible survival of Rogations may be
the fight of S. George with a dragon. First, while Rogations, as
instituted by S. Mamert, was a movable feast because fixed for the
three days before Ascension, whose date depends on Easter, the Great
Litany at Rome was fixed for the 23rd April, the date of S. George’s
festival as of the ancient Robigalia. Secondly, the fight conforms to the
Rogation type, including, as it does, a cave and lake of the dragon and
a church of the saint. Thirdly, the story is located most authoritatively
at Beyrut, Ludolf von Suchern, who returned from his travels in a. d.
1341, being the first to mention Beyrut as the scene of combat. I
know of no mention of the dragon story earlier than the Golden Legend,
so that the dates fit the Crusading period, cf. above, p.321, n.i. Fourthly,
in Rogation ceremonies the dragon is generally first exorcised by the
bishop and then led away by his stole (cf. Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age,
p. 234, n. 2). Similarly, S. George overcomes the dragon and gives
it to the virgin princess to lead into town before he kills it. I am
therefore inclined to think the Beyrut legend of S. George may be a
Crusading survival and even vaguely reminiscent of a Rogation
procession ; supposing memories of such a Frankish institution to have
survived, the popular mind would naturally, in the course of time,
attribute them to the most prominent local figure, i.e. S. George.
Except on the assumption that the tale is such a survival it is hard to
explain why Beyrut, and not Lydda, should have been chosen as the
battle-field ; this is especially noteworthy as it is known that the
tradition of Perseus, a possible ancestor of S. George’s, lingered until
the fourth century a. d. at Joppa, so near to Lydda. The É filling up 5
of the dragon found in the Shahnameh, the Rhodian dervish-legend,
in Poland, &c. (see above, p. 655, n. 1) seems to be oriental. That is,
in the oriental type the dragon is overcome and killed by stratagem,
but in the S. George story and at Rogations the dragon is overcome
by the power of virginity (the princess in the one case, bishops or
saints in the other). On the other hand, in the Sari Saltik legend a
4 combat ’ between the hero and the dragon is the chief feature (sec
above, p. 60), but I think this is a derivative from a Christian original.

6Ó2 Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes

efficacy of the ‘ dragon-stone ’ came to Foxano directly
from his kinsman Pierre Melac de Gozon, Grand Prior
of S. Gilles in Provence, who professed to have been an
eyewitness of the incident described. This Pierre Melac
de Gozon entered the Order of S. John in 1516, and in
1522 took part in the last defence of Rhodes.1 If
Dieudonné de Gozon himself did not originate the
story in Rhodes, as suggested above, was his kinsman
Pierre responsible for the importation thither of the
mythical story current there in 1521 of his ancestor’s
exploit, or at least for the association of his name with
a dragon-legend already current in the island ? If so, he
may also, during his residence in Rhodes, have re-edified
his ancestor’s tomb and still further commemorated the
latter’s exploit by the painting seen by Rottiers, and by
the inscription at the Cave of the Dragon.

1 Raybaud, Hist. des Grands Prieurs de S. Gilles, ii, 112 ; he became
Grand Prior in 1558.
LI

SHEIKH EL BED AW I OF TANTA 1

THE great saint of Tanta in the Delta is Said Ahmed
el Bedawi, who was born in a. h. 596 (a. d. 1200) at
Fez2 and died in a.h. 675 at Tanta.3

He has a great reputation for liberating persons in the
power of the infidel. Thus, a Turkish pasha long captive
in Spain and chained by heavy chains to two great
stones, had in vain invoked several saints to deliver
him. At last he remembered Said Ahmed and called on
him. Immediately the saint stretched his hand out of
his tomb 4 and in that same instant the Pasha found
himself back in Egypt, chains, stones, and all. As the
miracle occurred on the festival of the saint,5 it was wit-
nessed by a multitude of people, but, if further proof
be required, it may be sought in the pasha’s stones and
chains, which are still shown near his tomb.6

In Thévenot’s time the saint was supposed to deliver
every year three slaves from Malta at his festival ; on
the morning of the festival three Moors used to be

1 [This article has been put together from scattered notes in my
husband’s note-books and his letters.—M. M. H.] a Vaujany, Alexandrie, pp. 174 ff. Goldziher (in Rev. Hist. Relig.
ii, 303) gives Tunis as an alternative birthplace.

3 Vaujany, loc. cit. The tomb was reputed to be on a church and
temple site (Vaujany, Caire, p. 329). See also Thévenot, Voyages, ii,
802. Another well-known tomb of the sheikh was at Tripoli of Syria
(Kelly, Syria, p. 106), where the pool adjoining the tomb contained
sacred fish, for which see above, pp. 245 ff. See also d’Arvieux,
Mémoires, ii, 390.

4 For this barbarous miracle of life in the grave see above, pp. 252-5.

5 In July according to Thévenot, loc. cit. ; at the summer solstice
according to Goldziher, loc. cit., who adds that El Bedawi had the gift
of being so terrifying as to kill, and that the festival was a great pil-
grimage for barren women (pp. 304-5).

6 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, i, 255.

664 Sheikh ElBedawi of Tanta

shown who declared that they had come during the
night, by the saint’s miraculous intervention, from that
island.1 Till recent years his prestige was kept up by
the occasional discovery on the dome of his mosque of
a man in chains with long hair and nails, who professed
to have been liberated miraculously by the saint.2 These
men were largely drawn from certain who fancied
that they had sinned against the kutbf> that is, the most
saintly of all the veils, and believed that they must do
penance until their sin was remitted. They loaded
themselves with chains,4 looked on themselves as cap-
tives in the power of the infidels, and retired entirely
from the world. The remission of their sin being re-
vealed to them by some omen, such as a cry or an
ominous cloud, they returned to Tanta and announced
their deliverance from captivity, attributing it to the
intervention of the saint and appearing on the dome of
his tomb.15

1 Thévenot, loc. cit. The same author (p. 803) relates an amusing
story of how the saint brought to reason a truculent pasha.

2 Vaujany, Alexandrie, pp. 174 ff.

3 According to Lane {Mod. Egyptians, i, 290 ff.) the existence of
velis is proved by a verse of the Koran : they are the ‘ favourites of
God \ The kntb is often seen, but not recognized ; he has various
‘ stations ’, one being Tanta. He can transport himself from Mecca to
Cairo and vice versa in an instant.

4 Lane {op. cit. i, 296) records the case of a veli who placed an iron
collar on his neck and chained himself to the wall of his room. George
of Hungary {ap. Hottinger, Hist. Orient., p. 496) says certain dervishes
loaded themselves with chains to indicate the fierceness of the ecstatic
frenzy which seized them at times. Cf. also Acts xx, 22, for the same
idea (* bound in the spirit ’).

5 Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 175, n. For their retiring from the world
cj. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 293. Lady Duff Gordon {Letters from
Egypt, pp. 45 and 304) gives an account of an ascete called Sheikh
Selim, who sat motionless for twenty years, without washing, praying,
or celebrating Ramazan, ‘ God’s prisoner until a certain holy camel
he had lost should be found. Dr. Liddon saw his tomb, where the
ascete’s cats and dogs shared with his relatives in the offerings of the
faithful : Dr. Liddon’s dahabiyeh was wind-bound until the party

Liberation of Captives by Saints 665

With no more of the story than the above it is difficult
to explain why the saint is supposed to liberate captives
from infidel lands. A passage in Goldziher’s article on
Moslem saints provides the key. It appears that at the
time of the Crusades Said Ahmed liberated a Moslem
captive from a Christian dungeon, where he was kept in
a box, the jailer sitting on the box perpetually. Box
and all flew with the liberated prisoner.1

Already in Gregory of Tours there are numerous
stories of the liberation of captives by saints. Thus,
S. Victor of Milan was famous for this miracle : a
curious case is that of the political prisoner who prayed
on the vigil of the saint and got away next day un-
hindered on his horse.2 A priest fled to S. Martin’s to
escape the king’s wrath and was there kept in chains,
which fell oflf, however, every time he invoked S. Martin.3
P’our prisoners broke prison and escaped to S. Martin’s
church, where their chains and stocks were broken at
their prayer.4 S. Nicetius of Lyons in one night ap-
peared in seven different cities and freed prisoners from
their jails.5 These miracles seem all to be mainly de-
pendent on the right of sanctuary. If a prisoner suc-
cessfully broke jail and got, for example, on to S.
Martin’s ground,6 he could not be touched and was
ipso facto proved innocent by the saint.

In these early accounts there is no hint of levitation,
it will be noted. Later on, however, this becomes a
great feature, and eventually becomes characteristic of
S. Leonard of Limoges.7 A Breton gentleman im-

handsomely tipped the saint’s relatives, when the desired miracle at
once took place (King, Dr. Lid don’s Tour, p. 75).

1 Goldziher, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 303 f.

2 Greg. Turon., De Glor. Martyr, i, 45.

3 Idem, De Mir. S. Mart. i, 23.

4 Idem, De Mir. S. Mart, ii, 35.

5 Idem, Vit. Pair. VIII, ch. x.

6 Idem, De Mir. S. Mart, iii, 41, 47 ; iv, 16, 26, 39, 41

7 Nov. 6 : temp. Clovis.

3295.2

X

666 Sheikh El Bedawi Tanta

prisoned and in chains at Nantes appealed to S. Leonard,
who, in the presence of all the prisoners, appeared 1 and
led him out of prison, bidding him take his chain to
S. Leonard’s tomb.2 A bourgeois of Noblac was im-
prisoned by a seigneur and not only chained but put in
a dark, underground dungeon, the entry of which was
covered by a great box on which soldiers kept guard
night and day. But in the night S. Leonard knocked
the soldiers over and transported the prisoner to the
door of the church, where he was found in the morning.3
The seigneur of Baqueville in Normandy was taken by
the Turks in Hungary. After fifteen years’ captivity he
invoked S. Leonard and was transported to his own
castle, where no one knew him, as he was covered
with rags and his hair and beard had grown long. He
was just in time to prevent his wife’s second marriage.4
A peasant of Poitou was chained by robbers to a tree
and appealed to S. Leonard and S. Martial. A voice
told him to shake off his chains, which he did, carry-
ing one to S. Leonard’s and the other to S. Martial’s
tomb.5 Boemond, prince of Antioch, was liberated by
S. Leonard and in 1005 brought to the saint’s tomb
the silver tokens of his bondage.6

1 Here the Christian differs from the Moslem miracle of El Bedawi,
for the latter saint does not manifestly appear.

2 Collin, Hist. Sacr. des Saints, p. 557. This saint is also connected
with the strange custom of 4 binding ’ churches for which see above,
p. 264, n. 2.

3 Ibid., p. 556. 4 Ibid., pp. 558-9. 5 Ibid., p. 557.

6 Ibid.’, p. 561. S. Leonard seems to owe his prominence as the
prisoner’s friend to his name. Van Gennep {Religions, Mœurs, et
Légendes, pp. 7-8) is explicit on the point. 4 Ce saint he says, 4 ori-
ginaire de France, a été transporté en Allemagne par les Cisterciens.
Anciennement on le nommait Liénard (nom qui subsiste en Allemagne
sous les formes Lienhart, Lehnhart, See.) et on lui attribuait le pouvoir
de lier et de délier. L’analogie entre le nom du saint et sa fonction
spéciale est évidente, au point que celle-ci a bien des chances de
prevenir de celui-là. Actuellement encore, saint Liénard ou Léonard
est, en France comme en Allemagne, le protecteur des animaux

Liberation Combined with Levitation 667

The same tale of liberation is told by Paulus Merula
(1558 to 1607) of two citizens of Orleans condemned to
death by the Turks and placed the day before execution
in strong chests. In the night they commended them-
selves to the relics of Holy Cross at Orleans and were
transported per aerem in their chests and found next
morning in the church of Holy Cross at Orleans.1
Again, the black statue of Notre Dame de Liesse was
made, with angelic help, by three knights whom the
Sultan of Egypt held in captivity. By its aid they
converted the sultan’s daughter and were miraculously
taken home together with the image ; the church is
dated 1134.*

In a small and interesting point in these develop-
ments of the liberation-of-prisoners theme there is,

I think, a connexion with the East on the lines of
the Tanta miracle. In Gregory of Tours’ time, it
will be remembered, any saint3 might perform the
miracle. It is noticeable, however, that at this date
there is no indication of the added miracle which
is found at Tanta, viz. that the liberated man is
released and carried off by the saint. In the cases,

domestiques, des femmes en mal d’enfant, des prisonniers, etc. Et
son surnom allemand, est Entbind er, le délie иг. Ainsi, le jeu de mots
français a été traduit par les Allemands, pour qui le mot de Liénard ne
signifiait rien.’

1 Cosmographie, ap. Sincerus, Itin, Gall., p. 29.

2 Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 266 ff. In these stories of
two and three knights we may discern the influence of eikonography
perhaps. Soldiers guarding the empty tomb, for instance, are often
shown in armour that is contemporary with the sculpture : such a
subject certainly provides a box and knights.

3 As illustrative of the struggle between the c Olympian ’ and the
Pelasgian 9 strata of religion in the West, the story in Greg. Turon.,

De Mir. S. Mart. IV, xxxv, is interesting. A prisoner was liberated
from his chains while being led in front of S. Peter’s church and bound
again more tightly by his escort. When he passed, however, in front
of S. Martin’s, these strengthened bonds fell off and they had to release
him altogether.

X 2

668 Sheikh El Bedaw of Tanta

however, which date from the crusading period, this
occurs. Levitation being a very oriental idea, this
detail may be thought some corroboration of the
general influence on the West of the Crusades 1 at
this time.

The pre-crusading period may have based these
tales of liberation on S. Peter’s : 2 the miracle is so far
restricted to the undoing of chains and doors. S. Peter’s
chains are not only a relic of S. Peter, the binder and
looser, but they have already been instrumental in his
liberation. Liberation may be material or spiritual,3
the two conceptions fusing 4 5 through the idea of posses-
sion being slavery to Satan. Various illnesses are also
thought the result of sin and are typified by binding : 3
Gregory of Tours actually uses the words caecitatis
catena constrictus.6Further, a penance appointed for

serious sins was to go in chains several years.7 Thus,

1 For this see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 117-8.

2 The chains in S. Peter’s prison at Jerusalem did miracles and were
taken to Rome (Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 411) ; Lucius {Anfänge
des Heiligenk., p. 192) says they were given to Rome by the Empress
Eudoxia ; S. Peter ad Vincula was built by Sixtus III, who died in
440 a. D. (Lucius, loc. cit.).

3 For instance, S. Maria dell’ Inferno at Rome was at first inter-
preted as ‘ Libera nos a poenis infernis but was later regarded as S.
Maria Liberatrice and connected with S. Silvester’s destruction of a
dragon in a neighbouring cave (Tuker and Malleson, Christian and
Ecclesiastical Rome, p. 280 ; Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 164).

1 Thus, Sincerus saw a captive liberated at Ascension at Rouen
{hin. Gall., p. 214). 4 Scquanus Lingonici abbas territorii vivens

saepe homines a vinculo diabolici nexus absolvit ’ (Greg. Turon.,
De Glor. Conf. lxxxviii).

5 Cf. the paralytic woman to whom S. Julian appeared in sleep :

‘ visum est ei quasi multitudo catenarum ab ejus membris solo decidere ’
(Greg. Turon., De Pass. S. Jul. II, ix).

6 De Mir. S. Mart, iv, 20.

7 Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 88, who says the prayer during the
ablutions preliminary to the prayer proper runs : 4 О God, free my
neck from the fire ; and keep me from the chains, and the collars, and
the fetters.’

Chains 669

a fratricide was loaded with chains and sent on a seven
years’ penitential pilgrimage. Coming by revelation to
the tomb of S. John in Ίornodor he incubated
in the church and prayed and was loosed from all his
chains.1 Absolution (again solvo) being given, the chains
were probably deposited in the church as an ex-voto.2
Again, madmen were chained for the protection of
society and presumably unchained when they were
considered well. Several holy places in the East to this
day keep chains 3 to tie up madmen undergoing treat-
ment, just as churches frequently used for incubation
keep bedding.

Under the influence of successful miracles these
chains tend to become regarded as the immediate in-
strument of cure 4 and, probably owing to the influence
of S. Peter’s prototype, are associated with saints,

1 Greg. Turon., De Glor. Con}, lxxxvii : see especially Acta SS.,
Jan. voi. ii, 866.

3 The church of S. Leonard contains a number of manacles,
chains, &c., of grateful prisoners delivered by the saint (Collin, Hist.
Sacr. des Saints, p. 555). In view of the Tanta procedure there
may be less offraus fia in the S. Leonard miracles than is sometimes
supposed.

3 Thévenot, Voyages, iii, 156, says that at Telghiuran, between Urfa
and Mardin, there is a small chapel with chains, which are put round
the madman’s neck. The chains loose themselves from the patients
who are destined to recover, but have to be untied from hopeless cases.
Similarly, in the church of S. George at Beyrut there is a huge iron
ring attached to a chain, which Arabs and Christians alike don when
ill or mad : it effects an immediate cure (Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 639).
Cf, d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 191. Other cases are cited by Burton,
Inner Life of Syria, p. 389 ; Guérin, Palestine, p. 312 ; Kelly, Syria,
p. 103 ; Petermann, Reisen im Orient, p. 319; Vaujany, Caire,
pp. 293 f, ; Allom and Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 32 ; White, in Mosi.
World, ix, 181.

4 Hence the beating of lunatics with these chains (Burton, Inner
Life of Syria, p. 389; Guérin, Descr. de la Pales., p. 312: both references
are to a chapel of S. George just outside Jerusalem) ; cf. the beating
at the Maronite chapel of S. Anthony mentioned by Pococke, Voyages,
iii, 312.

670 Sheikh El Bedawi of Tanta

particularly with S. George1 in the East. There may be
something in the Ada to account for this prominence
of S. George, or it may be only that, like S. Michael, he
is associated with dragon-killing2 and so casting out
devils.3

1 Cf. Burton and Guérin, lore. and Tobler, Topogr. von

Jerusalem, i, 501 ff.

2 Cf. Hasluck, Letters, p. 85.

3 Cf. S. Maria dell’ Inferno, mentioned above, p. 668, n. 3.
LII

TERRA LEMNIA 1

IN ancient medical practice several sorts of natural
earths, found at various places in the Levant and
described in detail by Pliny and other writers, had
recognized curative properties, being employed for the
most part as astringents and desiccatives in the treat-
ment of wounds and internal hemorrhages. Pliny’s list
includes the earths of Chios, Kimolos, Eretria, Lemnos,
Melos, Samos, and Sinope. The use of many of these
persisted into quite modern times,3 but none was so
generally esteemed either by ancients or moderns as the

1 Reprinted, with additions, from B.S.A. xvi, 220 if.

2 The earth of Chios is mentioned in modern times by Jerome
Justinian, a Chiote Genoese (Descrip. de Ohio, p. 68) as found near
Pyrgi : 6 En un autre terrouer du dit Pirgy se trouvoit autre fois la
terre dite Chia laquelle a le mesme vertu que celle qu’on nomme
Lemnia. Le Grand Turc s’en sert maintenant en son seau [jîV] Thevet (Cosmog. de Levant, p. 56) considered it as valuable medicinally
as the Lemnian, which opinion was confirmed by Covel a hundred
years later. The latter adds that the Chian earth was dug like the
Lemnian at a special season (May, whence it was called πηλομαιότικο),
but was not used medicinally but only for washing (MS. Add. 22914,
f. 57 v). It has now become almost unknown, owing to the low price
of olive-oil soaps, but it is traditionally said to have been a government
monopoly under the Genoese. 4 Kimolian ’ earth is said by Dale
(Pharnuicologia, 1693, p. 47) to have been found in England. In Samos,
Pococke (Descr. of the East, II, ii, p. 29) notices a white earth which was
eaten by children in his day. Melian earth is mentioned by Sir Thomas
Sherley in his account of the island (my article in B.S.A. xiii, 347 : cf.
Pococke, loc. cit.). Sinopie earth (see Robinson in A. J. Phil, xxvii,
141, § 4) is probably the Armenian bole mentioned by Dale and his
contemporaries as coming 4 from Turkey ’, and by others (Poullet, See.)
as a frequent ingredient in sophisticated Lemnian earth. It is presum-
ably the Terra Saracenica used by the Arabs against plague, and the
K il Ermeni which was foisted on me as Lemnian in the Egyptian bazaar
at Constantinople.

6j2 Terra Lemnia

Lemnian, which was set apart in the first place by its
alleged miraculous power against poisons (especially the
bites of venomous reptiles) and later against plague, and
in the second by the religious accompaniments and the
various artificial restrictions of its production.

Of the Lemnian earth Pliny, who happens to be our
earliest authority, says it was highly reputed among the
ancients,1 but we have no means of ascertaining how far
back the use of it extends. It is interesting to note that
the hill Moschylos on which it was found was associated
in legend with the fall of Hephaestus, and that one ver-
sion of the Philoktetes myth attributes the cure of the
hero’s wound, caused ultimately, it will be remembered,
by the poison of the Lernean hydra, to this medicine.2

With Dioskorides we begin to be better informed :
he tells us the earth was found in a tunnel-like aperture
in Lemnos, prepared with an admixture of goat’s blood,
and thereafter made up into tablets and stamped with
the figure of a goat, whence came its popular name
‘ goat’s seal ’. It had a singular virtue against poisons if
drunk with wine, and acted as an emetic when poison
had already been swallowed. It was also sovereign
against the bites of venomous reptiles and for dysentery.3
It will be seen that the chief use of it is here considered
as antidotal.

It is from Galen 4 that we first hear of the ceremonies
in connexion with the digging of the earth, and his
information rests on his own investigations in Lemnos
itself, whither he went especially for this purpose. On
a certain day, he says, the priestess (of Artemis appa-
rently from the sequel) came out of the city (Hephae-
stias), sprinkled a certain quantity of barley on the place
where the earth was dug, and performed other cere-

1 N.H. XXXV, 6. 2 Philostratos, Heroikos, 306.

3 y, 113 : cf. Le Strange, Palestine, p. 431, for the antidotal earth of
Dair Mughan.

4 De Simpl. Medic. F ас. ix, 206.

In Early Times 673

monial observances, after which she took a cartload of
the earth and returned to the city. Here the earth was
cleansed and sealed with the figure of Artemis.1 These
usages were said in the island to be very ancient. The
earth was locally used for ulcers (for which it was em-
ployed with success by Galen himself), for wounds, as an
emetic, and for poisonous bites ; for internal use it was
drunk in wine ; for external, applied with vinegar. There
were three grades, of each of which the first might be
handled only by the priestess ; the rest, like so many of
the other earths cited by Pliny, being used industrially.

After Galen there is a complete silence among our
authorities as to what happened at Lemnos.2 The earth
continues to be cited after the ancients and the use of
reputed Lemnian Seal3 or Terra sigillata persisted
through the Middle Ages. Bartholomaeus Anglicus
(13th c.) says of it :

‘ A serten veyne of the er the is called Terra Sigillata, and
is singulerly colde and drie. And Dioscorides calleth it Terra
saracenica and argentea, and is somedeale whyte, well smell-
ynge and clere. The cheyf vertue therof byndeth and
stauncheth. And powder therof tempred with the whyte of
an egge stauncheth bledyng at the nose. And helpeth ayenst
swellinge of the fete and ayenstc the gowte, if it be layed in
a playstre therto, as it is sayde in Lapidario.’4

It will be noted, however, that there is no evidence
of first-hand knowledge in the above account, still less
mention of Lemnos. In fact the earliest first-hand
mention of the Lemnian earth in a modern writer

* The goat’s-blood story of Dioskorides was ridiculed ; it was
probably an inference from the seal he saw.

* The last of the ancients to mention the earth seems to be P.
Aegineta, vii ( s.v. Ge, terra).

3 I. e 7)i p ni a frigdos in a medieval glossary quoted by Tozer, Islands of
the Aegean, p. 260, where frigdos stands for σφραγίδας. Bartholomaeus
Anglicus (see following quotation) seems to have misunderstood this
gloss in saying that the earth is ‘ singulerly colde and drie.’

4 Lib. XV, ccxxix, cap. lxxxxviii (ed. London, 1535).

674 Terra Lemma

known to me is in the Voyage of Joos van Ghistele, who
visited Lemnos in 1485. He gives the following account
of the earth :

* It is found that Terra Sigillata is the best in the world. It is
used in certain medicines and is produced in Lemnos in a pool
which dries up every summer and is full of water in winter.
When this pool begins to dry up, a thick scum, variegated in
colour, forms on its surface. This is skimmed off and laid on
clean planks as required, according to the method in use locally.
When dry, it is made up into round pellets or flat cakes, sealed,
together with several other things, with the seal of the Lord of
the aforesaid island [Lemnos], and despatched to various
countries.’1

The next modern author to mention the earth is
Agricola,3 who, writing in 1530, says that he had seen
tablets of Lemnian earth brought from Constantinople ;
they were of a yellowish colour and stamped with
Turkish letters. The Turks held it to be the only
remedy for plague, using it as the Arabs used Armenian
bole. At Venice it was ill known but sold dear.

1 Joos van Ghistele, ’T Voyage, Ghent, 1572, pp. 348 f. : ‘Men
vinter Terra sigilata de beste die terwerelt is, die men useert in eenighe
medecinen, ende ghenereert daer in eenë poel die aile somertidë wt
droocht en in dë winter is hi voi waters. Als deser poel begint in te
droogë so comter op eenen eoe van moren van veel diueersche coleure,
dë welckë me bgadert boue af en leittë op schoon plancken te droogë
na dë heesch so sijt wetë te doen dier in werckë : en die gedroocht
zijn makëder af ronde balotë of platte, ende wert met meer anderë
substancië gheseghelt met dë teeckë vandê heere die tvoorseide eylant
te bewaren heeft ende so gevoert in diuersche landen. [Professor
W. E. Collinson informs me that the form сое appears to stand for the
Dutch and Flemish caem (Mod. Dutch kaavi), a scum on the surface
of beer or wine caused by a fungus : it is cognate with the English
dialect coom, kanes. For heesch see Vervijs and Verdam’s Middel-
nederlandsch Woordenboch. For the translation as a whole I am
indebted to Professor R. Priebsch.—M. M. H.]

1 Agricola, Bermannus, pp. 115 f. In 1579 Breuning was given some
Terra sigillata and saw ‘ the real and the sophisticated given to two
dogges whereof one dyed miserably 5 (Orient. Reyss, p. 40).

In Medieval ‘Times 675

About the middle of the century we have circum-
stantial accounts of the digging of the earth written by
two scientific men, Belon and Albacario, who, like Galen,
went themselves to Lemnos to investigate it. The first
of these began his researches systematically by gathering
information at Constantinople as to the various seals
which guaranteed the quality of the earth, and these
seals are engraved in his book for the benefit of the medi-
cal world. Belon’s account of the ceremonial digging
(at which, however, he was not present) is full and in-
teresting as reproducing almost exactly, mutatis
dis, the ancient ritual. The digging still took place only
once a year, viz. at the festival of the Transfiguration
(6 August), and was preceded by a religious service at
the church of the Saviour (which would naturally keep
this day as its dedication festival), not far from the hill
on which the earth was dug. The Turkish governor
(Subashi) of the island and the Turkish and Greek
notables took part in the ceremony. A proclamation
was made 1 and a sheep was sacrificed as , which

was afterwards eaten by the Turks present, as the Greeks
fasted at this time of year.* The digging began at or
before sunrise and continued for six hours, after which
the hole was closed and left till the next year. It was
a penal offence to dig it out of season. The earth dug
was cleansed and stamped with a seal bearing in Arabic
letters the words tin i makhtum (sealed earth). Soranzo
adds that it was baked.3 Certain officers were allowed

1 This detail, with the text of the proclamation ‘ Le grand Dieu hault
et tout puissant declare aujourd’huy Peffect et virtu de ceste terre à ses
tres-fideles serviteurs ’, is preserved by Thevet ( .ii, 805),

a bad authority, but his account seems derived from a good source
beyond Belon. The characteristic dialogue with the Greek, ‘ Frangi
tbes nagorasis apo tin gimou ? * (Φρ θίς την

γην μου), &c., rings true. 2 Till the 15 Aug. (Assumption).

3 ‘ Formansi delle tre differenti sorti di terra, tre diverse sorti di
girelle, . . . dando agli uni ed agli altri una cottura per maggior durata ’
(in Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, IH, ii, 220).

6γ6 Terra Lemnia

to take a share of it, and the bystanders a small quantity
each, but the bulk of the earth, including the whole of
the first quality,1 was placed after sealing in a packet
(also sealed) and sent to Constantinople by special mes-
senger for the use of the sultan.2 A certain amount,
presumably of inferior quality, was sold on the spot by
the Subashi to merchants.3

Our second authority, Stefano Albacario, was a Span-
ish physician 4 commissioned to go to Lemnos to in-
vestigate the earth by the Austrian ambassador Busbecq,
who sent his account to Mattioli.3 Albacario’s account
in the main corroborates Belon’s. Interesting new
details illustrating the religious aspect of the digging are
(i) that the earth was supposed to have virtue only on
the day chosen for the official digging, (2) that a special
washer had the handling of the earth up to the time of
its exportation, and (3) that this washer appropriated
a small bag of the earth, which, however, was not sealed.

Both Belon and Busbecq probably owed their in-

1 Palarne.

2 The Grand Signior habitually drank out of a cup made of the
earth (Palerne) and it was grated over all his meals as a precaution
against poison (Crusius, p. 508). Galland (Journal, ii, no) says the
Grand Signior habitually ate from a dish baked of a certain green earth
from India which was an antidote against poison.

3 The merchants are spoken of as Jews by The vet (Cosmog. Univ.
ii, 805), and very likely were at this date. A hundred years later von
Rheinfelden speaks of Greeks paying 18,000 dollars to the sultan for the
monopoly of it. From Belon’s account (pp. 43 ff.) it appears that the
Subashi paid a fixed sum and made what he could from the sale of the
earth : it was evidently regarded, like mines all over the empire and
certain other natural products, e. g. the mastic of Chios, as a perquisite
of the sultan, who farmed it as he thought fit.

4 Probably a Spanish Jew with a Christian name ; the surname
sounds like Arabic ; Franco, Hist. des 1st. de ГЕтр. О//., p. 284, cites
as a Jewish Spanish name Albuhaïré derived from the Spanish
mountains Alpujarras.

5 Mattioli, Comment. in Dioscor. v, 73. Albacario made one attempt
to go to Lemnos while Busbecq was still at Constantinople, but was
prevented. He must therefore have gone after 1562.

In Covels Time 677

terest in and knowledge of the earth less to its repute
in European pharmacy at their date than to the custom
then current at the court of Constantinople of offering
tablets of the earth as official presents to foreign am-
bassadors and other persons of quality. Thus we find
recorded presents of terre sigillée to French ambassadors
at various dates from 1546 onwards ; 1 Busbecq, the
patron of Albacario, was an ambassador and had, more-
over, seen the earth successfully used against plague.2
Slightly later von Ungnad, an Austrian ambassador, was
given 40 tablets of Lemnian earth and a cup made of it3
by Zygomalas, who also sent some to Crusius.

A long series of western travellers, as the bibliography
below shows, subsequently interested themselves in the
famous earth, none adding greatly to our knowledge but
Covel, who appears to record a more superstitious belief
in it than his forerunners. Whereas Albacario distinctly
says that the religious service was not supposed to in-
fluence the power of the earth, Covel reports that
4 several papas, as well as others, would have persuaded
me that at the time of our Saviour’s transfiguration, this
place was sanctified to have His sacred earth, and that
it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always
perfect rock unlesse only that day . . . and at that time
when the priest hath said his liturgy ’.4 Covel further
gives minute particulars of the washing of the earth;3
this was done at the fountain of the neighbouring

1 Charrière, Négociations dans le Levant, i, 618; ii, 776; iii, 548 ;
de la Vigne ; tf. Belon, eli. xxii.

2 Busbecq, Life and Letters, i, 164.

3 Gerlach, Tage-Bucb, p. 403 (1577). 4 Ed. Bent, p. 283.

5 See also the rather obscure account of Soranzo, which lays great
stress on a water-channel diverted on the day of the digging, the earth
being found apparently in the natural receptacle into which the water
normally flowed : 4 si devia l’acqua dal canale, acciò non scorra più
nella fossa, dalla quale alzatosi il coperchio, se ne leva con molta
diligenza tutta l’acqua rimasa con vasi ed in fine con spugne, poi se
ne cava quel fango e molticcio (so B.M. Reg. 14 A, xiii,/. io) che ha

678 Terra Lemnia

village {‘Αγία Υπάτη), which, merely to increase the
miracle apparently, was supposed to have an under-
ground connexion with the place of the digging. At
this period it was accounted ‘ an infallible cure of all
agues, taken at the beginning of the fit with water ’
and employed also for fluxes, to hasten childbirth, and
as an antidote ; no vessel made of it would hold poison
but immediately splintered into a thousand fragments.
The latter superstition has survived till our own day
and is recorded also by several writers before and after
Covel.1

As to the history of theLemnian earth in the medieval
period it has been generally assumed that the export
was continuous : de Launay even goes so far as to say
that the constant bickering for the possession of the
island was due to the value of the earth as an article of
commerce ;2 as a matter of fact the strategic value of
the island is a quite sufficient explanation, and there is
no evidence to show that the knowledge of the earth in
medieval Europe was more than theoretical. This is
borne out by Agricola’s statement that it was known to
few and sold dear in the Venice of his day (which, be it
remarked, had had constant relations with Constanti-
nople for several centuries) and by the ignorance of
Thevet, who at the time of his voyage (1549) thought
the earth came from Athos.3 Its excessive rarity about
this time is attested by the same author,4 who says he
sold four tablets of it in Malta for fifty-five ducats. The
complete silence of the early , including Buondel-

fatto l’acqua, il quale si mette a parte per la prima e più perfetta sorte
di terra . .

1 Crusius, Soranzo, Benetti, Pococke, Tozer.

2 This is evidently suggested by the anecdote of the taking of Lemnos
in 1657, quoted by Tozer from von Hammer.

3 Cosmog. de Levant, p. 36. But in his Cosmog. Univ. he represents
himself as having visited the island. Cf. below, p. 685, n. 5.

4 Cosmog. Univ. ii, 805.

Fall and Rise in its Popularity 679

monti’s, and of such authors as the local Critobulus of
Imbros and the traveller Cyriac of Ancona is a valuable
negative argument.1 The only shred of evidence for
the appreciation of the earth before the Turkish period
is Belon’s remark (repeated after him by several others
who are probably drawing on his account)1 2 that the
custom of digging the earth on one day only dated from
the Venetians : the Venetians occupied the island

1464-1477 ; how, if they organized the digging, as is
alleged, for commercial purposes, was the Lemnian earth
almost unknown again fifty years later ? It is besides
probable that ‘ the time of the Venetians ’, like the
modern 6 time of the Genoese ’ all over Turkey, was
only a vague expression for remote date.

In reality the revival in popularity of the famous drug
is most likely due to the appearance of the Spanish Jews
in the Levant. It is well known that the Jews, expelled
in 1492 from Catholic Spain, flocked in the next fifty
years to the dominions of the sultan, where they found
a religious toleration unknown in Europe. During the
second half of the sixteenth century the expelled Jews
held a recognized position at Constantinople in the
diplomatic and still more in the medical world. Several
of the sultans about this date had Jewish physicians,3 * *
who were recommended not only by their scientific

1 For instance, Amato Lusitano (Franco, op. cit.y p. 75) escaped

from Pesaro after 1555 to Salonica, where he died, but there is no trace
of his knowing Terra Lem nia in his Curationum Medtcinalium Centuriae
Septeviy of which the seventh is dedicated to a Salonica friend.

3 Du Loir, Coronelli ; Covcl was told the same thing in 1677, only

twenty years after another Venetian occupation.

3 e.g. Selim I, Suleiman II, Selim II : the body-physicians of the last

two were Andalusian Jews (M. A. Levy, Don Joseph Nasi, p. 6). For the
position of the Turkish Jews at this time in commerce and finance, see
Belon (III, xiii), where also stress is laid on their proficiency in medicine
and knowledge of ancient medical writers, derived from Spanish
translations. They had already at this period a printing-press at
Constantinople.

68o Terra Lemnia

attainments, derived from Moorish Spain, but by their
loyalty to their adopted sovereign. It is possible that
one of these, knowing Galen from the Arabic transla-
tions, was instrumental in bringing the Lemnian earth
to the notice of his imperial master. It is, on the other
hand, by no means necessary to consider that the use of
the earth was at any time extinct in Lemnos ; we
should probably conceive of it as a local remedy conse-
crated by religion in medieval as in ancient and in
modern times till quite recent years.1

Immediately after the revival of the Lemnian earth,
and for a century or more after, a number of earths
found elsewhere in Europe, begin to compete with it.
These were probably either actually similar in composi-
tion or credited with similar properties. The date of
their discovery, when it can be ascertained, is subsequent
to the rediscovery of the Lemnian earth and possibly
dependent on it. They are known generically as ‘ sealed
earths ’, a local epithet being added, but most have no
religious associations. The device of the seal is generally
a coat of arms and the form of the tablet follows the
Lemnian.

Of these the German and Austrian varieties are fully
discussed in Zedler’s Universal , s.v. ,

and many varieties of seals are figured by Wurm г and

1 Λ parallel case of a medicinal earth which has never attracted the
learned is to be found in the ‘ blewish sort of clay 5 like fullers’ earth,
seen by Covel (Diaries, p. 247) at Marash near Adrianople, which was
moistened by a miracle on the day of the Assumption and bathed in by
Greeks, Turks, and Jews ‘ for any sort of infirmity \ Covel thought
it might be of value for cutaneous diseases, but scouted the miracle.
The former British Consul at Adrianople (Lieut.-Colonel Rhys Samson,
to whom I may here express my obligations) tells me this mud is still
used for rheumatism and the same day observed. A service is naturally
celebrated in the church of the Virgin, but is now said to have no
connexion with the mud-bath. It will be remembered that the
same is said by Albacario of the service in Lemnos.

1 Museum IVurmianum (1722).

Maltese Earth 681

Valentini.1 Cups were made of the Bohemian г and
Strigonian 3 earths, implying presumably their use as
antidotes on the Lemnian analogy ; it is further signifi-
cant that one variety, found near Breslau, was used like
the Lemnian for plague in 1633.4 In France the earth
of Blois seems to have been first exploited about the
time of Belon’s book. It is mentioned by Thevet 5 and
Palerne.6 In Italy were exploited the earths called
Sessana, Toccarese, Fiorentina7 (stamped with the
Medici arms), and Oreana.8 The Toccaresc variety was
used as an antidote,9 and as cups were made of terra
Sinuessa the same may be inferred of it. A Calabrian
earth is said by Pococke to have entirely superseded the
Lemnian in European practice.10

Maltese earth(Pauladadum) is so interesting a parallel
(or derivative) of the Lemnian as to deserve a longer
notice. It was found in small quantities in the cave of
S. Paul near Città Vecchia and appears not to have been
in vogue before the Lemnian ; our first notices of it are
subsequent to the coming of the Knights, and the church
on the spot was built only in 1606.11 The earth was used
for small-pox and fevers, and particularly for the bites
of reptiles, this magical use being associated directly
with the incident of S. Paul and the viper, after which
all reptiles in Malta became harmless. Numerous

I Museum Museorum (1704-14), ii, pi. i. I 2 Wurm, Inc. cit., p. 15.

3 Strigonian earth (Strigonium = Gran in Hungary) was discovered
as early as 1568 (Zcdler), when Gran was Turkish. A specimen of

this earth, the variety de Monte Acuto, is preserved in the museum of
the Pharmaceutical Society (cf. F. Imperato, 1st. Nat. (1590), v, xxxvi).

4 Zedier, Univ. Lexikon.

5 Cosmog, de Levant: Münster (ed. Belieferest i, 313) says it was
discovered de nostre terns.

6 Peregrinations, p. 361. See also Zedler, loc. cit., and Sincerus,
p. 60.

7 Valentini, loc. cit. ii, pi. i. 8 Wurm, loc. cit., pp. 7 ff.

9 Imperato, loc. cit. (1590), v, xxxv. 10 Wurm, loc. cit., p. 347.

II Brydone (1770), Pour, i, 325 ; Sonnini, Voyage, i, 69.

3295.2

Y

682 Terra L

varieties of seals are shown in the plates of Wurm and
Valentini, including (i) the bust of S. Paul holding
staff and serpent {rev. a Maltese cross), (2) S. John {rev.
arms of the Grand Master), (3) a hermit worshipping
the cross {rev. a three-masted ship) and various saints.
Images and vases were also made of the earth, the vases
being thought, like the Lemnian, to crumble away when
poison was poured into them.1 We have thus an almost
complete parallel for the Lemnian earth.2

Outside Europe the earth of Bethlehem seems worth
mentioning in this connexion. It is found in a cave still
shown as the refuge of the Holy Family and a place
where the Virgin nursed the infant Christ. The cave is
known already to Mandeville (1322) ; 3 a Russian pil-
grim Grethenios {c. 1400) 4 says that pilgrims took a
milky powder from the place ‘ for remedy and benedic-
tion ’ generally. Later it became specialized as a milk-
charm, and was so used even by Mohammedans.5 The
earth, which is chalky, white, and very friable, is now
made up into tablets about an inch square, roughly
stamped with the bust of the Virgin on one side and
a monogram on the other side. Yet a second sort,
much harder and more like clay, is sold outside the
Sepulchre church ; this is made up in round tablets
with a very rough device (on one side only) showing the
Holy Family in the stable, the beasts being quaintly

1 They were also used for fever, cf. Carayon’s Rei. Inéd. de la
Compagn. de Jésus, 1864, P* I29·

2 For the Maltese earth see Thevet, Cosmog. Univ. i, 27 ; F.
Imperato, Ist. Nat. (1590), v, 37 ; Breithaupt, Helden Insel Malta
(1632), p. 69 ; E. Francisci, Lustgarten (1668), pi. xli ; John Ray,
Travels, i, 262 ; Zedier, loc. cit. ; Brydone (1770). Wurm (p. 347)
figures a cup of it with legend divino hoc pavli antidoto atra
venena FVGABis and reptiles moulded in relief.

3 Ed. Wright, p. 163. 4 Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 182.

5 Thevet, Cosmog, de Lev. p. 37 ; cf. also Feyerabend, Reyssbuch,
pp. 220, 274 ; Villamont, Voyages, ii, 426 ; Lithgow, Rare Adventures,
pp. 247, 425. A specimen is figured by Valentini, loc. cit. ii, pi. i.

Decay of its Popularity 683

represented by projecting heads. This would appear
to be an ‘ orthodox ’ variety.1

The vogue of these rival earths naturally restricted
the trade in the Lemnian. In the middle of the
eighteenth century the traveller Pococke says it was no
longer carried to Europe but used only in the Levant
(and even here it was menaced by the export of the
Maltese variety), while the pharmacist Pomet 2 says that
the number of seals then current was confusing, making
him think 4 that everyone makes ’em to his fancy ’ ; he
curiously dissociates the sealed earth from the Lemnian,
which ‘ was said to be the same as the sealed earth but
in its natural state without any impression upon it ’.3
Such a state of uncertainty among the profession could
not fail to be fatal to what was essentially a faith-cure.

The West at length reached the stage of pure scepti-
cism. Choiseul-Gouffier, Hunt, and Sibthorp no longer
have any belief in the virtue of the Lemnian earth, and
analysis has justified their conclusions, at least so far as
concerns modern samples.4 This scepticism has, with
the spread of western influence, reached Lemnos itself.
Conze in the sixties was able still to purchase sealed
tablets of the earth at an apothecary’s, and in 1876
Pantelides writes of it as still in repute among the Turks

1 Tablets of these earths were early used as charms, cf. Lucius,
Anfänge des Heiligenk., p. 194 (quoting especially Augustinian, Civ.
Dei, XX, 8, 7). At Sens Millin records a box of earths from the Holy
Land {Midi de la France, i, 97).

3 Compleat History of Drugs (1712), p. 415. A contemporary
specimen of Lemnian earth (which can hardly be genuine) in the
museum of the Pharmaceutical Society is shown in B.S.A. xvi, p. 230 :
this variety is mentioned by Zedler and figured by Wurm, p. 10.

3 Probably the preparation made from the baobab tree and called
Terra Lemma Sigillata, Encycl. Brit,, 3 ed., s, v. Adansonia.

4 Daubeny, Volcanos, pp. 236-7; De Launay, Chez les Grecs, pp.
122 ff. Tozer doubts whether the original vein is not exhausted. On
the chemical side of edible earths in general an article (inaccessible to
me) has lately been published in Schweiz, Woche ns chr, f, Chymie, 1909,
pp. 417-25.

684 Terra Lemnia

of Constantinople. Tozer found the superstition ex-
piring, the festival nearly abandoned, and the site in a
fair way to be lost. I myself in 1909 could not obtain
the earth in the capital of the island, and at the pottery
below the site bought only bowls of ill-levigated clay
bearing the traditional inscription tin i
The monopoly of the pottery and seal, formerly here-
ditary in a Turkish family, has lost even this link with
the past, and the once priceless antidotal bowls have
come down to the very moderate figure of a halfpenny
each.

In conclusion, it is not without interest to consider
in connexion with the Lemnian terra sigillata and its
analogies a category of sealed earths owing their virtue
solely to their provenance and associations. Earth from
the tombs of holy men is regularly conceived of in the
East1 2 as partaking of the virtue of the sainted dead, and
consequently as possessing healing and other miraculous
powers.3 Those who knew Salonica in Turkish times
will remember how the khoja of the Great Mosque
distributed to pilgrims (at a price) minute quantities of
the dust from the ‘ Tomb of S. Demetrius ’ for use as
medicine or amulets. At the tomb of Sheikh Adi, the
patron of the Yezidi, near Mosul, balls of earth from
the grave are similarly sold to pilgrims.4 The next stage
in development is to seal the grave-earth as a guarantee

1 The seal itself is modern according to the tradition given by
Tozer.

2 Also in the West, cj. Greg. Turon. De Mir ас, S, Mart. I, xxxvii,
xxxviii.

3 See further above, pp. 262 f.

4 Layard, Discoveries in Nineveh, i, 284. This earth, like that of
Kerbela, is of considerable ritual importance (see Heard, in J. R. Anthr.
Inst, xli, 210, 212). Similarly, the holy oil made at Echmiadzin is
mixed with earth, made into balls, and hung up in a house for luck
(Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 277). At the church of S. James in
Jerusalem de Breves saw tablets of earth brought by pious Armenians
{Vnyages, p. 122).

Its Religious Associations 685

of its authenticity. Lane, in his Modern ,de-

scribes sealed tablets of earth from the Prophet’s grave
at Medina, which are used as charms by Moslems.1
Similar sealed earth is brought by pilgrims from Kerbela
and Nejef.1 2 3 Like these grave-earths the sealed earths
of Bethlehem and Malta seem to depend for their vogue
entirely on their religious associations. In the case of
the Lemnian earth, side by side with the scientific or
pseudo-scientific appreciation of its qualities, we discern
at all ages a similar strain of religious association,3 which
reinforces its more positive virtues. The Turks told an
artless legend that ‘ a disciple of Christ, being miracu-
lously transported to Lemnos, wept so sorely at the
separation from his Master that of his tears was formed
the wondrous earth ’.4 As to the Greeks, Covel’s report
of their associating it with our Saviour’s transfiguration,
has been given already.5 In Galen’s time some lost
legend connected the earth with Artemis, as in earlier
days its existence was obviously considered as marking
the place where Hephaestus fell.

Traces of a further cycle of secular folk-lore now lost,

1 Ch. xi (p. 323). ‘ Oblong flat cakes, of a kind of greyish earth,

each about an inch in length, and stamped with Arabic characters,
u In the name of God ! Dust of our land [mixed] with the saliva of
some of us ’V

2 P. della Valle, Viaggi, iii, 461 : Sopra la tomba [of Abbas],

trouai . . . certe come medaglie, fatte di terra cotta, che sogliono
portar da Kierbela, e dalla sepoltura del lor famoso Hussein : nelle
quali medaglie di terra hanno per vso d’improntare il nome di Dio,
con qualche parola diuota.’ Cf. Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, iii, 202, and
Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 223. For the earth of Nejef see Cuinet,
op. cit. iii, 209.

3 Cf. Greg. Turon., De Glor. Mart. I, vii.

4 Blochet, in Rev. Or. I.at. 1909, p. 175. The tears became earth
on 7 August.

5 Above, p. 677. To this idea the proximity of Lemnos to the peak
of Athos, which is dedicated to the Transfiguration, has evidently
contributed. Westerns seem to have connected Athos with the
4 exceeding high mountain ’ of the Temptation (Struys, Voyages, p. 70).

686 Terra Lemnia

connecting the Lemnian earth with Philoktetes, may
possibly be discerned. According to one account, Philok-
tetes was cured on Lemnos by the priests of Hephaestus,1
the remedy being presumably the earth of classical
fame.2 But in the usual form of the legend the stench
of the hero’s wound made him so unbearable to men
that he was ‘ marooned ’, naturally enough on an unin-
habited island. The figure of Philoktetes thus approxi-
mates to the ‘ leprous prince ’ of a folk-lore cycle current
in both East and West. In this cycle the hero, banished
from men, is eventually healed by a natural remedy,
the use of which is suggested to him by observing its
power of curing diseased animals.3 The remedy is in
several versions a hot spring, and the animal a pig.
Examples are the well-known legend of Prince Bladud
at Bath, and those of4 Helena, daughter of Yanko-ibn-
Madyan ’ at Yalova in Bithynia,4 and of an anonymous
Byzantine princess at Brusa.5 I would tentatively sug-
gest that the goat, hitherto unexplained, which in
Dioskorides’ time formed the device of the Lemnian

1 Eustath. ad Нот. 330 ; Hephaestion, in Photius, 489 R.

– Philostratos, Heroikos, 306.

3 For remedies indicated by animals sec Baring Gould, Curious
Myths, 2nd series, pp. 129 ff.

4 Evliya, Travels, ii, 33. ‘ Yanko-ibn-Madyan5 is a legendary

emperor of Constantinople frequently mentioned by Evliya, his name
being apparently a compound of i Yanko 5 (John Hunyadi) and his
son Matthias !

5 Kandis, Ή Προύσα, p. 185. Cf. also the similar story of Rhodanthe
and Dosicles (a Greek novel by Theodoros Prodromos, of the twelfth
century, ed. Hercher, Erotici Script, ii) where Rhodanthe dies, but
Dosicles, when hunting, sees a wounded bear roll himself into a certain
herb and recover, so gathers the herb and revives Rhodanthe. Cf.
also a modern story attributing the discovery of the hot springs of
Tiflis to a hunting party which saw a wounded stag plunge into them
and revive (Gulbenkian, Trans caucasie, p. 102). A partridge found a
spring for thirsty Arabs (Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 130). A
gazelle led to the cure of the sultan Sanjar’s son, for which see above,
p. 462, n. 5.

Bibliography 687

seal,1 was in the case of Philoktetes the indirect instru-
ment of the cure.1 2 3 4

BIBLIOGRAPHY з
Agricola, G. BerviannuSy p. 115.

fAlbacario, S. quoted by Mattioli, Comment, in Dioscor., v, 73 (1583),
and Piacenza, q.v. Cf. Forster’s Busbecq, i, pp. 164, 256, 416.
fBelon, P. Observations de plusieurs Singularitez, pp. 43 ff.

Benetti, A. Osservazioni, ii, 50.

Boterò, quoted by Piacenza (p. 433), seems to depend on Soranzo.
Breuning, H. J. Orientalische Reyss (1579), P· 4°·

Brusoni, G. Historia delV ultima Guerra, p. 306.

Carlier, J. Voyaige (1579). MS. Bibl. Nat. Fonds Français, 6092, f.
128.4

fChoiseul-Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque, ii, 133.

■f Gonze, A. Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres, p. 121.
Coronelli, V. M. Isolano, p. 274 (chiefly from Belon).
fCovel, J. 1677, Diaries^ ed. Th. Bent, pp. 283 ff.

Crusius, M. Furco-Graeciay p. 508.

Della Valle, P. Viaggi, iii, 461.

j”Du Loir. Voyages au Levant [1641], pp. 295-6.

fFredrich, C. Lemnos y in Ath. Mitth.y xxxi, 72 ff.

Galland, A. Journal 1672-3, ii, no.

Gerlach, S. Tage-Buch [1577], pp. 61, 193, 229, 403.
fGhistele, Joos van. 9T Voyage (1485), pp. 348-9.
fHunt, P. [1801], in Walpole’s Travels, p. 56.
fLaunay, L. de. Chez les Grecs de Turquie, pp. 122 ff.

—–Notes sur Lemnos, in Rev. Arch. xxvii (1895), 318 ff.

—–cf. Ann. des Minesy xiii, 1898, 198.

Lithgow, W. Rare Adventures [1609-10], p. 88.
fPalerne, J. PeregrinationSy pp. 361-2.

Pantelides, G. *Ιστορία της Λήμνου, pp. 48, 49·

1 See above, p. 672.

2 A goat so figures in a modern Greek variant of the theme of the
Leprous Prince (Polîtes, ПараЬоаыЯу no. 83). In classical times
goats were supposed to have the power of recognizing the (medicinal)
dittany of Crete : see Virgil, A en. xii. 412-15 ; Pliny, H. N. xxv. 8. 97;
Hist. Plant. 98 ; cf. also Tozer, Islands of the Aegeany p. 47. The
goat is a difficult animal to connect with Artemis.

3 Authors who visited Lemnos are marked with a dagger (t).

4 See Blochet, in Rev. Or. Lat. xii (1909), pp. 175 f.

688

Terra Lemnia

Piacenza, F. UEgeo Redivivo, pp. 428 ff.
fPococke, R. Description of the East, II, ii, 23.

Poullet. Nouvelles Relations du Levant, i, 183.

Randolph, B. Archipelago, p. 43.

fRheinfelden, I. von. Newe Jerosolomytanische Pilgerfahrt, p. 39.
Sestini, D. Voyages en Grèce et en Turquie, p. 352.
fSibthorp, J. [1794], in Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 281.

Soranzo, J. [1582], in Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori, IIL ii,
p. 220.

Thevet, A. Cosmographie de Levant, p. 36.

—–Cosmographie Universelle, ii, 805.

fTozer, H. F. Islands of the Aegean, pp. 257 ff.

Veryard, E. Choice Remarks (1701), p. 351.

Vigne, de la. MS. letter [1558] quoted by de Launay. Bibl. Nat. MS
1423, f. 71.
LUI

OBSERVATIONS ON INCUBATION 1

FOR accidental reasons incubation in the ancient
temples of Asklepios has become so familiar to us
that we are inclined to think it typical and to consider
all phenomena which resemble those of the Asklepios
temples as derived from them. In the wider sense,
however, incubation means sleeping in a holy place with
the intention of receiving some desired communication2
from the numeri supposed to inhabit the holy place.

1 [My husband left a quantity of scattered notes together with a
brief draft of his ideas on incubation, it being his intention to write
a long article on the subject. As some of his ideas have been anticipated
by the admirable article of Mr. Louis H. Gray in Hastings’ Encyclo-
paedia of Religiony which appeared too late for my husband to consult
it, I have done no more than edit his draft and insert as footnotes his
illustrative references.—M. M. H.].

2 By no means always in connexion with healing. Thus S. Romuald
was turned to the religious life by a vision of S. Apollinare when
sleeping in his church at Ravenna (P. Guérin, Vie des Saints, s. v.).
Incubation at Daniel’s tomb was supposed to bring remission of
present grievances and insurance against those to come (Walpole,
Travels, p. 423, quoted also by Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 495). S.
Francis Caracciolo (died 1608), on feeling his end approach, obtained
permission to pass a night in the Holy House of Foretto (P. Guérin,
op. cit.y s.v.). In the same way Catholic pilgrims formerly incubated
in the Sepulchre church c for benediction ’ (Lithgow, Rare Adventures,
P· 335 j Casola’s Pilgrimage, ed. Newett, p. 261) : this is still important
to Russian pilgrims (S. Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem,
pp. 131 f.). Analogous was the incubation at S. Patrick’s Purgatory,
which was supposed to relieve from future purgatory (Baring Gould,
Curious Myths, ist Series, no. xi). Incubation at a certain tomb
relieved a fratricide from his penitential chains (Greg. Turon.,
De Clor. Conf. lxxxvii). A woman’s insistent prayers obtained at
length a relic of S. John the Baptist (Greg. Turon., De Glor. Martyrum,

690 Observations on Incubation

Incubation in this sense is natural and logical when
the hypothesis1 prevails that (1) the numen is localized
and has special power at his holy place and that (2) the
darkness and quiet of night together with the dream-
state 2 are peculiarly suitable conditions for communica-
tion with the numen. The revelation is in the first
place an oracle з and comes by way of instruction. For
this reason the procedure at the shrines of the oracular
Amphiaraos 4 and Trophonios in ancient Greece is very
similar to that familiar to us at the healing shrine of

I, xiv). Lucius cites a case where incubation brought victory (Anfänge
des Heiligenkp. 243) and another where it was the means of recovering
stolen property (ibid., p. 274, n. 3) ; it may be remarked that, while the
author regards Cosmas and Damian as successors of Asklepios he dJes
not find incubation practised by them. S. Theodore recovered after
incubation some property stolen from a Jerusalem goldsmith {ibid.).

1 This hypothesis is common to most peoples at a certain stage in
their religious development and may be perpetuated late in their
civilization ; it is as characteristic of the Jewish, and therefore of the
Mohammedan and Christian, religion as it was of classical antiquity.
The most interesting modern Jewish incubation shrine is at Jobar near
Damascus, where Elisha is the healing saint and the place of incubation
is a vault under a synagogue built in an otherwise exclusively Moham-
medan village. Accounts of the ritual are given by Burton, Inner Life
of Syria, p. 101 ; Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 98 ; Petermann,
Reisen im Orient, i, 64 ; J. L. Porter, Giant Cities, p. 340 ; Stanley,
Sinai, p. 412 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 693 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires,
ii, 461 ; Pococke, Voyages, iii, 387; Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 487.
According to Carmoly {op. cit., p. 136) it is mentioned by Samuel bar
Simson, a pilgrim of a. d. 970, so that its antiquity is vouched for
satisfactorily. It is also to be noticed that the shrine is not a grave,
but rather a place frequented, like the stations of Khidr, by the spirit
of Elisha.

2 In incubation cases dreams are rather the exception than the rule :
cure by no means depends on them.

3 The case of S. Romuald (above, p. 689, n. 2) approaches the
oracular idea, as do those of the recovery of stolen property mentioned
by Lucius, op. cit., p. 274, n. 3.

4 Tn S. Jerome’s time incubation for divination was practised to
Asklepios (see the authors quoted by Beugnot, Hist. Destr. du Paga-
nisme, i, 369).

Specialized for Healing 691

Epidauros.1 As, however, it is mostly for health 2 that
men implore the gods, incubation becomes specialized
for healing, the method of communication being either
by instruction or by direct action of the god.3

Any numen,4 even the very substantial peris of a Brusa
bath, according to Lady Blunt,5 may be a healing numen,
his credit and his sphere of action being determined by
results .6 Instances of departmentalization in modern
Greece are the Panagia, who is a general practitioner,7

1 So for that matter is the story told of S. Swithin at Winchester,
for which see Hutton, English Saints, p. 289.

2 Including relief from sterility : cf. d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 340
(obscure Moslem saint on the Cape of Beyrut) and Mrs. Hume
Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 282 (Sheikh Mati near
Mosul).

3 Sometimes both are combined as in the case of S. Pardoux cited
by Collin {Hist. Sacrée de Limoges, p. 435). Cf. the words of Zoega
6 de aegrotis, qui somnium capiunt in locis martyrum, quo salutem
recipiant aut somno moneantur 5 (quoted by Lucius, op. cit., p. 406,
n. 2).

4 S. Benedict cured the saintly emperor Henry II (P. Guérin, Vie
des Saints y s.v. S. Henri II). S. Andrew in Pontus (White, in Mosl.
World, ix, 181) and at Patras (Lucius, op. cit.y p. 300, after Greg.
Turon., De Glor. Martyr. I, xxxi), the Forty Martyrs in various places
{cf. e.g. Lucius, p. 300, and Palmer, Desert of the Exodusy p. 118),
S. Anthony in Syria (Kelly, Syriay p. 103, and Petermann, Reisen im
Orient, i, 319), S. Elias at the baths of Gadara (lepers : see Antoninus
martyr, ed. Tobler, vii, 9), and Daniel (Walpole, Travels, p. 423) are
all mentioned as granting healing after incubation. An obscure saint
may be as potent as his more famous brother : thus the almost unknown
bishop Marcellus of Paris cured fever (Greg. Turon. De Glor. Co?if.
lxxxix), another Syrian santon cures madness (Burckhardt, Syria,
p. 48, quoted by Kelly, Syria, p. 247), while Sidi Yakub of Tlemcen
is good for demoniacal possession (Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans y
ρ. 31). S. Makrina at Hassa Keui in Cappadocia also cures (Carnoy
and Nicolaides, Trad, de P Asie Mineure, pp. 206 ff.).

5 Sec above, p. 109.

6 S. Israel, a tenth-century saint of Limoges, was buried in the
common cemetery, but became known as a saint because of the miracles
which occurred after incubation at his grave (Collin, Hist. Sacrée, p. 38).

7 This is usual throughout the Greek area.

692 Observations on Incubation

and saints Michael1 and George,2 who specialize
in cures of madness.3 In general, the cures are not
confined to human beings, animals also benefiting by
incubation at certain shrines,4 and, where the population
is of mixed religion, all sects tend to frequent a shrine
that has acquired fame by its healing miracles.5

It happened in ancient Greece that Asklepios achieved
fame as a healer, but throughout the later history of his
cult it did not differ from other cults which practised
incubation except in its elaborate development, which
in the end bridged the gap between supernatural (mi-
raculous) and scientific healing. Gradually it became no
longer necessary that patients should sleep in the temple
itself : cures were effected no less in the surrounding

1 For S. Michael see M. Tinayre, Notes d’une Voyageuse, pp. 148 ff.
(in Thrace) ; Amélineau, Contes de l’Égypte Chrétienne, i, 73? 8° (in
Egypt) ; Cousin, Hist. de l’Église, tr. Mr. C., Ill, ii, 3, p. 83 (at Constanti-
nople, from Sozomenos ; cf. Maury, Magie, pp. 241 ff.).

3 For S. George consult Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 276
(Armenian church at New Julfa); Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 389
(near Jerusalem, mentioned also by V. Guérin, Descr. de la Palest.,
p. 312, and Tobler, Popogr. v. Jerusalem^ ii, 501 ff.) ; Vaujany, Caire,
p. 293 (at Cairo) ; Tobler, op. cit. i, 371 (in a Coptic monastery).

3 Cf. the promise of Michael given in Bonnet, De Mir ас. a Mich,
patr., p. 18, quoted in Hasluck, Letters, p. 85, n. 5.

4 Cf. especially Carnoy and Nicolaides, Prad. de l’Asie Mineure,
pp. 335 ff* (Haji Bekir), and also p. 203 (S. John the Baptist) and p. 204
(S. Makrina).

5 A Jewish woman of Lule Burgas took her son to incubate in a
Turkish turbe at Kirk Kupekli in Thrace (F. W. H.) ; a leprous Jew of
Cyprus incubated in a church of S. Michael (Amélineau, Contes de
ГÉgypte Chrétienne, i, 81) ; Bulgar Uniate parents took their sick child
to incubate in an Orthodox church of the Archangels in Thrace
(Tinayre, Notes d’une Voyageuse, pp. 148 ff.). Christians and Moslems
frequent the Damascus tomb of George the Porter (Thévenot,
Voyages\ iii, 49); Turks, Jews, and Christians incubate at a chapel of
S. Elias near Ephesus (Svoronos in Μικρασ. ‘ΙΡμερολ. 1916, pp. 384-
91) ; the Cave of the Invention at Jerusalem is full of the hairs of sick
Moslems and Christians who have used it superstitiously (Fabri, Evagat.
i, 297 ; further details in Tobler, Golgatha, p. 303).

Combined with Medical Treatment 693

buildings. At the same time the intermediaries of the
god tended more and more to become skilled physicians
handling a far wider range of disease than the cases
susceptible to suggestion, which are those generally
catered for with success by purely miraculous means.

It is curious to compare in our own times the estab-
lishment of modern hospitals and treatment at certain
holy places formerly noted for their supernatural cures.
Examples are the hospital at Balukli near Constanti-
nople, the madhouse in the monastery of S. George in
the Prinkipo Islands,1 and the madhouse at Gheel г in
Belgium. In the last case the supernatural treatment,
consisting in passing nine times under the saint’s sarco-
phagus nine days in succession, is on the wane and now
optional, though the scientific treatment is well or-
ganized and much reputed.

There is, moreover, a social side 3 to incubation, for
a pilgrimage to an incubation shrine is at once a com-
plimentary visit to the numeri and a picnic excursion
not in the first place for bodily health.4 The season of
S. George’s festival has probably much to do with his
popularity in Greece as compared with the essentially
identical saints Theodore, Sergius, Bacchus, and Deme-
trius.5

In the East all the stages of incubation may still be
found. The simplest experience is that of Clermont-
Ganneau,6 who, travelling rough for economy without
tents in his early days, frequently slept in makams In

1 Allom and Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 32.

3 Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, p. 359.

3 For this social side of religion see Hasluck, Letters, p. 102.

4 Lady Burton (Inner Life of Syria, p. 101) and Mrs. Mackintosh
(Damascus, p. 98) are explicit on this point with reference to Jobar.

5 [The opening of the Prologue to Chaucer’s Canterbury Pales well
illustrates this argument.—M. M. H.].

6 Clermont-Ganneau, PaL Inconnue, p. 55.

7 A makam is defined by Tyrwhitt Drake (P.E.F., O.S. for 1872,
p. 179) as an actual tomb or chapel erected in fulfilment of a vow, in

694 Observations on Incubation

virtue of the tabu 1 attached to them, foreigners and
natives alike are there safe from danger of attack.2 In
modern Greece, where incubation is characteristic of
outlying rather than of parish churches, many pilgrim-
age churches, being thus in the country, had no other
accommodation than the church to offer to pilgrims.3
This may therefore have been the original practice at
modern Greek incubation shrines, Greeks having no pre-
judice against passing a night in such quarters.4 Results
on credulous minds easily warrant the idea, fervently
believed by present-day Russian pilgrims to Jerusalem,5
that it is beneficial to spend a night in a holy place.

In general the vigil of the saint is considered the best
time for healing6—that is, the time of the mani-

festation is specialized7 just as his habitation is localized.

obedience to a dream, or prompted by ostentatious piety. Its
enceinte, with all it contains, is sacrosanct. One result of this sanctity
is that makarns are frequently used as safe deposits for property (Conder,
in P.E.F., 0.5. for 1877, p. 91). 1 See further above, p. 237.

2 Even wild animals are supposed to respect the tabu at Daniel’s
tomb at Susa, where travellers and brigands alike shelter, with their
horses, from wild beasts (Loftus, “Travels in Chaldaea, p. 322).

3 A Greek from Chios informed me that they celebrate only evening
services at the church of S. George near the town of Chios, but they
incubate (on the vigil of the festival) at the more remote church of
Myrsinidi.

4 Contrast the feelings of the Roman Catholic priest La Roque
when lodged in a church of the Lebanon by a Maronite curé (Voyage
de Syrie, p. 165).

5 Stephen Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem, pp.
131 f. ; above, pp. 268, 689, n. 2.

6 Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 344, says ‘ la veille
de la fête d’un saint les malades vont coucher dans sa chapelle For
the importance of the morning service compare Polîtes, Παραδόσεις,
no. 199 ÇO άης Νικήτας . – . *ς το πανηγύρι του άγιου είχαν
μαζευτη εκεί άποβραδύς πολλοί χριστιανοί, γιά να λειτουργηθούν
το πρωί) : cf. the same author’s no. 637, and in general Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, pp. 206 ff., 335 f.

7 Sick animals are best brought to the shrine of Haji Bekir in
Cappadocia on the evenings of Thursday, Friday, and Saturday
(Carnoy and Nicolaides, op. citp. 335)·

Importance of Sleep 695

This suggests that sleeping may not have been originally
regarded as the essential, a consideration borne out by
the fact that visions are the exception, not the rule. In
other words, most cures are not essentially dependent
on visions. In classical antiquity, however, sleeping
was probably essential for healing ; the insistence of
Aristophanes on sleeping at Asklepieia will be remem-
bered, also the dream oracles of Amphiaraos and Tro-
phonios.
LIV

THE CALIPH MAMUN AND THE
MAGIC FISH 1

THE circumstances attending the death of the
Caliph Mamun (a. d. 833) are thus related by
Masudi, who wrote about a century after the event.
On his return from a victorious raid against the Greeks
the caliph encamped in the beautiful valley of Bedidun.2
Like all Orientals, he was susceptible to the charm of
clear, running water, and at his orders a rustic pavilion
was constructed over the spring called Kochaïrah, from
which the river Bedidun flowed. In this the caliph sat.
A silver coin was thrown into the spring, and so clear
was the water that the legend of the coin beneath its
surface could be read. Mamun then noticed in the
spring a fish ‘ a cubit long and shining like an ingot of
silver,’ which he desired should be caught for him. This
was done, but the fish, when brought to the caliph,
escaped by a sudden movement into the spring, sprink-
ling the caliph’s breast, neck, and shoulders with cold
water as it did so. It was again caught, and the caliph
gave orders that it should be cooked. As he did so, he
was seized by a shivering fit, and, when the fish was
cooked, he was in a high fever and unable to eat it. This
was the beginning of the illness which caused his death.
Before this took place he had the guides and prisoners
called and asked them the significance of the name of
the spring Kochaïrah. He was told that it meant
‘ stretch out thy feet ’, which he took for an omen of his
death. He then asked the Arab name of the country he

1 Reprinted from^. H. S. xlii, 99 ff.

– Podandus, the modern Bozanti, two days from Tarsus on the
post-road to Eregli.

Explanations 697

was in ; the reply was ‘ Rakkah As it had been fore-
told him that he should die at a place thus named, he
knew that his hour was come. And he died then and
was carried to Tarsus and buried ‘ on the left-hand side
of the Friday mosque V

As to the local nomenclature in this story two obser-
vations may be made. (1) To Masudi and the Arabs the
name Kochairah meant nothing : but the historian says

that some held that it was Be, and not ,

that meant‘ stretch out thy feet ’. We have thus clearly
a local Greek derivation of Podandus from ττοΰς (‘foot’)
and reiVoj(‘ stretch’).1 2 (2)In we have probably to

do with a corrupt form of the name of the neighbouring
Byzantine fortress Herakleia, called by the Arabs Irakla ;
the resemblance between Rakka and Irakla is close
enough for the purpose of the story.3

The story itself is pretty evidently based on a folk-
legend turning on the theme of inevitable fate.4 But
what is the point of the elaborate fish episode ? It is
clear that the fish was a magic fish, otherwise it could
not have caused the caliph’s death as it did. The only
hypothesis which really explains the story is that both
spring and fish were sacred, that the caliph sinned by
wishing to catch the fish, and persisted in his sin even
after his first warning. This hypothesis is backed by

1 Les Prairies cVOr, ed. and tr. Barbier de Meynard, vii, pp. 1-2
and 96-101.

2 If the pun seems far-fetched, what about *Ikovlov διά то r/Kevac
τον Πζρσέα (Preger, Script. Orig. Constant, i, 72) ? For punning on
local names cf. Thcoph. Cont. Const. Porph., V, xxv, p. 113 P,
л. D. 838 (cj. Bury,J.H.S. 1909, p. 125), where Omar inquires the local

names from Greek captives and derives bad omens from the names.
The idea is probably Greek, as in both cases the Moslem comes off
badly and the puns are Greek.

ч An Armenian authority of 1108 (cited by Tomaschek in Sitzb.
JVien. Akad., PhiL-Hist. Cl. cxxiv, 1891, viii, 66) speaks of a fortress
К rakka near Kybistra or Herakleia (Kybistra = Eregli).

4 The lesson seems never to be learnt.

3295.2

z

69B The Caliph Mamun and the Magic Fish

two points. (1) The Greek name of the spring is given
as Aidareka, which evidently contains the name of a

saint, to whom the spring was held sacred by Christians.
(2) A coin was thrown into it,1 evidently in accordance
with the world-wide custom at sacred springs and wells.
This incident may be held to prove that the caliph
knew from the first that the spring was sacred. One
can hardly doubt that the tale came originally from
a hostile (Christian) source. Masudi had plenty of
opportunity for access to non-Moslem writers and is
said not infrequently to have made use of them.

The memory of Mamun seems to have survived at
Tarsus, at least among the learned, till the middle of
the seventeenth century, when the incidents recorded
of his death were located not at Podandus (Bozanti),
but quite near Tarsus itself.2 Of his tomb nothing is
recorded after the thirteenth century, when it was still
a Moslem pilgrimage, though Cilicia was in Christian
hands and the mosque had become a church of SS.
Peter and Sophia. This curious fact rests on the au-
thority of Yakut (1225) 3 and Willebrand of Oldenburg
(1211).4 The latter speaks of the tomb as that of the
‘ sister of Mohammed ’, which looks as if the identity
of its occupant was already becoming vague among the
common folk. The church of SS. Peter and Sophia is
thought by Langlois 5 to have occupied the site of the
present Ulu Jami, a purely Mohammedan building, but
this is far from proved.

1 For this world-wide practice see above, p. 302, n. 5.

2 Haji Khalfa, tr. Norberg, ii, 360.

3 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 133.

4 Ed. Leo Allatius, Σύμμικτα, i, 137.

5 Cilicie, p. 317. See below, p. 702.
LV

THE THREE UNJUST DEEDS

ACCORDING to the Koran story,1 * when Moses was
XX. travelling with the (unnamed) Servant of God,
the latter committed three apparently blatant acts of
injustice, wantonly sinking a ship, killing a youth, and
repairing a wall for a family which had received the
travellers inhospitably. Subsequently an explanation
was forthcoming : the ship was thus saved from im-
pressment by a king, the youth was an unbeliever and
a better son was given to his parents in his stead, while
the wall concealed a treasure which belonged to orphans,
but would have been secured by the inhospitable man
had the wall been allowed to fall into ruins.

A clearly similar tale exists in the Talmud,3 where
Rabbi Jochanan was granted a vision of Elijah, with
whom he went on a journey. Being hospitably enter-
tained by a poor man whose only support was a cow,
Elijah in the morning killed the cow. A rich man
received them badly, yet Elijah at his own expense
repaired his house wall for him. A rich synagogue
received them badly ; in return Elijah wished that they
might all become presidents at once. A poor community
received them well, but Elijah wished them only one
president. The explanation was that the cow was the
redemption for the poor man’s wife, who had been
fated to die that day, repairing the wall had prevented
the rich man from finding a hidden treasure when he
dug a foundation for the wall, while one president
spells harmony, many discord.

It seems hardly possible that there is no connexion

1 Sale’s Koran, pp. 222 ff. (ch. xviii).

3 Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 313 IT.

Z 2

700 The Three Unjust Deeds

between the two tales and, the Jewish being in the
Talmud and therefore probably not later than the
second century of our era, we may therefore with some
confidence believe the Talmudic tale to be the source
of the Koranic. It seems to be a Jewish apophthegm
written round the theme of Shall not the Judge of all
the earth do right ? ’1 Jews were fond of such apoph-
thegms ; the Biblical story of Job’s misfortunes is an
obvious instance. Another, concerning David, is found
in the Talmud.3 David once saw a mosquito attacking
a spider and an idiot killing both, whereupon he ex-
claimed at the uselessness of mosquitoes, spiders, and
idiots in the scheme of creation. But later, when he
cut oil Saul’s cloak in the cave, he stumbled over Abner,
who would have discovered him had a mosquito not
diverted Abner’s attention by stinging him. Still later,
when he himself was hiding in a cave from his enemies,
they would have found him if a spider had not spun its
web over the entrance of the cave and thus given the
impression that the cave was empty. Finally, when he
fled to Gath, his only resource was to feign himself mad.
Whereby the existence of mosquitoes, spiders, and idiots
was justified.3

As the story of the Three Unjust Deeds occurs in the
Koran and the nameless Servant of God is usually
identified with Khidr,4 it is not surprising to find ver-
sions of the tale told in Moslem lands to-day with
Khidr as the hero. Hanauer relates 5 an interesting
variant current among Palestine Moslems. When Moses
and Khidr were making a journey together, Khidr stole

1 Gen. xviii, 25.

2 Polano, Selections fro?n the Talmud, pp. 310 ff. Carmoly, Itiné-
raires, p. 297, gives approximately the same story, dated at latest in
the twelfth century and with a wasp instead of a mosquito.

3 There is probably a more symmetrical prototype somewhere
(possibly in the Panchatantra) : the idiot is out of place, three insects
are required.

1 See above, p. 331. 5 Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, pp. 58 ff.

Christian Versions 701

a washhand basin from a hospitable man, presented it
to an inhospitable man, and killed the young nephew of
a kind hostess. The reasons were that the hospitable
man was too confiding, the inhospitable man was to be
made hospitable by finding hospitality profitable, and the
boy, had he lived, would have murdered his good aunt.

Very interesting are two versions current among
Christians in the Turkish area. The first was collected
by Professor Dawkins1 at Imera, a village near Kromni
in the district of Trebizond. There three travellers
met a pallikar, who joined them. Ill received by an

inhospitable village, the pallik rebuilt a ruinous wall
in the village. A second village proved inhospitable, and
again the pallikar repaired a crumbling building, this

time a house. Being well received in a third village, the
pallikar in the night strangled the son of their host.
The explanation given by the pallikar was that a
treasure lay hidden under the falling wall and would
have been discovered and thus caused many murders
but for his repairing the wall ; had the house in the
second village fallen, it would have destroyed the neigh-
bouring house, where good people lived ; the boy would
have grown up wicked, corrupting his father also, so
that his death had saved both himself and his father
from hell. Then, announcing himself to be the Christ,
the pallikar vanished from their sight.

The second Christian copy is told in Bulgaria.2 Here
a monk travels with an armed man, who is afterwards
found to be S. Michael. The armed man destroys the
house of a hospitable cowherd and kills the son of a
hospitable rich man, in the former case to reveal to the
cowherd a buried treasure and in the second to save the
boy from killing his brother. The third motif is missing.

1 The story is so far unpublished, but Professor Dawkins kindly allows
me to publish it in advance.

2 Sfiishmanova, Légendes Relig. Bulg.> pp. 168 ff. It is interesting
to find S. Michael the hero in this case, he occurring in the Bible as the
executant of the Divine will, especially in the direction of violence.
LVI

GRAVES OF THE ARABS IN ASIA MINOR1

10NG the Mohammedan religious antiquities of

Asia Minor the tomb-sanctuaries held to represent
the resting-places of Arabs killed during the forays of
the eighth and ninth centuries form a well-marked and
extremely interesting group. Their authenticity is on
general grounds more than doubtful. The campaigns
of the Arabs led to no permanent occupation ; the
lands they had conquered for the moment were restored
to Christendom or fell to alien races. Only in the
borderlands, where in times of peace Christian and
Moslem might meet on equal terms, can we expect
a true tradition regarding Arab graves or a continuous
veneration of them to have persisted. Of these border-
land Moslem cults supposed to date back to the Arab
period we can point to two examples, the tomb of the
‘ sister of Mohammed ’ at Tarsus and the tomb of
Umm Haram in Cyprus.2

The former is mentioned by Willebrand of Oldenburg
( 1211) as still a place of Moslem pilgrimage under the
Christian kings of Armenia. It was situated outside the
church of S. (Beatus) Peter and S. Sophia in the middle
of the town.3 It seems at least possible that this tomb

1 This chapter has already appeared in B.S.A, xix, 182 ff.

2 A list of female Arab saints in Palestine is given by Conder,
P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, P* 99· The Druses admit women to the ascetic
inner brotherhood of Akal (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 203) : the women
appreciate the privilege, but for the prosaic reason that it saves them
money in rich clothes. In general, female saints in Islam are con-
verted Christian princesses or amazons.

3 Ed. Leo Allatius, Σύμμικτα, i, 137 ‘in angulo quodam extra
foris Ecclesiae sepulta est soror Mahomet ; cuius tumbam Saraceni in
multo petunt timore et devotione.’ For the site of the church in
question in the opinion of Langlois see above, p. 698.

Umm Haram 703

was really that of the caliph Mamun, miscalled by the
Frankish chronicler. Mamun died in a. d. 833 at Po-
dandus (Bozanti) and was buried at Tarsus, then an
important frontier town of the Arabs.1 I have no
information as to the perpetuation or otherwise of this
cult down to our own day. For present purposes it is
important mainly as showing the possibility of the
survival of a Moslem cult in spite of Christian domina-
tion.1

The tomb of Umm Haram is, owing to Mr. Cobham’s
researches,3 better documented. The Arab sources,
which he quotes at length, are sufficient to prove that
Umm Haram was a historical person, that she died in
the course of an Arab expedition to Cyprus, and that
she was buried there in a. d. 649. Her tomb seems to
have been known at least three centuries later, both to
Arab and Christian,4 but the exact position in the island
is not indicated. There follows a significant lacuna in
the history of the grave till after the conquest of Cyprus
by the Turks in 1572.

Haji Khalfa,3 half-way through the next century, is
the first modern authority to mention, but without
giving the name of the saint, the present tomb of

1 See above, p. 697.

2 A modern parallel is the survival of the tomb and cult of the
Turkish saint Gul Baba at Buda-Pest (above, p. 551). In our own
time the grave of Murad I on Kossovo, now in Serbia, is protected
by a special clause in the Treaty of London.

3 i The Story of Umm Haram in J. R. Asiat. Soc., 1897, pp. 81 ff.
A beautiful photograph of the tekke is reproduced by M. Ohnefalsch-
Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Су pern.

4 Const. Porph., de Them, i, 40, and Al Baiaduri (d. a. d. 893) cited
by Cobham.

5 Tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin, Asie Mineure, ii, 667 :
‘[Memlahah] … il y a en cet endroit un tekieh ou couvent de derviches,
dans lequel reposent les reliques d’une sainte dame qui vivait du temps
du Prophète.’ The earlier Turkish geographer Piri Reis (с. 1550, ар.
Oberhummer, Cypent, i, 427) does not mention the tomb in his de-
scription of the island.

704 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor

Umm Haram ’ on the salt lake near Larnaka, which
continues down to our own day to be a frequented
Moslem pilgrimage with a well-endowed tekke. This
is the more significant since the site of the ‘ tomb ’ is
not out of the beaten track : indeed the salt lake at
Larnaka has always been one of the sights visited by
travellers.1 The so-called ‘ tomb ’ itself, though now
associated with Umm Haram, has been recognized by
Cobham as a prehistoric building similar to the chapel
of Phaneromene 2 in the same district and the so-called
‘ tomb ’ of S. Catherine at Famagusta.3 All three ap-
pear to have been underground prehistoric buildings,
not necessarily tombs.

In the case of the tomb of Umm Haram, Mariti
(1760-7) records from a Christian source a tradition
that its discovery was relatively recent and that its
exploitation was due to a dervish. Among Moham-
medans generally was current a tradition that the
building, originally underground, was, at a date not
indicated, laid bare by heavy rains. In this condition it
was discovered by shepherds, to whom its nature was re-
vealed by a vision of a lady in white raiment.4 It thus
seems clear that the gap in the history of the tomb
cannot be filled, that its cult has not been continuous,
and that its authenticity is improbable. The history
of other ‘ discoveries ’ of Arab tombs makes that of
Umm Haram’s still more suspect.

Of the reputed Arab tombs in Asia Minor the most

1 Kootwyck (1619), who describes the salt lake at length, does not
mention the tomb (Cobham, Excerpta Cypria, p. 191) : the earliest
foreign notice of it seems to be that of Le Bruyn (1683), Voyage,
ii, 495, who calls it the tomb of Mina, mother of the Prophet.

2 Magda Ohnefalsch-Richter, in Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 311 : cf.
Des’champs, An Pays tekke) bearing the name of the hero, six hours south of Eski- shehr and on the site of the ancient Nakoleia in Phrygia. The tekke was formerly a very important seat of the Bektashi dervishes ; its popular vogue was enhanced by the fact that it lay on the pilgrims’ road from Constanti- nople to Mecca.2 It is supposed by Ramsay and other authorities to occupy the site of an earlier Christian holy place, but in my opinion on insufficient grounds. The assuçnption rests partly on inexact archaeological data and partly on the overworked idea that every holy place has always been such. The evidence in favour of the assumption is as follows : (1) The site is undoubtedly that of the ancient Nakoleia.3 (2) Ruins of a Byzantine monastery are said to be incorporated in the buildings of the convent. Radet goes so far as to say that the mosque is a Christian basilica :4 Ouvré, his companion, is not so sure.5 Other travellers’ descriptions are vague.6 A recent visitor, 1 He is the prototype of El Cid, of whose tale there is an early frag- ment in Arabic (Bouillet, Dictionnaire, s, v, Cid), 2 The tekke has been visited by many European travellers, see especially Wübdnger, Drei Bektaschiklòster Phrygiens, xx, 103. The earliest first-hand account by a western known to me is that of the anonymous author [1663] of the (B.M.) Add, MS. 7021 (f. 35). It was known at least by repute to Menavino (Cose Aurchesche (1548), p. 60). It is interesting to compare the effect of the railway on the pilgrimage of S. Anne d’Auray in Brittany, where pilgrims now come all the year round, with a corresponding diminution in the number of visitors on the day itself (De Quetteville, Pardon of Guingamp, P· 472)· 3 Ramsay, in J.II.S. iii, 119 ; cf. Hist. Grog., p. 144. 4 Arch. des Miss, vi (1895), p. 446. 5 Un Mois en Phrygie, p. 89. 6 H. Barth, Reise, pp. 88-9 ; Sir C. Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 144 ; Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 168 ; A. D. Mordtmann, as below, p. 707, II. I. jo6 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor Brandenburg, seems to refute the idea implicitly.1 Turkish sources attribute the building of the mosque to Suleiman the Magnificent.2 3 (3) Cuinet mentions candlesticks,з and Sir Charles Wilson a cup 4 of Christian workmanship, in the turbe. Radet calls these Perso-Byzantine : 5 in any case the evidence of such movable furniture is negligible. (4) The legend of Sidi Battal’s marriage with a Chris- tian princess is read by Ramsay 6 as evidence of previous Christian occupation. But it is characteristic of a hero of a chivalric romance—and the cycle of legend which has grown up round the name of Sidi Battal places him in this category—that a maiden on the enemy’s side should fall in love with him.7 The Byzantine borderer, Digenes Akritas, elopes with an emir's daughter, and as a Christian hero is compelled on that account to spend some pages in remorse ; 8 * a Moslem can without re- proach add the lady to his harem.9 Further, the mar- riage of a Mohammedan potentate with a Christian was by no means unknown in the days of Ala-ed-din, to which the discovery of the tomb of Sidi Battal is referred.10 The Mohammedan traditions of the are clear and consistent ; the official version is given in Ethé’s 1 Byz. Zeit, xix, 106 : ‘ in der sog. “ Kirche,” d. h. dem älteren Teil des Klosters/ 2 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin’s Asie Mineure, ii, 702 : cf. ‘ Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ottp. 82 (706). 3 Turquie dJAsie, iv, 213. 4 Loc. cit. 5 Loc cit., p. 447. 6 Pauline Studies, p. 169, and elsewhere : cf. below, p. 709. 7 For such a case at Phileremo in Rhodes see above, p. 647, n. 2. 8 Rambaud, Ét. Byz., p. 79. 9 Sidi Battal had at least two other Christian wives, a daughter of the Emperor and a daughter of his vizir Akrates (probably Akritas himself) ; cf. Ethé, Fahrten des Sajjid Batthal, i, 99, 100. 10 The father of Ala-ed-din, for instance, married a Christian woman (Sarre, Reise, pp. 39 f.). Sidi В aitai G— Fahrten des Sajjid Batthal1 as follows : The ‘ castle of the Messiah ’ was given by Ala-ed-din, Sultan of Rum (1219-36) to his general Hazarasp. One of the latter’s shepherds, named Kodlija, while feeding sheep on the hill opposite the fortress, saw there a miraculous light. He became as if enchanted, and his sheep gathered to- gether to the spot. Hazarasp, being informed of the miracle, built a chapel on the site and it became a pilgrimage. The spot was not connected with Sidi Battal till he himself appeared in a dream to the mother of Ala-ed-din, who was a descendant of the Prophet, and bade her build him a monument at the castle of the Messiah, where he had met his death. The mother of Ala-ed-din went to the castle and made inquiries, and another vision was vouchsafed to her in confirmation of her dream ; the earth opened showing a door, through which she passed down a flight of seven steps to find the Arab warrior standing armed before her. The mother of Ala-ed-din built the mausoleum of the newly-dis- covered saint ; the buildings of the site were subse- quently added to by the Mihaloglu family 3 and the Ottoman emperor Suleiman the Magnificent.3 In the latter part of the fifteenth century George of Hungary, who for many years lived, apparently in this part of Asia Minor, as a prisoner of the Turks, testifies to the wide vogue of the cult of Sidi Battal in his day. He says that ‘ Sedichasi ’ was held in great esteem and veneration all over Turkey and by Mohammedans in general. His tomb was on the frontier between the Ottomans and Karamania, and, though these frequently 1 i, 213 ff. This relation does not form part of the romance proper, to which we shall return. Other Turkish sources are quoted by A. D. Mordtmann (Gelehrte Anzeigen d. bayr. Akad. i860, pp. 260-95, and Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, Παράρτημα του θ' τόμου, pp. xiv ff.). 2 A renegade family established in Bithynia under the early Ottoman sultans. 3 Probably about 1534, the year of the emperor’s visit to the tomb on his way to Bagdad (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 212). 7o8 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor quarrelled among themselves, none dared approach the tomb or do damage to the adjacent country, since those who had done so always found that the vengeance of the saint followed on their act.1 Further, it was commonly held that those who asked his aid, especially in war, were never disappointed. Great quantities of money, ani- mals, and other gifts were yearly offered to the saint by the king, the princes, and the common folk. In the sixteenth century the name of Sidi Battal was the war- cry of the Turkish armies.2 The convent has lost much of its prosperity since the fall of the Bektashi order under Sultan Mahmud II and the decline of the pilgrim road with the progress of steam navigation. The tombs of Sidi Battal and his Christian wife are still shown in the , and that of the pious shepherd Kodlija just outside it. Close by the tekke of Sidi Battal stands the tomb of Malik Ghazi,3 his companion in arms, who fell with him at Akroenos.4 This tomb is probably to be regarded merely as a pen- dant to Sidi Battal’s.5 Both, it will be noticed, are on the farther side of the river from Eskishekr and its Byzantine representative ; 6 * * * this river may at some 1 De Moribus Tur corum (c. 1481), cap. xv (see above, p. 495). 2 4 Wann sie Krieg fürnemmen, so rüffen vnd schreyen sie zu dem Sedichassi dem Heyligen der Fictori und dess Siegs . . . Soll begraben liegen auff den Grentzen Othomannorum und Caramannoruvi ’ (Breuning, Orient. Reyss. (1579), P* io^)· Ehe convent was by this time already in the hands of the Bektashi (cj. Browne, J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, p. 568), who were intimately associated with the Janissaries. 3 Visited by Radet and Fougères in 1886 (see map in Arch, des Miss. vb 1895). 4 4 With Al Battal was killed Malikh, the son of Shu‘aib ’ (Kitah Al ‘Uyun (eleventh century), ap. Brooks, in J.H.S. xviii, 202). 5 The tekkes of Melik Ghazi (1) in the Kale Dagh near Sarimsaklik (R. Kiepert’s map, section Kaisariéh) and (2) at Niksar in Pontus (Evliya, Travels, ii, 18, 104 ; Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 261) are probably to be connected with the Danishmend prince of that name (1106-13), but the legend current at Niksar suggests contamination with the Arab cycle. 6 Karaja Hisar, according to Radet (loc. cit.j p. 515)· SidiBattal Gha—History 709 time have formed the frontier between Moslem and Christian. The story of the miraculous discovery of Sidi Battal’s tomb is of course strongly tinged with myth, but there is no reason to doubt that the revelation and establishment of the cult of the saint dates back to Seljuk times. The hero himself was the historical Abd Allah Abu-’l Husain el Antaki,‘el Battal’ (‘theValiant ’) being a title of honour ; he is known from contemporary sources, Arab and Byzantine, to have taken part in the Arab raids of the eighth century and to have fallen in battle at Akroenos (Afiun Kara Hisar), many miles south of the tekke which bears his name, in a. d. 740. Even if the topographical difficulty could be got over, it is impossible to bridge the gap in the history of the tomb between the battle of Akroenos and the reign of Ala-ed-din, unless we suppose (what is highly improb- able) that an inscription was found with the remains. Sidi Battal is comparatively well known from history ; his apocryphal adventures, like those of his Byzantine counterpart Digenes Akritas, are numerous and in the canonized version of the romance fill a considerable book.1 2 Certain incidents of the romance are widely current ; such are the hero’s adventures at Maslama’s siege of Constantinople (a. d. 717), where he penetrated alone as far as S. Sophia and rode into the building on horseback,1 his dealings with a Christian nun whom he afterwards married, and his romantic death, caused by a stone thrown as a warning by a Christian princess in love with him, who eventually killed herself from remorse.3 1 For the adventures of Sidi Battal see the authorities cited by Mordt- mann {loc. cit.) and especially the canonized version of the romance, a Turkish composition of the fourteenth or fifteenth century based on an Arabic original, translated by Ethé (Fahrten des Sajjid Batthal). 2 The historical Sidi Battal appears from the Arab sources (Brooks, J.H.S. xix, 26) to have been present at this siege. 3 It is this princess who is buried beside the hero. 710 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor The wide vogue of this popular legend is shown by its connexion with many localities in Asia Minor. Sidi BattaPs rock is shown at Mal-tepe near Constantinople,1 his castles at Erdek 2 and in the Karaja Dagh (Cappa- docia),3 a mosque reputed of his foundation exists at Caesarea,4 a second tomb at Kirshehr,5 and a third on the Ali Dagh near Caesarea,6 while a dome commemo- rates his birth-place at Malatia.7 Opposite Constanti- nople he is connected with Kadi Keui (by the verbal identification of Kadi and G and one version of the legend of the Maiden’s Tower makes Sidi Battal the cause of its construction : the Greek governor destined it—of course in vain—to shelter his daughter and his treasure from the redoubtable Arab leader.9 The Kirk Kiz Dagh {Mountain of the Forty ), near the tekke of Sidi Battal, is probably associated with the epi- sode of the Convent of the Forty Princesses in the romance.10 On Argaeus Sidi Battal was imprisoned in a well, whence he made his escape by the assistance of a great snake.11 A similar cycle of popular tradition groups itself round the name of Husain Ghazi. The centre seems to be Alaja in Paphlagonia, called by Haji Khalfa 12 Hus- 1 Oberhummer in Meyer’s Konstantinopel, p. 332. 2 Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 99. 3 Ramsay and Bell, Thousand and One Churches, p. 435. 4 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 676 ; cf. Le Strange, E. Caliphate, P· 46· *> Le Strange, op. cit., p. 152, n. 2 ; cf. Cuinct, Turquie d’Asie, i, 332.

6 Skene, Anadol, p. 146.

7 Haji Khalfa, p. 660. So Digencs has at least three tombs, near
Trebizond, in Crete, and in Karpathos, and other memorials in Cyprus
and Crete (Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, nos. 73, 74, 118-22, 131), while the
historical Christian conqueror of Crete from the Arabs, Sarandapechys,
multiplies to such an extent that his name becomes a generic word for
a giant. For other multiplications of tombs see above, pp. 298 ff.

8 Evliya, I, ii, 78. 9 Evliya, I, ii, 78.

10 Ethé, op. rit. i, 89 (T. 11 Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 275.

t: Tr. Armain, p. 678.

Husain 711

ainabad, which remains the official name of the Alaja
nahiyeh x.Husain Ghazi, brother of the serasker of
Malatia, says the local legend, had his head cut off in
an attack on Angora and carried it to a mountain an
hour and a half east of the town where he died. The
spot was commemorated by a tekke which was a much-
frequented pilgrimage in the seventeenth century.2

Husain’s death was avenged by his son Jafer, who
took from the Christians a castle near Kirshehr and
converted the governor Shamas after a single combat.3
The name of the latter is commemorated in that of the
Shamaspur tekke at Alaja, which contains another
reputed grave of Husain.4 Jafer is probably the hero
buried at the tekke near Tulumbunar (on the Kasaba
line) which bears his name.3

Another Arab warrior certainly historical is Abd-el-
Wahab, whose tomb is venerated at Sivas.6 He is said
by the Arab chroniclers to have been killed ‘ in the land
of the Romans ’ in a.d. 730-1.7

Nearly all these persons are commemorated in the
romance of Sidi Battal. Husain is the father of Battal,8
Jafer is Battal himself before he received his title,9 and
Abd-el-Wahab is constantly mentioned.10 In the ro-
mance, however, the fighting centres round Amorium

1 Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 31 ; Cuinet, i, 298.

2 Evliya, ii, 228 ; there is now a turbe only, administered by the
Bairami dervishes of Angora (Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. dr la
Galatie, i, 283).

3 Ainsworth, Travels, i, 157 ; cf. Barth, Reise, pp. 74, 78. Schumas
(sic) figures in the romance (Ethé, loc. cit. i, 21) as a monk converted
by Battal, Schamasp as the brother of the governor of Amorium killed
by him (ibid, i, 27). Shamas is the Arabic for deacon.

4 See above, p. 95.

5 F. W. H. (cf. above, p. 103). 6 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 666.

7 Kitab al iUyun, ap. Brooks, in J.H.S. xviii, 200 : the death of
Abd-el-Wahab is placed under the next year by Al Tabari (d. 923,
ibid.).

8 Ethé, op. eit. i, 7.

10 Ethé, i, 37, &x.

9 Ibid.i, 57 ; cf. Evliya, I, i, 27.

712 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor

(Hergan Kale), which was historically a notable Byzan-
tine fortress during the Arab wars, but, having been
razed by the Arabs after the great siege of 838, dis-
appeared at that date from history. Its site, like that of
Akroenos, has only recently been identified, and by
westerns : the reputed Arab tombs, as we have seen,
are nowhere near it. But the later Arab writers seem
to have been misled by the similarity of the two names
in Arabic into identifying Amorium with Angora,1
which accounts for their placing the tomb of Husain
Ghazi at the latter town, while the romance makes
Amorium the scene of his death.2 *

Other Arab memorials in Asia Minor, not apparently
connected with the Battal cycle, are mentioned by Ibn
Batuta at Daonas5 {vilayetof Aidin) and at Sinope,4 the
former a memorial of the birth-place of Suhayb, a Com-
panion of the Prophet, the latter a tomb of Bilal the
Ethiopian. Another tomb of Bilal, presumably if not
authentic at least earlier than that at Sinope, is shown
at Damascus.5

Earliest of all the Arab memorials in Asia Minor and
also apparently not connected with the Battal cycle, is
the tomb of ‘ Amru’l Kais ’, which is mentioned as
shown at Angora by the early thirteenth-century geo-
grapher, Yakut.6 He was an Arab chief, contemporary
with the Prophet, and author of some poems which are
still highly esteemed. He is the hero of a romantic
story in many points obviously fantastic. He is said to
have gone to Constantinople to seek help from the
emperor against the slayers of his father. According
to Yakut, ‘ the king’s daughter fell in love with him,

1 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 153. 2 Ethé, op. cit. i, 11.

3 Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 277. Cf. Evliya, ii, 38. His tomb was at

Sivas (Evliya, I, ii, 113).

* Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 349.

5 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 272 ; Porter, Damascus, p. 17.

6 Ap. Brooks, in J.H.S.xxi, 76.

АтгиЧ 713

and when Caesar heard of this, he promised that the
armies should follow him when he reached Syria or he
would order the armies in Syria to support him. And
when he reached Ancyra he sent him some poisoned
garments, and when he put them on, his flesh fell off,
and he knew that he would die.’ 1

The Life of Amru’l Kais gives some details concern-
ing his death at Ancyra. While he was suffering from
the effects of the poisoned robe sent him by the em-
peror, he saw at the foot of a mountain named Assib or
Gezib 4 the grave of a princess who had died in that
city ’ and apostrophized it in verse ; 4 immediately
after he died and was buried beside this woman and his
tomb is still there.’ 2

One is inclined to suspect that the journey of Amru’l
Kais to the Byzantine court is a detail borrowed from
or confused with the similar journey of his namesake (?)
4 Amorkesos ’ in 473,3 in spite of the discrepancy in date.
The details about Angora must come from some one
who knew the place. The princess’s tomb is evidently
the 4 column of Julian ’, called to this day Kiz, ,

4 parce qu’ils s’imaginent qu’élle soutenoit le Tombeau
d’une fille’.4 We shall probably not be far wrong if we
assume that the supposed tomb of Amru’l Kais was the
other remarkable ancient monument of Ancyra, e. the
Augusteum. Later, this tradition seems to have been
lost : an undated inscription, found by Perrot and

Guillaume over the arch of a small building inside the
Augusteum and removed by their expedition, gives
the name of Mohammed Ibn Bekr and a verse of the

1 Yakut, i, 391 (kindly translated for me by Mr. Brooks).

2 Vie d?Avnolkais, tr. Siane, p. 27 ; cf. Riickert, Amrilkais, p. 130.

3 Malchus, frag. 1, in F.H.G. iv, 121 ; Bury, Later Rovi an Empire,
i,23lf·

4 Tournefort, Voyage, letter xxi. The Turks have a similar idea
about the column of Marciali at Constantinople (see above, p. 197, n. 1).
The princess at Angora seems now identified with Belkis, queen of
Sheba (Barth, Reise, p. 79). See further, below, p. 749.

3^95-2 *

л a

714 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor

Koran.1 Mohammed Ibn Bekr was a partisan of Ali
who revolted against the caliph Osman in Egypt ; a this
connexion is perhaps due to the adjacent (Bairami)
dervishes to whom the Augusteum belongs.

It appears from the foregoing that the graves and
memorials of the Arabs in Asia Minor, though they
commemorate in many cases historical persons and the
great historical fact of the Arab wars, and indicate also
in a vague way the area over which these wars were
fought, are almost certainly all fictitious. So far as we
can see, the traditional sites have been discovered by
‘ revelation ’ and identified by an uncritical use of
written sources or merely by floating tradition.3 They
thus afford no independent topographical evidence for
the Arab campaigns. It is further to be remarked that
Ibn Batuta’s notice of two Arab memorials already in
the early fourteenth century shows that such memorials
were sought for and identified in this way already in the
Seljuk period. Earliest of all is the tomb of Amru’l
Kais, and, if we may believe the traditional account, the
tomb of Sidi Ghazi was discovered at the same period.
The motive for the ‘ discovery ’ of such tombs is con-
sciously or subconsciously political. At the back of the
mind of the conquering race lies the idea of substantiat-
ing a prior claim to the conquered soil.4 The tomb of
Eyyub, the great Ghazi of the Arab siege of Constanti-
nople, was said to have been revealed actually during
the siege of 1453.5 Mohammed II, having laid siege to

1 xvii, 20 ; ьее Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. de la Galatic, i, 299.

г Weil, Gesch. d. Chalijen, i, 173 ff.

3 The beginnings of a Battal myth were recognized in our own times
by Barth (Reise, pp. 52-3) between Yuzgat and Caesarea, where an
historical person of the reign of Murad IV (1623-40), bearing the title
of Battal, was already becoming confused with the legendary hero.

I Λ real burial gives a similar claim. It was not without such an
intention that the caliph Mamun was buried in the frontier town of
Tarsus (Le Strange, E. Caliphate, pp. 132-3) : see above, p. 703.

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 395 (who aptly compares the

Eyyub 715

Constantinople, was, with his seventy attendant saints,
seven whole days searching for the tomb. At last Ak-
Shems-ed-Din exclaimed, ‘ Good news, my Prince, of
Eyyub’s tomb,’ and, thus saying, he began to pray and
then fell asleep. Some interpreted this sleep as a veil
cast by shame over his ignorance of the tomb ; but
after some time he raised his head, his eyes became
bloodshot, the sweat ran from his forehead, and he said
to the Sultan, ‘ Eyyub’s tomb is on the very spot where
I spread the carpet for prayer ’. Upon this, three of his
attendants, together with the Sheikh and Sultan, began
to dig up the ground, when at the depth of three yards
they found a square stone of verd antique, on which was
written in Cufic letters, ‘ This is the tomb of Eba
Eyyub ’. They lifted up the stone, and found below it
the body of Eyyub wrapped up in a saffron-coloured
shroud, with a brazen play-ball in his hand fresh and
well preserved. They replaced the stone, formed a
little mound of the earth they had dug up, and laid the
foundation of the mausoleum amidst the prayers of
the whole army. A shepherd who fed his sheep near the
site of the present mosque noticed that in the height of
summer a round plot of grass there was always fresh and
green. The sheep did not touch it and made obeisance
to it. The shepherd reported this to the Ulema, who,
after long prayers, decided that it was the grave of
Eyyub and his companions. This was not generally
accepted and the people asked as a sign that a foot should

finding of the Sacred Lance by the Crusaders before Antioch) : rf.
Evliya, I, ii, 35. The occurrence is not mentioned, however, by any
contemporary authority for the siege (Mordtmann, Belagerung,, p. in)
and probably took place shortly after. (So Cantimir, i, 106 ; d’Ohsson,
Tableau y i, 305.) A modern version of the story is told by S. Adamson
in Harper’s Magazine (June 1913, pp. 30 ff.), in which, as in the case of
the tombs of Umm Haram and Sidi Battal, the first discovery of the
sanctity of the site is attributed to shepherds. An illuminating
example of such a * discovery ’ is given by Pouqueville, Hist. Régéncr.
Grèce y ii, 386.

716 Graves of the Arabs Asia Minor

show itself above the supposed grave.1 Which, after
prayer had been made, taking place, all were convinced
that Eyyub was really buried there.2

Similarly, at the siege of Bagdad under Suleiman
(1534), where religious animosities might be used to
spur on the soldiers, the tomb of the orthodox (Sunni)
doctor Abu Hanifa was ‘ discovered ’ under the walls
of the heretic (Shia) town.3 The discoverer in the case
of the tomb of Eyyub (and probably in all such dis-
coveries) was a pious sheikh : if we bear in mind the
extraordinary influence of dreams and their interpreta-
tion in the eastern world it is obvious that the good
faith of a devout and pious mystic need not be called in
question. But, as we have seen from the cases of Umm
Haram, Sidi Battal, and Eyyub, the fully-developed
type of legend postulates two agents in such discoveries,
the shepherd,4 to whom the sanctity of the spot is re-
vealed by an outward miracle, and the wise man, who
is guided by a dream to interpret it according to his
learning. The sequence is psychologically true. To
the simple and devout peasant any chance combination
of circumstances may give a religious colour to a com-
monplace discovery, and anything remotely resembling
a tomb presupposes a buried saint.5 It remains for the
learned to give the saint a name and a historical setting.

1 For this barbarous miracle see above, pp. 252-5.

2 Précis of Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople,

PP· 155 f·

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 222.

■* In the West also the shepherd i discovers ’ (Sébillot, Folk-Lore de
France, iii, 122).

5 Cf. above, p. 61, and 4.
LVII

THE MOSQUES OF THE ARABS IN
CONSTANTINOPLE 1

Introductory

TWO mosques in Galata—the Mosque of the Arabs
(Arab J ami) and the Mosque of the Leaded Store
(Kurshunlu Magbzen jf amisi)—lay claim to be the earli-

est buildings consecrated to Moslem worship in Con-
stantinople. Both are supposed to date from the period
of the Arab sieges, many centuries before the Ottoman
conquest. Their traditional claim to this honourable
pedigree is of some antiquity. Evliya Efendi, in the
middle of the seventeenth century, already attributes
an Arab origin to four buildings in Galata, of which two
are the mosques in question and the others a lead-roofed
granary ( KurshunluMaghzen), still used as such in his

time,3 and the famous Galata Tower.3 All these, and
in addition the Rose Mosque (Gul У ami) in Stambul,4
are supposed to have been built during the famous siege
of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama.

The Tower of Galata and the Rose Mosque being
undoubtedly Christian buildings, the historical accuracy
of Evliya’s information may reasonably be called in
question as to the other reputed Arab buildings of
Constantinople. In the case of Arab Jami, the better
known of the two Galata mosques, its Arab origin is, if

1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xxii, 157 ff.

2 Travels, I, ii, 167. з Ibid. I, ii, 49.

4 Ibid. I, i, 24. Evliya states that the Rose Mosque, having become
a church, was turned over to the Moslems as the price of Bayezid I’s
retirement from Constantinople. Bayezid made a demand of this
sort in 1391, but it was not complied with (Ducas, p. 49 в). For the
real history of the mosque (S. Theodosia) see van Millingen’s Churches
in Constantinople, pp. 162 ff. See also above, p. 40.

718 The Mosques of the Arabs Constantinople

not asserted, at least considered as a possibility by
several serious writers, but sufficient information has
come down to us to allow the elements of history and
tradition to be disentangled.

§ I. Arab Jami and its Traditions

The ‘ Mosque of the Arabs ’ stands on low ground
not far from the shore of the Golden Horn between the
inner and outer bridges. Its remarkable minaret, in
reality a church tower with a short wooden spire, was,
till it was recently obscured by buildings, a familiar
object to everyone crossing the outer bridge from Stam-
bul to Galata. The history of the building can be
traced into the Genoese period, when, as Evliya admits,1
it was a Christian church. Under the Genoese it be-
longed to the Dominican Order and was dedicated to
S. Paul.3 In plan it is a simple rectangle divided by
three rows of columns into a wide nave and three aisles,
of which two are on the north side. These are covered
with a wooden roof. The line of the nave is continued
by a short vaulted chancel flanked by lower compart-
ments carrying on the line of the aisles. At the south-
eastern corner the plain, square tower alluded to a few
lines above still serves as the minaret of the mosque.
Beneath it, opening by a typically Gothic archway,3
runs a vaulted passage. In the west wall of this is built
a doorway more Byzantine than Gothic in general
character, decorated in the spandrels with scutcheons
bearing rampant lions. This doorway originally com-
municated with the eastern continuation of the south
aisle. Further traces of the use of the building as a
Latin church are afforded in the interior by remains of

1 Travels, I, ii, 51.

5 Belin, Histoire de la Latinité de Constantinople, pp. 215 ff. The
church of S. Paul is mentioned about 1400 by Clavijo (Hakluyt Soc.
edn., p. 49). 3 See B. S. . xxii, pi. v.

Arab Jami 719

frescoed saints on the west wall, portions of a marble
tessellated pavement in the nave, and a large number of
flooring slabs with Latin inscriptions and Genoese coats-
of-arms,1 discovered in the course of recent repairs.3
The structure as a whole is of brick and rubble, but has
been much repaired ; the south-west corner is finished
as a clustered column in brick.

The orthodox Moslem version of the mosque’s his-
tory is given by the eighteenth-century author of the
Jardin des Mosquées 3 as follows :

‘ Arab Jami was built by Maslama, an of the Ommeyad
House. The rhymed history of the foundation of the mosque
hangs in the interior. … It is said to have been founded in the
sixty-sixth year of the Hejira (a. d. 685-6) under the caliph Abd-
el-Malik by his captain Maslama at the siege (the poem says
conquest) of Constantinople. Maslama was recalled by the
caliph Omar II ; this is why the mosque fell into ruins and was
only rebuilt by Sultan Mohammed III (1595-1603).’

In confirmation of the legendary foundation of Arab
Jami an ebony cup, supposed to be that of Maslama
himself, was till recently kept in the mosque : the water
of the mosque well was drunk from this cup with bene-
ficial results by expectant and nursing mothers.4

When we come to examine this tradition, we find,
first, that the date given (a. d. 685-6) is not that of the
siege of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama
(which took place in a.d. 717-18), though it comes
reasonably near the date of the first Arab siege (a. d.
672-7). There is no record of a mosque having been

1 Two, bearing dates 1323 (Belgrano, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii, p. 322 (3))
and 1433 (Hasluck, in B.S.A. xi, 54), had been recorded earlier.

3 These had been hidden under the wooden floor, but were known to
exist in the sixties (De Launay, cited in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii, 273).

3 In Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 71. Evliya (Travels,
I, i, 25 ; I, ii, 49, 51) says it was built by the caliph Omar Abdul-Aziz
during the fifth siege, which he dates а. h. 92.

4 DOhsson, Tableau^ i, 285 ; Scarlatos Byzantios, Κωνσταντίνον-
πόλις, ii, 46-7 : cf. above, p. 266.

720 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

built by the invading Arabs during either siege.1 During
that of Maslama the Arabs never entered the Golden
Horn, so that it is impossible that a mosque should have
been built in Galata, which was in all probability al-
ready a fortified suburb ; if a mosque had been built at
all it would have been either outside the land walls or
on the Asiatic side of the Bosporus, where the besieging
troops had their head-quarters.1 2

It is true that a small mosque ( ) existed at

Constantinople as early as the tenth century, but this
was in the Praetorium, which was near the Forum of
Constantine in the city proper. The building of this
mosque is attributed by Constantine Porphyrogenitus
to the reign of Michael III Balbus, who, he says, erected
it as a favour to Maslama.3 This is, of course, a con-
fusion ; the siege of Maslama (in the reign of Leo the
Isaurian) resulted in the complete discomfiture of the
Arabs, and their leader was in no position to ask favours
from the Emperor. The mosque in the Praetorium
probably dated from the Saracen embassy of a. d. 86o,
which, owing to political circumstances, obtained favour-
able terms.4 This mosque seems to have lasted down
to the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204.5 In
the succeeding centuries there is no trace of its existence.
It is particularly significant that the Mohammedan
travellers El Harawi and Ibn Batuta, who visited Con-
stantinople in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
respectively, mention no Mussulman house of prayer in
the city.6

1 For the Arab accounts see Brooks, in J.H.S. xviii, xix.

2 See the account of the siege and the disposition of the Arab forces
in Bury’s Later Roman Empire, ii, 402 ff.

3 De A dm. Imp. xxi (p. 101 в).

4 Bury, Roman Empire, p. 279,

5 See the passages cited by Du Cange, Constant. Christ. ii (p.
164 p), cap. XV.

6 Ibn Batuta, tr. Lee, p. 83, n.

Anti-Christian Fanaticism of the Turks 721

§ 2. Superstition and Politics at
Constantinople, 1570-1610

The date of the ‘discovery’ of Arab Jami, its
transformation from a church, is probably little earlier
than the end of the sixteenth century. This period was
characterized by considerable anti-Christian feeling
among the Turks, the origins of which must be sought
partly in internal, partly in external conditions. All
latent tendencies to superstition were stirred by the
approaching millennium of the Hejira (1592-3) ; this
afforded an easy text to the dervish prophets and saints,
who have at all times exerted a considerable influence
on the masses. Rauwolff, speaking of this period ( 1575),
says :

‘ They have (as some of them have told me) a peculiar Book,

. . . wherein is briefly Written, what shall happen to them every
year, whether it be good or bad. This beginneth in the same
Year, with their Prophet Mahomet, and continueth for 1000
Year, when this is at an End, they have nothing more of that
Nature worth any thing. And being they go no further, some
will deduce or conclude from thence, that their Reign will
soon have an end, when those years are passed.1 Wherefore
they fear the Christians very much, and confess themselves,
that they expect to suffer a great blow from the Christians.
And this one may see or conclude from hence, for on their
Holidays in the Morning about 9 of the Clock they shut up
the Gates of their Towns, great Champs,2 and other Publick
Habitations, as I found at Aleppo, so that many times I could
not get either out or in until they opened them again, for they
fear at that time to be Assassinated by the 3

1 The idea is much older; cf. Schiltberger’s ed. Telfer,

p. 66 ( c. 1400).

3 The author probably wrote Chans, the ordinary Turkish for
caravanserai.

3 In Ray’s Voyages, i, 311 : cf. Shaw’s Travels to Barbary, p. 246.
The fear of Christian attack during Friday prayers was not without
reason ; there was an unsuccessful plot for the surprise and recapture

722 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

Prophecies of this sort had begun to circulate already
in the first half of the century. That of the ‘ Red
Apple ’ is at least as early as 1545, probably a good deal
earlier.1 The well-known prophecy foretelling the
downfall of the Turks, which was supposed to have been
inscribed on the tomb of Constantine and to have been
interpreted by the patriarch Gennadius, was current at
Constantinople in the seventies of the same century.3 In
such circumstances omens are never wanting. Miracu-
lous appearances of fiery crosses are reported in Con-
stantinople about the time of Lepanto,3 and in 1591 an
outbreak of plague gave further confirmation to popular
fears.4 All these indications of nervousness among the
Turks go far to explain the ascendancy of the dervishes
and of superstition at the period in question. To
necromancers, soothsayers, and astrologers the common
people looked for counter-charms against the vaguely
impending disaster, and the ruling classes, if they did
not believe, found it politic to be conciliatory. The
sultan himself (Murad III, 1574-95) was notoriously
superstitious.5 It is not without significance that the
venerated mosque of Eyyub was rebuilt in the year 1000

of Rhodes at this hour in 1525 (Torr, Rhodes, p. 33 : cf. further below,
p. 752). George Borrow, in the thirties, found the same tradition and
practice current at Tangier {Bible in Spain, p. 332). The same idea
occurs also in a Greek folk-story from Trebizond (Polîtes, Пара-
Sóctéis*, no. 22).

1 See below, p. 736.

г Gerlach, Tage-Bucb, p. 102. This is the prophecy of the ‘ Yellow
Race ’ for which see above, p. 471, n. 4.

3 These appearances are pictured and described by the Venetian
cartographer Camotti.

♦ Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 244. The extreme suscepti-
bility of the Turks to interpret extraordinary events in the most
gloomy sense is illustrated by their apprehensions when the Bosporus
froze in 1669: they were ‘so frightned that they look’d upon it as a
dismal Prodigy, and concluded that the world would be at an end that year 9
(T. Smith, in Ray’s Voyages, ii, 46).

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 282.

Spanish Moors in Constantinople 723

of the Hejira,1 or that the Bektashi dervishes owed their
official connexion with the Janissaries to the same
period.3

External events also boded ill for the success of Mos-
lem arms, and public feeling tended in an anti-Chris-
tian, and particularly anti-Catholic, direction. The
signal victory of the combined fleet of the Catholic
powers at Lepanto in 1571, following the repulse before
Malta in 1566, raised the apprehensions of the Turks as
much as the hopes of Christian Europe. For many
years after these events the diplomacy of the Catholic
powers was severely handicapped at the Porte.3 Of all
the Catholic powers Spain was the most detested, not
only for the prominent part she had played at Lepanto,
but also for her treatment of the Moors. A treaty was
denied her in 15 78,4 and a full century later Sir Dudley
North writes : ‘ The Spaniards neither have nor ever
had an ambassador at the Porte ; which perhaps may
be derived from their hatred to all Mahometans for the
sake of the Moors.’ 5 The hatred was certainly recipro-
cated and, at Constantinople especially, kept alive by
fugitive Spanish Moors settled there.

The final expulsion of the Moors from Spain did not

1 Jardin des Mosquées, in Hammer-Hcllert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii,
P· 57.

2 DOhsson, Tableau, iii, 325.

3 This phase of affairs was made good use of by the rising Protestant

powers, England and Holland. The first English treaty with the
Porte was made in 1581, an embassy being established next year. The
Dutch Capitulations date from 1610. Elizabeth certainly made
capital out of the distinction between ‘ Protestant ’ England and
* idolatrous5 Spain (see Pears, in Eng. Hist. Rev. 1893, pp. 439 ff.),
and James followed her precedent. He is said to have styled himself
to the Porte 4 Verus fidei contra omncs idolâtras falso Christi nomen
profitentes [!]… propugnator ’ {Ambassade de J. de Gontaut-Bìron,
p. 36). 4 Hammer-Heilert, op. cit. vii, 51.

5 Lives of the Norths, ii, 134. C. 1617 della Valle records a persecu-
tion of Jesuits at Constantinople on account of their alleged treasonable
correspondence with Spain and the Pope (Voyages, ii, 252 ff).

724 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

take place till 1610,1 but there was a serious rebellion
in 1570,* and shortly after this date we find Spanish
Moors flocking to Constantinople.5 In the middle of
the next century Evliya says that ‘ the Inhabitants of
the interior castle [of Galata, i.e. the central compart-
ment of the Genoese walled town] have in their hands
a khatti-sherif of Sultan Mohammed II, by which they
are allowed to suffer no Infidel among them. . . . These
inhabitants are for the greatest part Moors, who were
driven out of Spain and settled at Galata.’1 * 3 4 We may
probably assume that the name of Mohammed II is a slip
or perversion for that of Mohammed III (1595-1603),
the rebuilder of the church-mosque of the Arabs. The
exclusion of 4 infidels ’ from the central part of Galata
may have been made to appear a political necessity at
a time when the Turks were nervous of Christian plots.

The Moorish refugees of Galata were, naturally
enough, fanatical against the Christians, hardly less so
against the Jews. It is precisely in the years between
1570 and 1610 that we hear of a series of aggressions
against Catholic churches,5 causing in some cases their

1 Knolles, Turkish History, p. 899, where the decree of expulsion is

given. 2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 51.

3 In 1578 a Constantinople letter (Charrière, Négociations dans le
Levant, iii, 787) mentions a complaint preferred by ‘ dix ou douze
Mores de Granate, habitans icy . . . ’ The rush began later : cf.
Relax, di M. Zane in Alberi, III, iii, 390 (1594) : ‘ di Spagna concorrono
ogni giorno mori in Constantinopoli, che si nominano mondesari, come
se uscissero solamente di Granata, ma in effetto tutta la Spagna n’e
contaminata, e subito giunti levano il tolpante J (i.e. avow themselves
Moslems) ; cf. also the same Relazione, p. 440. Later still (1608-10)
the French embassy espoused the cause of the Moors fleeing from
Spain through Marseilles, though official efforts on their behalf were
not always successful ; cf. Ambassade de J. de Gontaut-Biron, Table
Analytique, p. 443, and Index, s.v. ‘ Grenadins \

4 Travels, I, ii, 51 ; cf. ibid., p. 53, ‘a great number of them are
Arabs and Mogrebins \

Especially against those of the Dominican order according to
J. Seville, in Notre Dame, 1914, p. 120.

Spanish Jews in Constantinople 725

transformation into mosques. In 1591 it was proposed
to treat the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem
in this way.1 In the following year S. Anna at Galata
was threatened,2 and probably about the same period
S. Anthony and S. Paul were actually taken.3 Tourne-
fort distinctly states that the latter was confiscated to
serve as a mosque for Grenadine Moors.4 This is the
obvious interpretation of its present name. The Ortho-
dox, perhaps suspected of a rapprochement with the
Catholics, owing to the intrigues of the Jesuits, suffered
hardly less. To Murad Ill’s reign (1574-95) is dated
the seizure of the church of Pammakaristos (Fethiyeh
Jamisi),5 till then the Patriarch’s cathedral, and of a
church of S. John the Baptist.6

The hostility shown by the Moors to the Constan-
tinople Jews is less easy to account for. It probably
dated from the days when both races were subject to
Spain. The Jews, expelled in 1492, had flocked, like
the Moors a hundred years later, to Constantinople,
and throughout the following century were influential
in Turkey as physicians, diplomatists, and tax-farmers.
Their importance ends suddenly with the close of the

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 287. 3 Ibid.

3 T. Smith in Ray’s Voyages, ii, p. 40 : ‘ St. Paul and St. Anthony
were both taken away some years since from the Christians, and turned
into Moschs. The former of which is now known by the name of
Arab Giamesi, or the Mosch of the Arabians.’ An earlier notice of
the seizure of S. Paul is given by Du Loir (Voyages (1654), P· 66) ;
Comidas (Descr. di Cos tant. 1794, p. 59) seems certainly wrong in
assigning the seizure to the reign of Suleiman (1520-66), when the
Moors, to whom he attributes it, were not yet fled out of Spain. But
the Christians may have been dispossessed earlier. S. Paul’s is not
mentioned among the Latin churches of Galata by Breuning, (1579,
Orient. Reyss, p. 89). See Seville, in Notre Dame, 1914, p. 119.

4 Voyage, Letter XII. ‘ La Mosquée des Arabes fut confisquée sur
les Dominicains, il y a environ 100 ans, pour servir aux Mohamétans
Granadins.’

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 232 : the Jardin des

Mosquées gives the date 1591. 6 Constantiniade, p. 108.

jz6 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

sixteenth century.1 One cause seems certainly the influx
of the Moors, who despise and hate the J ews far more than
do the Turks. The refugees at Constantinople, finding
the Jews no longer their equals in servitude, but their
inferiors as non-Mussulmans in a Mussulman country,
and their superiors in wealth and standing, satisfied
their prejudices and avenged their Spanish wrongs on
the hated race. This feeling seems to have risen to its
height in 1612, when the Moors resident in Galata,
supported by the Kadi, who was one of them, drove out
the Jews and destroyed their synagogues. But for
French diplomatic action, the Catholic Church of S.
Francis would have shared the fate of the synagogues.1 2 3

The usurpation of the church now called the Mosque
of the Arabs thus falls chronologically in the middle of
a long period of anti-Catholic feeling, instigated by
superstitious fears at home and Catholic successes abroad,
and fomented by the Moorish refugees from Spain. The
supposed pre-Turkish traditions of the mosque rest on
no more than a fanciful interpretation of its name,
which originally denoted the population for whose use
it was appropriated.

§ 3. Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi

Like the Mosque of the Arabs, the Mosque of the
Leaded Store or Underground Mosque {Ter Alti J ami)
claims to date from the Arab siege of Constantinople
under Maslama, when it served as a mosque for the
Faithful. According to popular legend the Arab leader
at his departure, knowing that some Moslems had been
buried in it, obtained leave from the Greeks to seal up

1 But their connexion with medicine and the University of
Salamanca lasted far into the next century (T. Smith, in Ray’s Voyages,

ii> 59)·

2 Knolles, Turk. Hist.y p. 917.

3 Ibid, and des Hayes, VoiagCy p. 125.

Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi 727

the key-hole with lead ( kurshun) to prevent the desecra-

tion of their graves.1 This elaborate story is devised to
explain the name of the mosque, really derived from its
proximity to the lead-roofed granary mentioned above.

The Underground Mosque is situated near the quays
just outside the new bridge and immediately behind the
Port Office. As its name implies, its floor-level lies
somewhat lower than the level of the street, and the
building, being low and badly lighted, has the appear-
ance of a large cellar. The plan is a simple rectangle
divided into a series of square compartments by quad-
rangular piers of masonry supporting a series of vaults.1 2
The building is, to judge by the position of the mihrab,
fairly correctly orientated.

The building seems to have been identified by the
discovery in it of alleged Arab tombs, now attributed
to saints named Amiri, Wahabi (left of entrance), and
Sufian or Abu Sufian (right of entrance). The latter
tomb is the most important of the group and occupies
a separate compartment within a grille ; it is evidently
associated with Sufian, one of the Arab warriors who
took part in the first Arab siege (672—7) by Moawiya.3
It is frequented as a pilgrimage by Turkish and Arme-
nian, occasionally by Greek, women. For a small fee the
guardian lays on the tomb a new garment or handker-
chief, which, having remained there forty days, is an
infallible love-charm, if worn by the man it is desired
to attract. Women desirous of children wear round
their waists a handkerchief which has been consecrated
in a similar way.4

1 Meyer’s Konstantinopel,p. 253 : cf. Grosvcnor, ,

ii, 698.

2 According to the Jardin des Mosquées (p. 73) the mosque measures

62 X I paces and has forty-two vaults.

3 Brooks, in J.H.S. xviii, 186 ; Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii, 311.
Abu Sufian was the title of the caliph Moawiya.

3 For this procedure see above, p. 266.

728 The Mosques of the Arabs Constantinople

The 4 discovery ’ of the tombs and mosque is attri-
buted by von Hammer, on the authority of the Jardin
des Mosquées, to a pious Nakshbandi sheikh, who had

had revealed to him the site of the Prophet’s father’s
tomb at Medina in the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury ; the funds for the building were contributed by
the vizir, Mustafa Pasha, who was himself a member of
the Nakshbandi Order.1 But the mosque and its tombs
are mentioned at least a century earlier by Evliya,2 so
that the eighteenth century could have been responsible
only for a reconstruction, as indeed the Jardin des
Mosquées states. The original discovery cannot be
placed later than the death of Murad IV (1640), since
Evliya tells us that the emperor 4 intended finishing the
mosque, but could not accomplish it ’.3 We may per-
haps attribute the first 4 discovery ’ of this so-called
Arab mosque to the same period and combination of
circumstances as were responsible for that of Arab Jami.
In this case there is nothing to indicate that the build-
ing ever served as a church ; its numerous vaulted
aisles may have suggested a mosque to Moors familiar
with the early many-columned Arab type of mosque
found at Cordova and elsewhere, or the whole may
have been built in recent times after the discovery of
the 4 Arab tombs ’. The tradition of the pre-Turkish
mosque is, in any case, to be regarded as no more than
a patriotic fable resting solely on the religious credulity
of the masses, stimulated by the dreams and revelations
of holy men.

By similar methods numerous churches in the capital
which were transformed into mosques by the Turks
have acquired a spurious sanctity by the discovery in
them of 4 Arab ’ saints’ graves ; in some cases, like that
of Sufian in Galata, these have been associated with

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xv, 261 : cf. Jardin des Mosquées
{ibid, xviii, 73).

2 Travels, I, i, 24.

3 Ibid. I, ii, 167.

Discoveries of Saints’ Tombs 729

more or less historical personages.1 In S. Andrew of
Crete ( Khoja Mustafa Pasha ), for example, are

shown the graves of the daughters of Husain, who, says
tradition, having been captured by the Greeks, killed
themselves rather than marry unbelievers ;2 many dedes
or saints’ graves independent of mosques have similar
traditions.3 A curious example is Baba Jafer, the saint
of the galley-slaves’ prison, who was identified with an
ambassador of Harun-al-Rashid.4

In a previous chapter 5 I have attempted to indicate
the process by which such identifications are arrived at.
The existence of a holy-place or the grave of a saint is
inferred from accidental circumstances, such as the dis-
covery of a sarcophagus or of human remains, especially
an undecayed corpse,6 the appearance of a miraculous
light, or the fall of a wall,7 with or without coincidences
connecting these accidental circumstances with dreams
or with the ‘ luck ’ of individuals or communities. The
name and history of the saint discovered depend on the
lucubrations of learned mystics. The cult is perpetu-
ated by the faith or credulity of the superstitious, often
assisted by interested persons.

In the case of the c Mosque of the Arabs ’ the rational
explanation of the name was easily forgotten, and the
romantic substituted under these influences. The ‘type
and tradition ’ of Arab saint once evolved—and this
happened early both in Asia Minor and at Constanti-
nople 8—the name ‘ Arab ’ is sufficient to determine

1 See the Jardin des Mosquées (i8thc.) in Hammer-Hellert, op. cit.
xviii, pp. 18 (185, Hasan Husain Mesjidi), 33 (333, Kahriyeh fami),35
(349, Khoja Mustafa Jamisi).

3 See above, p. 17.

3 See especially Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 15.

4 Ibid. I, i, 26. 5 Pp. 250 ft.

6 For a Moslem saint of this sort discovered in 1845 near Larnaka,
see Ross, Reisen nach Kos, See., p. 198.

7 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix, 155.

8 Cf. above, p. 714.

3-95·* B b

73° The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

the period and setting of the saint or building involved.
At Rhodes, for instance, the tower actually built by the
Grand Master de Naillac about 1400, being called Arab’s
Tower {Arab Kulesi), is referred to the conquest of
Rhodes by the Saracens under Moawiya.1

§4. The ‘Arab’ in Folk-lore and Hagiology

The current conception of an ‘ Arab ’ saint includes
two ideas, that of the Arab proper, a compatriot of the
Prophet and champion of the Faith, and that of the
negro,1 which is implied by the popular connotation of
the word ‘ Arab ’ in Turkish. Fusion is rendered easy
by the facts (1) that the negroes with whom the Turks
are in habitual contact, coming from or through North
Africa, are Arabic speakers, and (2) that certain races,
notably the Sudanese, are characterized by magnificent
physique and reckless courage in war ; there is no
reason to doubt that the gigantic negro Hasan who
distinguished himself at the siege of Constantinople was
a historical and characteristic figured In historical
folk-lore, consequently, it is not surprising to find the
heroes of traditional Moslem exploits frequently repre-
sented as ‘ Arabs \ 1 2 3

1 Bilioni and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 501. The name Arab Kulesi is at
least as old as Beaufort (Piloting Directio?is for Mediterranean, 1831,
p. 300), whose survey took place in 18ir. The Moawiya tradition I
cannot find before Biliotti.

2 It is interesting in this connexion to read Fabri, Evagat. ii,
512, where he says * reperimus idolum in forma pueri Aethiopis in
caverna petrae stantem, cui Arabes interdum pro tempore oblationes
affermit

3 In the less reputable field of brigandage the recent exploits of
certain redoubtable ‘ Arabs ’ are still locally remembered (cf. Georgeakis
and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 323 ; E. Deschamps in Four du
Monde, 1897, p. 185 (Cyprus, an historical negro brigand ‘ thirty or
forty years ago 9 : cj. his Au Pays d’Aphrodite, p. 95)). Dutemple,
En Turquie d’Asie, p. 51, says the Kara Mustafa Hammam at Brusa was
so named from a real negro.

‘Arabs’ in Folk-Lore 731

Philippopolis, for example, is said to have been taken
by the besieging Turks owing to the discovery and
destruction of the subterranean aqueducts which sup-
plied it with water ; the discoverer was an ‘ Arab V
Beside the apocryphal grave of Constantine Palaiologos
at Vefa Meidan (Constantinople) is shown the equally
apocryphal tomb of his slayer; the slayer was an ‘Arab’.3
Similarly, the Moslem champion slain by the Bulgarian
hero, Bolen Doïtsi, at Salonica was an ‘ Arab ’.3 But
by far the commonest role of the ‘ Arab ’, not only in
the folk-lore of Turkey, but in that of the Balkans,4 is that
of the terrifyingspectre от jinn. The ‘Arab ‘jinny reflect-
ing the fidelity of his earthly counterpart, the negro slave,
generally figures as a guardian, especially of treasure,5

1 Tsoukalas, Περιγραφή Φιλιππουπόλεως, p. 27.

2 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, ii, 6yj.

i Gougouzcs in Λαογραφία, i, 690. The tomb of Finir in the
cemetery ‘Furbet Birket Mandila is supposed to be that of a gigantic
negro who fought against the Christians (Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the
Holy Land, p. 83).

4 For the £ Arab 9 in Turkish folk-stories, see Kunos, Türkische
F olksmär eben aus Stavi bui, preface, p. xviii ; for the Greek area, where
he is generally called Άράπης (Μωρός in the Ionian Islands, Σαρακη-
νός in Crete), see Polîtes, Νεο-ελλ. Μυθολογία, pp. 133, 145 ff., and
Παραδόσεις, nos. 419 ff., with the learned note on 419 ; also Carnoy
and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 149. The 4 Arab 5
appears early in Greek folk-lore as the famulus of a sorcerer ; see anec-
dote of Photius in Bury’s Later Roman Empire, p. 445. A man, wishful
to terrify his neighbours, blacked his face so as to look like a negro ; they
took him for a were-wolf (Do/.on, Contes Alban., p. 166 : cf the fear
of a negro ghost in van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 191). In
the voyage of Sindbad an immense and terrifying negro is encountered
(Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 277). In the West evil spirits and
devils are commonly conceived of as negroes : cf. Migne, Diet, des
Apocryphes, ii, 78, 862, and de Voragine, Legende Dorée, pp. 107,
601.

5 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, nos. 4Γ9~45 inclusive ; Pashley, Crete, ii,
39; Cockerell, Travels, p. 151 ; St. Clair and Brophy, Residence in
Bulgaria, p. 55 ; W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 512 ; Perrot,
Uìle de Crète, pp. 103 ff. Cf. Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 339.

в b 2

732 The Mosques of the Arabs Constantinople

but also of buildings1 and wells.2 In connexion with
haunted buildings and treasure (which are very often
combined, a haunted building being assumed to be
haunted by the guardian of treasure concealed in
it) the conception of an ‘ Arab ’ guardian is based on
(i) the regular use in the East of black slaves as con-
fidential servants,3 and (2) the common folk-lore prac-
tice of immolating a victim at the commencement of
a building in order that his spirit may establish the
structure.4 In the case of treasure the victim may be
the confidential servant : his immolation then secures
both secrecy as to the whereabouts of the treasure and
a ghostly guardian for its future protection.3 In Greek

1 Polîtes, op. cit., nos. 455-62 ; cf. Hobhouse, Albania, i, 529
(haunted houses) ; Paigrave, Ulysses, p. 59 (haunted bath). In Egypt
a ‘ talisman 5 which prevented the silting up of a branch of the Nile
in the eighteenth century took the form of a negro with a broom
(Lucas, Voyage fait en 1714, i, 339). The English are said to have
stolen this broom (Niya Salima, Hareins cVEgypte, p. 330).

* Polîtes, op. cit., no. 433 (=Leo Allatius, De Graec. opin., p. 166),
and references given in the note (p. 1108) ; Lawson, Modern Greek Folk-
lore, p. 276; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie (en Suisse, 1780), ii, 301
(magrébins are good at finding treasure) ; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus,
pp. 142, 172; Thomson, Land and the Book, p. 135.

3 This is strongly brought out by the Turkish folk-stories (Kunos,
loc. cit.).

4 The well-known Bridge of Arta story affords a good illustration
(Polîtes, Παραδόσεις,ηο. i6g, note, and nos. 481-3 inch; also in Νεο-ελλ
Μνθ. p. 139 ; Sainéan, in Rev. Hist. Rei. xlv, 359 ff.). The story occurs
all over the Balkan area and as far east as Kurdistan (M. Sykes, Dar-ul-
Islam, p. 160). In the version given by Dozon, Contes Alban., p. 256,
and localized at Dibra, the immured mother suckled her child, but as
soon as the child grew up, water flowed instead of milk from her breast.
This suggests that the suckling motif was originated by the sweating
of lime from the mortar of new buildings. See further Hasluck,
Letters, pp. 124, 195.

5 For the immolation of a human victim with this object (στοιχειώνω)
see Polites, Παραδόσεις, no. 424 with the note, and no. 483. The ghost
guardian must be appeased with blood by the finders of the treasure
(ibid., no 404).

‘ Arabs ’ in Folk-Lore 733

folk-lore the ‘ Arab ’ is occasionally a female apparition ;1
I can as yet find no instance of this on the Turkish side.*

The conception of Arab jinnswho guard mysterious
buildings, especially castles, or treasures, or both, is
partly answerable for the recurring use of Arab in Tur-
kish geographical nomenclature. Arab Hisar (‘ Castle
of the Arab ’), the ancient Alabanda, Arab Kulesi
(‘Arab’s Tower’) at Rhodes,з Arab Euren (‘ Ruins of the
Arab ’),1 2 3 4 * and possibly Arabkir are examples. Above the
last-named town is a mountain called indifferently Arab
Baba and Kara Baba,5 presumably after a saint {baba) or
dede worshipped on its summit. In this case certainly
Arab Baba and Kara Baba are identified, so that Kara
{black) is here a synonym for Arab. It therefore follows
that the numerous Turkish cults directed to Kara 6
may be associated with ‘ Arab ’ saints and place-names
like Kara Euren (‘ Black Ruin ’) and even Kara Hisar
(‘ Black Castle ’) may be similarly associated 7 with
‘ guardian-Arab ’ jinns.

If these ‘ Arab ’ jinns prove by experience to be plac-
able they may easily attain to a cult. This is probably

1 e. g. the guardian of the treasure at the Roman baths called after
her Άράπι,σσα at Sparta (Wace, in B.S.A. xii, 407) and the ghost Άρα-
πατ^ΛΑα of the Kamares cave in Crete (Halliday, in Folk-Lore, xxiv,

359)·

2 The porphyry head built into the castle of Rumeli Hisar is said to
be that of an Arab woman petrified for mocking the workmen (Gros-
venor, Constantinople, i, 168), but this is hardly a parallel.

3 Above, p. 730.

4 With this compare Dev Euren, ‘ Ruin of the Ogre \ another figure

familiar to folk-tale (not4 Ruin of the Camel as Von Diest, Tilsit nach
Angora, p. 52, n. 4). 3 Ainsworth, Travels, ii, 5, 6.

6 e.g. in the fortress commanding the bridge at Chalkis, and at
Athens (Dodwell, Tour, i, 305 : cf. Kambouroglous, ‘Ιστορία, iii, 125).

7 Ramsay (Fantine Studies, p. 182) comments on the fact that ancient
sites frequently bear names compounded with kara, none with siah,
though both words mean 4 black \ from which he infers that the word
implies awe or mystery. The difference between kara and siah is
primarily one of language, kara being vernacular Turkish, siah Persian.

734 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople

the history of the 5. Arab of Larnaka,1 the Arab zade
of the Seven Towers at Constantinople,2 of Arab Oglu,
a saint in Pontus,3 and the Sheikh Arab Sultan of Dineir 4
who, if our theory be correct, are in effect promoted
ίτοτα jinns or demons to dedes or saints. Similarly, a
white marble statue at a fountain in Candia, which has
acquired not only a Moslem cult but a cycle of legend,
is, in spite of its material, conceived of as a petrified
‘ Arab \5 In the case of Arab Oglu, who is worshipped
on an ancient site near Kavak, we may surmise that the
cult arose from the apprehensions of some superstitious
treasure-seeker, the ‘ Arab ’ saint being no more than
the guardian of the treasure always supposed to exist
on ancient sites. This affords a more easy explanation
than the ‘ survival ’ theory of the tendency remarked by
Ramsay 6 of Moslem cults to exist in such places. Such
figures as Arab Oglu might in favourable circumstances
develop still further into saints boasting a name and
even a place in history.

For the Christians the development of the ‘ Arab ’
figure from jinn to saint is less easy, since his very
name brands him as a Moslem, ecclesiastical and artistic
traditions connect him with the Devil,7 and he is prob-
ably inextricably mixed with the ‘ bogey ’ of childhood.
In spite of these disabilities the development may take
place. We have the precedent of the S. Barbaros of the
monastery of Iveron on Athos, an ‘ Arab ’ raider who
struck the image of the Virgin of the Gate ( ),

was converted by a miracle, and became a monk and
eventually a saint.8 In some such way, probably, was
converted the ‘ S. Arab ’ of Larnaka,9 who is now wor-

1 Mariti, Travels in Cyprus, tr. Cobham, p. 41. 2 F. W. H.

3 White, in Records of the Past, vi, 101. 4 G. Weber, Dinair,passim.

5 Above, p. 188, η. I. 6 Pauline Studies, p. 182.

7 On this point see Polîtes, Παραδόσςις, no. 419, note.

8 Above, p. 88, n. 1.

9 Mariti, Travels in Cyprus, tr. Cobham, p. 41.

‘ Arabs ’ develop into Saints 735

shipped by Christians under the decorous name of S.
Therapon.1 Of this sanctuary Mariti writes in the
eighteenth century as follows : ‘To the north-west

of Larnaca, a few paces outside the town, there is a
small mosque called by the Moslem “ Arab ”and by the
Greeks “ S. Arab ” ; both sects hold it in great venera-
tion, the one deeming it dedicated to one of their
Dervishes, the other to some Saint. The Turks respect
the mosque, or rather little chapel, which they say was
built by the said Arab, and the Greeks devoutly visit
the sepulcre, a subterranean grotto in which they hold
that for many years lay the body of their supposed holy
hermit.’2

This ‘ S. Arab ’ is now worshipped by Moslems as
‘ Turabi ’ and by Christians as ‘ S. Therapon ’.3 Turabi
is the name of a fifteenth-century dervish who was noted
for his liberal views as to religions outside Islam.4
Therapon is a saint and healer well known in Cyprus,
but not specially connected with Larnaka.5 The am-
biguous saint possibly developed first from the name-
less ‘ Arab ’ (Άράπψ) to Turabi, the genitive τοΰ Άράπη
(sc. 6 Τ€ΚΚ€ς, η σπηλιά) possibly aiding the transition.
From Turabi, by way of the form Tharape,6 to Thera-

Eon is easy. It seems at least fairly clear that we have
ere a case of an ‘ Arab ’ cave-jinn who has managed to
secure a footing in both religions.7

1 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421. For a similar alleged con-
version of a Moslem saint to Christianity, see Schiltberger (ed. Telfer,
p. 40). 1 Travels, ed. Cobham, p. 41.

5 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Lukach and Jardine, Hdbk. of
Cyprus (1913), p. 47.

♦ Von Hammer, Osman. Dichtkunst, i, 214 ; a Kadri convent named
Turabi Tekke exists at Constantinople (Brown, Dervishes, p. 317).

5 For his legend see Delehaye, in Anal. Bollami, xxvi, 247 ff.

6 Mas Latrie, Trésor de Chronologie, p. 911.

7 See also above, pp. 87 f.
LVIII

THE PROPHECY OF THE RED APPLE 1

HE famous Turkish prophecy of the ‘ Red Apple ’

comes to us first in 1545, when it was published by
Georgewicz, a Hungarian, for many years prisoner
among the Turks,3 in (transliterated) Turkish with a
Latin translation and a commentary. The following is
an English rendering of the text :

‘ Our Emperor shall come, he shall take the realm of the Gen-
tiles (Kiafir), he shall take the Red Apple and capture it : if
unto the seventh year the sword of the Unbeliever (Giaur) shall
not come forth, he shall have lordship over them unto twelve
years : he shall build houses, plant vineyards, hedge gardens
about, and beget children ; after twelve years from the time
that he hath captured the Red Apple, the sword of the Infidel
shall come forth and put the Turk to flight.’

Our anonymous prophet knew his craft and provided,
like the Delphian Apollo, for all contingencies. His
first line of defence is, as has been already pointed out,3
the interpretation of the word 4 year ’, which in such
utterances allows of some latitude. Further, the central
episode, the taking of the ‘ Red Apple ’ ( ), on

which the rest of the prophecy depends, is obscure, and
suggests many lines of thought.

The general symbolism of the ‘ Red Apple ’ is cer-
tainly world dominion. At Constantinople, long before
the Turkish conquest, the ‘ apple ’ or orb held by the
statue of Justinian which stood on a column before

1 Preprinted from B.S.A. xxii, 171 ff.

2 Prognoma sive praesagiuvi Mehemetanorum, dated, by the intro-
ductory letter, 1545. The prophecy is also published in the Turkish
collections of Lonicerus.

3 Das Ausland (Munich), 1828, no. 93, p. 372. It will be noted
further thatc seven * and ‘ twelve ’ are mystic numbers.

Identifications 737

S. Sophia was regarded as a talisman or ‘ luck ’ of the
empire. This ‘ apple ’, Mandeville tells us, ‘ betokens
the lordship which Justinian had over all the world ’ :
in the fourteenth century it had fallen down, which
was ‘ a token that the emperor hath lost a great part of
his lands and lordships V The conquest of Constanti-
nople and of Justinian’s empire might thus be sym-
bolized by the taking of the ‘ Red Apple But the
interpretation of a prophecy current nearly a century
after the fall of Constantinople obviously could not rest
on this alone, and the mysterious ‘ Red Apple ’ was
identified with several of the successive goals of Otto-
man arms, in particular Constantinople (probably re-
trospectively) and Rome, which the Turks aimed at or
even threatened in the first half of the sixteenth cen-
tury. Turkish opinion in Georgewicz’s day held that
the ‘ Red Apple ’ symbolized ‘ some strong and well-
fortified imperial city ’,1 2 but as to its identity opinion
was divided. Some said Constantinople was meant,
others Rome : the latter interpretation in the end

became generally accepted, despite the fact that Rome
was never taken by the Turks. Both these interpreta-
tions of the ‘ Red Apple ’ arc indicated by the gloss (cur-
rent already in Georgewicz’s time) Vrum , which

might be translated, according to fancy, ‘ the pope e.
patriarch) of the Greeks ’ (Rum, ‘ ) or ‘ the pope

of the Romans ’ of Rome. As we shall see, both inter-
pretations were harmonized by seventeenth-century
expositors.

The interpretation current among the Turks of the

1 Ed. Wright, p. 130 : cf. Procopius, i, 2 ; cj. Schiltberger,

Travels, ed. Telfer, p. 80 and note, and for Mandeville’s sources, Boven-
schen in Z./. Erdk., 1888, p. 211.

* ‘Kizil Elma dicunt esseurbem aliquam fortissimametmunitissimam
imperialem ’ (Georgewicz’s commentary), whence doubtless the anony-
mous writer in Ausland draws the erroneous inference that * Red
Apple ’ was a synonym for any strong city.

73 8 The Prophecy of the Red Apple

seventeenth century, which sought to identify the
Byzantine and the Roman ‘ Red Apple ’, is given by
Evliya Efendi. In S. Sophia’s long ago was an image of
the Virgin holding in her hand a carbuncle as big as
a pigeon’s egg, by the blaze of which the building was
lighted every night. This carbuncle was removed on
the birth-night of the Prophet to Kiz.il Elma (Rome),
which received its name ‘ Red Apple ’ from thence.1
There is no attempt to explain the connexion of car-
buncles with ‘ red apples ’. A carbuncle is, of course,
a garnet (ML. Lapis granatus, Fr. ), so called

from the likeness of its colour to that of a pomegranate.

Of ‘red apple’ as a paraphrase either for ‘carbuncle’
or pomegranate—the ordinary Turkish word for the
latter is the Persian nar—I can find no distinct indica-
tion :2 3 but we shall detect later hints of the connexion.^
Modern Turkish tradition identifies the ‘ Red Apple ’
of Rome with the gilded dome of S. Peter’s, which is
said to be visible from the sea.4

Evliya quite inconsistently continues, evidently draw-

1 Travels, I, i, 57. A Russian pilgrim (Khitrovo, Itin. Russes,
p. 91) notices in S. Sophia a statue of Leo the Wise which had this
property. For other stories of carbuncles that lighted buildings see
C. W. King, Natural History of Precious Stones, p. 239.

2 There may be a play on this in a Turkish couplet quoted by Gibb
{Ottoman Poetry, iv, 25).

3 i Red Apple 5 for pomegranate has an exact verbal parallel in the
Latin name {Malum Punicum) of the same fruit. The Arabic for
pomegranate is rumman, which gives a distinct point if the ‘ Red
Apple 9 means Rome. Round Granada the wood of pomegranates is
called ‘ soto de roma 9 (Bradshaw’s Spain, p. 48). For the curiosity
of the subject I note here that there is a mountain called Kizil Elma
Dagh (‘ Red Apple Mountain 9) in the Troad : the name is not derived
from the colour of the mountain, possibly from its shape (as apparently
its ancient name Κότυλος, 4 wine-cup ’). Other Kizil Elma mountains
are shown in R. Kiepert’s map above Bartin in Paphlagonia and near
Kestelek on the Rhyndacus.

4 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iv, 25, note. The globe on the dome is

probably meant.

Identifications 739

ing upon an independent tradition : ‘ The Spanish

infidels were once or twice masters of Islambol [Con-
stantinople], and thence that egg [i.e. the carbuncle] came into their hands.’ 1 He thus implies that the ‘ Red
Apple ’ was, according to one version, in Spain. After
what we have said elsewhere 2 as to the emigration of
Spanish Moors to Constantinople about the end of the
sixteenth century, it is hard to resist the suggestion that
here again we have stumbled across the equation ‘ Red
Apple’ = Carbuncle = Pomegranate, the ‘ Red Apple’ in
this case symbolizing the long-lost Moslem kingdom of
Granada. Though the derivation of the name of Granada
from its abundance of pomegranates is not universally ac-
cepted by philologists, it is so far the received popular
etymology that the pomegranate figures in the arms of
the city ; and the modern surname Nar, which occurs
among the Spanish Jews of Turkey, is surely a transla-
tion of the name Granada, implying the same identi-
fication.

The prophecy of the ‘ Red Apple ’ was thus applied
to two, if not three, cities. A later edition of George-
wicz’s Praesagium connects it, giving no reason, with
a fourth, Buda-Pest ; so far as we can see, this is merely
an arbitrary application of a prophecy to a city which
was long the goal of Turkish arms and eventually (1526)
fell .to them. Certain it is that in 1538, twelve years
after the taking of Buda, portents were seen in the sky
at Constantinople foretelling the imminent ruin of the
Turks by the Christians.з Were these interpreted in
the light of the prophecy of the Red Apple, backed by
the recent Christian victories of Andrea Doria ?

Another possible claimant is the city of Rhodes,
taken in 1522, after an unsuccessful siege in 1480. Al-
ready in the early fifteenth century was current a deri-
vation of the name of Rhodes, not from póSov (rose),

1 Loc. cit. 2 Above, p. 723.

3 Avi si di Costantino’poli, Venice, 1538.

740 The Prophecy of the Red Apple

but from ροίδι (pomegranate), on the ground that the
city was as full of men as a pomegranate of seeds.1 We
have already remarked on the obscure connexion which
seems to exist between the ‘ Red Apple ’ and the pome-
granate. If Rhodes were taken as the ‘ Red Apple ’ of
the prophecy, the destruction of the Turkish power by
the Christians would be due to occur in 1534. It may
be significant that superstitious Turks, arguing from
omens, augured ill of the chances of a Turkish army
which marched into Hungary in that year.2

1 Buondelmonti, Liber Insularum (1420), ed. de Sinner, p. 72.

* Schepper, Missions Diplomatiques, p. 136. In this year the marble
lion of the Bucoleon was said to have turned its head away from
Europe and towards Asia. Such stories are rather the effect than the
cause of superstitious fears.
LIX

THE MAIDEN’S CASTLE

Introductory

MAIDEN’S TOWER’, ‘Maiden’s Castle’,
‘Maiden’s Palace ’1 are in Turkey among the
commonest popular names for ruins whose history is long
since forgotten. On the Greek side of the Aegean ‘ Castles
of the Fair One ’2 are no less numerous. The present
chapter is an attempt to examine and classify the folk-
stories current regarding the various ‘ Maiden’s Castles ’
in the Greco-Turkish area, which will be found, as
might be expected, to be variations of a comparatively
small number of motifs, some of which have achieved
a very wide vogue through their adoption by popular
literature. The broad division is into ‘ strategic ’ and
‘ romantic ’ themes ; both of these have many variants,
which, we shall find, will lead us to include in the general
category of ‘ Maiden’s Castles ’ certain ruins bearing
names apparently irrelevant to our inquiry. The setting
of the stories ranges from the fairy-story pure and
simple, where the figures are nameless types and magic

1 Kiz Kulasi, Kiz Kalesi (or Kiz Hisar), Kiz Serai : a i palace ’ in my
experience generally has columns, cf Choisy, Asie Mineure, p. 134
(temple of Aizani). Outside Turkey 4 Maiden’s Castles9 are cited
from Transcaucasia (Gulbenkian, Transcaucasie, p. 210 : cf. Koechlin
Schwartz, Touriste au Caucase, p. 161), from the Crimea and from
Persia (from Kerman in Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia,
p. 32 ; and P. M. Sykes, Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, p. 190). The
name does not appear to be common in the Arab-speaking area but is
recorded at Jaber in North Mesopotamia by Cahun (Excursions sur les
Bords de VEuphrate^ p. 188) : cf. the 4 Maiden’s Mount ’ mentioned
by Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 91, and by Stanley, Sinai y pp. 29 f.

2 Κάστρο της ‘Ωραίας : cf. e. g. Buchon, Grèce Continentale, pp. 373,
397. The 4 Fair One ’ is of course the i Beauty of the World ’ of the
Turkish folk-tales.

742 The Maiden’s Castle

machinery is freely employed, to the pseudo-historical,
in which the heroine at least is provided with a name
and approximate date.

§ I. ‘ Strategic ’ Legends

The usual role of the Maiden in the * strategic ’ type
of story is that of the Amazon defender. The concep-
tion of the woman-warrior is common to all nations 1
and backed by historical examples. In the folk-tales the
‘ Maiden’s Castle ’ is usually taken despite the valiant
efforts of the heroine, who, to avoid capture, throws
herself from the castle-walls and is killed.1 Another
motif very dear to Greek folk-tale and song is that of the
youthful janissary who, disguised as a woman with
child, takes advantage of the humanity of the maiden
defender of the castle, who is often a princess, in order
to secure an entrance, and is of course followed by his
concealed comrades in arms.3

A link between the £ romantic ’ and ‘ strategic ’ types
is formed by the legends which represent the maiden
inside the castle as in love with one of the attacking
army ; the denouement turns on her treachery. A love

1 Even in Turkish folk-lore the figure of the girl-ghazi is not un-
common : see an example in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, i, 479 (cited by
Bjelokosic) : cf Bordeaux, Bosnie Populaire, p. 174. One of the seven
warrior saints (επτά εβλιάδες) buried in the moat at Candia is reputed
to have been a woman (F. W. H.). Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 137,

H1·

2 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, nos. 86, 87, gives texts of such stories from
Thessaly (cf. Chirol, Twixt Greek and Turk, p. 118) and Alaja Kale in
Pontus, with references to all parts of the Greek world. A Georgian
version is cited by Paigrave (Ulysses, p. 76). At the ruined castle of
Kilgra in Bulgaria is shown the place where forty maidens threw
themselves headlong to avoid capture by their conquerors (Jireiek in
Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), p. 189). Cf. the story in Miller, Latins
of the Levant, p. 38.

3 Polîtes, op. cit.y no. 88 (Kynouria) : Chaviaras in Λαογραφία, ii,
572-4 (songs from Symi, Nisyros, Castellorizo). The theme has
entered into the common stock of Greek minstrels.

c Romantic ’ Legends 743

affair between a Christian and a Moslem, the lady being
usually converted to her husband’s religion, is a natural
theme in the chivalric-romantic folk-literature of the
Near East.1 The lady either warns her lover of danger
or suggests to him the stratagem which leads to the fall
of the fortress.

As an example of the first, the ‘ romantic ’, type we
may quote the tragic loves of Sidi Battal and the Chris-
tian princess. The scene is the Christian £ Castle of the
Messiah ’, besieged by the Arab armies with Sidi Battal
at their head. Within the walls is a Christian princess
enamoured of the Arab captain. Hearing of a plot
against her beloved, she drops a stone from the wall to
give him warning. The stone falls on him and kills
him ; the heroine destroys herself from remorse and is
eventually buried by his side.2 Of the second, the
‘ strategic ’, type a good example is the Rhodian legend
of the castle of Phileremo. In it a Rhodian knight
besieging the place succeeds in obtaining an entrance
by disguising himself in the skin of an animal, this not
very brilliant stratagem being suggested by his Greek
mistress within the walls.з

What may be regarded as the converse of this strata-
gem, because it involves the disguise of animals as men,
is familiar from the well-known ruse of Hannibal. The
besiegers of a castle suggest a retreat by driving off by
night a herd of goats with lights attached to their horns ;
the beleaguered garrison, thrown off its guard, opens
the gates and the besiegers, ambushed outside, easily

1 Cf. especially the tale told at Mecca of the captive Moslem and
the Christian princess : see above, p. 73. On the Christian side the
elopement of Digenes Akritas with an emir’s daughter (Rambaud,
Ét. Byz., p. 79) is a case in point.

1 Ethé, Fahrten des Sajjid Batthal, ii, 234 ff. : the site of the ‘ Castle
of the Messiah 9 is presumably to be sought near the reputed tomb of
the hero south of Eskishehr in Asia Minor, for which see above,
pp. 705-10.

3 Above, p. 647, n. 2

744 TA* Maiden’s Castle

force an entrance. This is related on the Greek side of
the capture of Serfije [Servia] in Macedonia and Nico-
media by the Turks,1 and on the Turkish side of the
numerous ruins called ‘ Goat Castle ’ (Kechi Kalesi).2
One of these at least bears the alternative name of
‘ Maiden’s Castle ’,3 from which we may suspect the
interweaving of a ‘ romantic ’ motif.

§2. ‘ Romantic’ Legends

The chief varieties of the ‘ romantic ’ type of legend,
in which the heroine is normally a princess, are :

(a) the immured princess,

( b) the bewitched maiden, and
(i) the princess and the rival lovers.

{a) The immured princess , familiar from the
stories of Danae, S. Barbara, and Rapunzel, is especially
associated with isolated castles or towers. Typical are
the so-called ‘ Tower of Leander ’ (in Turkish ‘ Kiz
Kulasi ’ — ‘ Maiden’s Tower ’) at Constantinople, which
is surrounded by water, and the similarly situated tower
at Korykos in Cilicia. Of ‘ Leander’s Tower ’ two dis-
tinct stories are told, both with a pseudo-historical
setting. In the first the daughter of the Greek governor
of Skutari is immured with her father’s treasure in the
tower in order to preserve both from the Arab hero,
Sidi Battal.4 The story coming from a Mohammedan
source, it is hardly necessary to add that the precaution
is taken in vain. The second story is more typical. It

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, nos. 17, 18.

2 e.g. near Yuzgat (Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 387), near Bicher on
the Angora line (von Diest and Anton, Neue Forschungen, p. 27), and
near Smyrna (Cochran, Pen and Pencil, p. 232). The two latter alone
give the story. The French call a castle outside Sidon the ‘ Chateau
des Chèvres ’ (Goujon, Ferre Sainte, p. 54). Niebuhr (Reisebeschrci-
bung, iii, 142) tells the story of an unnamed Anatolian castle.

3 The ruin near Smyrna (Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 278).

4 Evliya Efendi, Travels, I, ii, 78.

Princess Immured 745

represents the immured maiden as the daughter of a
Turkish sultan, of whom a dervish prophesied that she
would die at fourteen. The tower was built to defeat
the prophecy by affording the princess during the
dangerous period a refuge whence chances of accidental
death were so far as possible eliminated. Fate cannot,
however, be thus cheated, and the doomed girl died
from the bite of a scorpion brought her in a basket of
fruit. A more elaborate version of the same story, told
at great length by Castellan, makes the heroine a daugh-
ter of Selim II and interweaves a romantic motif and
wins to a happy ending on Sleeping Beauty lines, the
introduction of her lover causing the dead princess to
revive.1

At Korykos,* where the Greeks of the Sporades local-
ize their folk-songs and legends of ‘ Beauty’s Castle ’,
there are well-preserved remains of a medieval fortress
on the shore and an isolated tower on an adjacent island.
Of the mainland castle is told the story of the disguised
janissary.3 Both castles are also represented as elaborate
precautions to save from her fate a king’s daughter,
whose early death by the bite of a snake was foretold to
her father. The snake is eventually introduced in a
basket of figs, sent to the princess, according to one
version, by her lover.4

1 J. Reid, Turkey and the Turks, p. 298 : cf. Tollot, Voyage, p. 320 ;
Castellan, Lettres sur la Marée, pp. 190 ff. Melek Hanum (

Ans dans les Harems d’Orient, p. 2) tells the story, but the only point
is the inevitability of fate. Régla ( Officielle, p. 296) has the

story complete. An entirely different story of Leander’s Tower, in
which a treasure motif is prominent, is given by Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 41 ff.

2 For Korykos see Beaufort, Karamania, pp. 240 ff. ; Langlois,
Cilicie, pp. 211 ff. ; Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, ii, 74.

3 Chaviaras in Λαογραφία, ii, 572-4·

4 Ibid. 557 f. Some similar legend appears to be told of the ruins
of Pompeiopolis near Mersina : these are said to be the work of a Jew
named Hakmun, who built a castle near by for his daughter Hind
(Barker, Lares and Penates, p. 131).

3295.2

c c

746 The Maiden’s Castle

(b) The * bewitched princess ’ motif is associated with
remote and lonely castles and is frankly magical. At
Kos the heroine is the daughter of Hippocrates, be-
witched by Diana into the form of a frightful dragon.
Any one who was brave enough to kiss her on the lips
might turn her back into human form and win the
reward of her hand and the lordship of the island.1
A somewhat similar story, evidently lacking in some
particulars, is related by Schiltberger of an enchanted
princess in a castle near Kerasund ; the narrator tells
the story quite simply and evidently believed it. Indeed
he was minded to explore the castle himself, had he not
been dissuaded by equally credulous Greek priests, who
told him that the Devil was in it. His words are :

4 There is on a mountain a castle, called that of the sparrow-
hawk. Within, is a beautiful virgin, and a sparrow-hawk on a
perch. Whoever goes there and does not sleep but watches for
three days and three nights, whatever he asks of the virgin, that
is chaste, that she will grant to him. And when he finishes the
watch, he goes into the castle and comes to a fine palace, where
he sees a sparrow-hawk standing on a perch : and when the
sparrow-hawk sees the man, he screams, and the virgin comes
out of her chamber, welcomes him and says : “ Thou hast
served me and watched for three days and three nights, and
whatever thou now askest of me that is pure, that will I grant
unto thee.” And she does so. But if anybody asks for some-
thing that exhibits pride, impudence, or avarice, she curses him
and his offspring, so that he can no longer attain an honourable
position.’2

The fate of three typical adventurers is given. The
first, ‘ a good poor fellow ’, asked only that he and his
family might live with honour and had his wish granted.
The second, a prince of Armenia, asked for the hand of

1 Ed. Wright, p. 139: cf. Fabri, Evagat. iii, 267-8. See also
Polîtes in Δελτίον Ίστop.’Εταφύας, i, 85 ff.

* Schiltberger, ed. Telfer (for the Hakluyt Society), p. 41, § 30 : cf.
Mandeville. ed. Wrieht. d. 202.

Princess with Rival Lovers 747

the lady ; and the third, a knight of Rhodes, for an
inexhaustible purse ; these were cursed for the sins of
pride and avarice respectively. The introduction of
the hawk, though without much relevance for the story
as here told, is of interest as explaining the name
‘ Hawk Castle ’ ( DoghanHisar) borne by several ruined
castles in Turkey.1

(c) The ‘ Princess with Rival Lovers ’ motif demands
a rather more elaborate setting. The theme is a com-
petition between the lovers for the hand of the heroine.
One of them undertakes as his task to build the castle
of which the story is told, the other generally an aque-
duct. The latter feature seems to be an adaptation from
the somewhat different story of the loves of Ferhad and
Shirin, originally Persian and located in Persia,® after-
wards treated by several Turkish poets 3 and given a
picturesque Turkish setting in the neighbourhood of
Amasia, where the aqueduct hewn in the rock by Ferhad
for the service of his mistress, and even the grave of the
faithful lover, are shown.4

The juxtaposition of castle and aqueduct in Greco-
Turkish lands seems almost inevitably to attract the
story of the Rival Lovers.5 A variant of some interest
was told me in 1915 of Nikopolis. Here the rivals were
three brothers who each produced a masterpiece in

1 e. g.near Panderma (Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 95). The dogban

is a species of goshawk.

г At Kasr-i-Shirin (Browne, Lit. History of Persia, ii, 405 ; Gibb,
Ottoman Poetry, i, 318). The Persian story in its literary form is
at least as early as the twelfth century. з Gibb, op. cit., i, 318 ff.

·» Haji Khalfa, Djihannuma, tr. Armain, p. 682 ; Sestini, Viaggio
a Bassora, p. 45 ; Skene, At adol, p. 104; Hamilton, Asia Minor, i,
373. For a Greek parallel or derivative the Cypriote story of
Digenes and Regina (Polites, Παραδόσεις, no. 73).

5 It is told of a castle in Acarnania (Polites, op. cit., no. 164) ; of
the Κάστρο της ‘ Ωραίας in Doris (ibid., no. 165) ; of Corinth (ibid.,
no. 162) ; of Attica (ibid., no. 163) ; of a castle in Naxos (ibid., no. 167) ;
of Aspendus in Pamphylia (ibid.,no. 149) ; and of Phyle in Attica
(Collignon in Mem.Ac. laser, xxxix (1914), p. 423).

748 The Maiden’s Castle

competition for the hand of the princess at Preveza
(i.e. Nikopolis), where there are several ruins suitable
for the legendary princess’s palace. The first built the
aqueduct of Nikopolis, the second the church of the
Panagia Paregoritissa at Arta, while the third in one day
planted a vineyard and gathered its fruit. The three
having been declared equal, they prayed that the prin-
cess might be smitten with leprosy so that none of them
could have her. Which prayer being granted, the story
comes to an unromantic end.

§ 3. Perversions

Professor Polîtes’ learned note on the various stories
of the ‘ Castle of the Fair One ’ makes it clear that the
original ‘ Ωραία has in some cases undergone consider-
able perversion. Notable are the confusions with Syria
(Κάστρο της Ωραίας = Κάστρο της in the Stories

from the Sporades concerning the castle of Korykos,
and with the Macedonian castle of Servia (Κάστρο
της *Ωραίας — Κάστρο της Σ€ρ)in the Story there

localized. Still more widely spread is the perversion
of Ωραία into Όβραία (for *— Jew), which is,
partly at least,1 responsible for the numerous ‘ Jews’
Castles ’ ( Όβραιόκαστρο,Turkish Chifut К alesi) on both

sides of the Aegean.

We have thus found that many of the commoner
names given to ruined castles in the Greco-Turkish area
(Κάστρο της Ωραίας = Kiz Kalesi, Όβραιόκαστρο—Chifut
Kalesi, Doghan Hisar, Kech; Kale) may be derived
from the ‘ Maiden’s Castle ’ cycle of folk-legend or
attached to it with a little ingenuity. The essential
for the ‘ strategic ’ type is inaccessibility, for the ‘ im-
mured princess ’ isolation, for the ‘ bewitched maiden ’
remoteness. All these characteristics may be combined

1 The influence of the genuine Chifut Kalesi, a colony of Karaite
Jews in the Crimea, must also be taken into consideration.

Belkis by False Etymology 749

in the same castle, and the presence of an aqueduct
or other remarkable building near it would render it
eligible for the ‘ rival lovers ’ motif. One building
could therefore lay claim to more than one legend, as
is conspicuously the case with ‘ Leander’s Tower ’ and
Korykos.

In conclusion, it seems worth while to draw attention
to a development on the Turkish side of the ‘ Maiden’s
Castle ’ cycle, which brings it into connexion with an
entirely new range of associations. In more than one
instance the anonymous maiden ( )heroine of these

castle legends is identified by the simple process of
adding the syllable bel to the already existing kiz., and
so arriving at Belkis, who figures in eastern legend as
the Queen of Sheba and wife of Solomon. A ruin which
is so large or so beautiful as to suggest supernatural
builders is thus appropriately enough brought into con-
nexion with Solomon, the arch-magician. Such palaces
of Belkis are found in the theatre of Aspendus,1 the
temple on Cape Sunium,2 and that of Hadrian at Cyzi-
cus.3 The column of Julian at Angora figures as the
Minaret of Belkis.4 But at Aspendus Belkis in her turn is
thrown into the melting-pot of popular etymology and
emerges with an entirely new setting based on the equa-
tion of the first syllable of her name to the Turkish bai
{honey). Bai Kiz, the 4 Honey Maiden figures as the
daughter of the Queen of the Bees; she is courted by
the King of the Serpents, who eventually carries her off
by means of a cleverly contrived bridge. This bridge is
evidently the remarkable siphon-aqueduct of Aspendus,

1 Texier, Asie Mineure, iii, 218. The same author remarks (ii, 169)
that Belkis is associated also with Sagalassus. For her at Baalbek
see Petermann, Reisen im Orient, p. 315.

2 Piri Reis in Ath. Mitth. xxvii, 427.

3 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 169 ; Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 5, cf. p. 204 ;
Piri Reis, loc. cit.

4 H. Barth, Reise y p. 79 ; here again there is a fluctuation between
4 Kiz Minare 5 (Tournefort, Voyage, Letter xxi) and ‘ Belkis Minare \

750 The Maiden’s Castle

which is made use of also in the local version of the
‘ Rival Lovers and the Princess V

1 The latter part of this development is possibly paralleled in the
case of a notable castle in Cilicia called Shah Meran Kalesi, or, in
Turkish vernacular, Yilan Kalesi ( S Castle), which is supposed
to be the actual residence of the King of the Serpents (Haji Khalfa,
Djihannuma, tr. Armain, p. 662 ; Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in
Ree. de Voyages, ii, 102 ; Langlois, Cilicie, p. 469 ; Davis, Asiatic
Turkey, pp. 73 ff. ; Cuinet, Turquie d’Orient, ii. 43, 93 ; H. J. Ross,
Letters from the East, p. 283). If we take into consideration the facts
(a) that Cilicia was once part of the medieval kingdom of Armenia and
(h) that Semiramis (Shah Miram) is a prominent figure in Armenian
folk-lore (see Tozer, Turkish Arm., pp. 349 ff. ; Boré, Arménie, p. 75 ;
Scott-Stevenson, Ride through Asia Minor, p. 273), it seems probable

that Shah Meran is a perversion of Shah Miram (Semiramis), just as
Balkiz is of Belkis.
LX

A MODERN TRADITION OF JERUSALEM

DOWN to our own times, certainly as late as the
sixties of the last century, the city of Jerusalem
solemnly closed its gates every week during the time of
the Mohammedans’ midday prayer on Fridays.1 More
than one tourist has been disagreeably surprised, on
returning from a morning excursion outside the walls,
to find himself obliged to wait at the closed gate till
the ordinary traffic was resumed. This curious custom
arose, not from any religious scruple on the part of the
Turks, but on account of an alleged prophecy, which
foretold that on this day of the week and at this hour
a Christian army should one day surprise the city. The
superstition appears to have been more or less general
in the Turkish empire, and can be traced as far back as
the latter half of the sixteenth century. A western
traveller, Dr. Rauwolff, writing in 1575, says2 that
Turks believed their power was to be overthrown a
thousand years after its inception. As their millennium
fell a few years later (in 1592-3), they were in his time
in great fear of the Christians, and on holidays shut the
gates of their towns and public buildings early to pre-
vent being surprised by the Christians.

Later, the custom of closing the town gates during
Friday prayer is recorded at Rhodes by several travel-
lers,3 and at Tangier by Borrow, the gypsy-scholar.4 At

1 Cf. E. Robinson, Palestine, i, 356; Saulcy, Voyage en Perre
Sainte, ρ. 295 ; Tobler, Popogr. von Jerusalem, i, 147 ; Thévenot,
Voyagesy ii. 653.

2 In Ray’s Voyages, i, 311 : quoted in full above, p. 721.

3 Jowett, Christian Rese arches y p. 416 ; Turner, Pour in the Lev ant y
iii, 17 ; C. B. Elliott, Pravelsy ii, 175.

4 Bible in SpaiUy p. 332 : cj* Drummond Hay, Marokkoy pp. 4 f.
At Alexandria the Turks shut the fondics of the Frankish merchants

752 A Modern Tradition of Jerusalem.

Jerusalem itself it cannot be traced earlier than the
early seventeenth century,1 and the silence of the very
numerous earlier pilgrims makes it improbable that it
obtained much before this. Indeed, the starting-point
of the idea is probably rather Rhodes than Jerusalem,
since it is a matter of history that in 1525, only three
years after the loss of Rhodes to Christendom, a plot
was elaborated for its surprise and recapture. This de-
pended on taking advantage of the slack watch kept by
the garrison during the time of Friday prayers.2 At
Jerusalem, however, as often happens, this comparatively
recent tradition of the weekly hour of danger was amal-
gamated with the originally independent idea that a
victorious Christian army was fated one day to enter
the city by the Golden Gate of the Temple area,3 the
traditional site, not only of Christ’s triumphal entry,
but also of that of the victorious Byzantine emperor
Heraclius, bearing the True Cross recovered in his
Persian campaign.4

The Golden Gate has been walled up for many

centuries.5 Probably on some theory of recurrent
»

at night and during the Friday prayer (De Brèves, Voyages, p. 235).
Shaw (Travels to Barbary, i, 402) says the practice was general all over
the Turkish area.

1 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 147, citing Troilo (1666-?), p. 152.

2 Torr, Rhodes, p. 33.

3 Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 653 ; Maundrell, ed. Wright, p. 173;
Gouj*on, Terre Sainte, p. 122 (emperor of France to enter conquered
Jerusalem here) ; Pierotti, Légendes Racontées, p. 35 (a king °f the
West to enter).

4 I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 371.

5 De Breves, Voyages, p. 158 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 214 ; Théve-
not, loc. cit. ; Tischendorf, Terre-Sainte, p. 189. Lady Burton {loc.
cité) says it has been closed for 713 years; the Citez, de Hierusalem
(1187), cited by Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii. 994, says the gate
was already walled up. Williams (The Holy City, i, 152) records the
tradition that it had been closed by Omar. For the evidence of its
temporary opening on the festivals of Palm Sunday and Holy Cross,
see below, p. 753, n. 6.

Historical Basis 753

cycles, it appears to have been fairly usual for a Moham-
medan conqueror to block the gate by which he entered
a conquered city, presumably to prevent the operation
being repeated to his prejudice by a hostile force at
a subsequent period, when the constellations should
again be in favourable conjunction for entry.1 * Histori-
cal instances of this occur at the conquest of Rhodes in
1522 гand of Bagdad in 1638.3 Elsewhere in the East
blocked city gates are not uncommonly associated,
rightly or wrongly, with this superstition.4 Greek
tradition, for example, holds that the Golden Gate of
Byzantine Constantinople was blocked for a like reason.5

It seems evident, from the passage in Rauwolff, that
the gates of Turkish towns were closed on Fridays in
apprehension, not of an isolated attack, but of a more
general catastrophe to Moslem arms, coincident with
the year 1000 of the Mohammedan era (a. d. 1592-3) ;
and it is probable that the idea, starting from Rhodes,
developed in that sense. At Jerusalem the Golden
Gate appears to have been walled up already in crusad-
ing times,6 though it was temporarily opened twice a
year for the two festivals of Palm Sunday and Holy

1 Cf the case of the Persian ambassador in 1806 cited above, p. 203,
n. 5.

* Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights, p. 64.

3 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 240.

4 The Turks walled up a gate at Damascus for this reason
(Thévenot, Voyages, iii, 49 : there is a view of it in Porter, Damascus).
Λ certain gate at Cairo was unlucky for Mohammed Ali, who never
used it (Mills, Three Months, p. 53).

5 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, p. 669.

6 Joannes Wirziburgensis (c. 1165 : cited by Tobler, Descr. Terr.
Sancì, ex saecc. viti, ix, xii, xv, p. 128) says it was * lapidibus obstructa ’
except when opened for Palm Sunday and Holy Cross. Similarly,
Ludolf von Suchern (De Itinere (с. 1350)* Ρ· says it was ‘ semper
clausa but describes the Palm Sunday procession. There were
wooden doors there in the sixteenth century according to Meggen
(1542), Villinger (1565), Fürer (1566), and Lussy (1583), all cited by
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 156.

754 Λ Modern Tradition of Jerusalem

Cross,1 commemorating the entries of Christ2 and
Heraclius3 respectively. But the Turks’ apprehension
of attack was sufficiently real to induce them to set
a special watch inside the blocked gate during the fatal
hour.4

It will be remembered that our own troops, who in
a sense may be held to have fulfilled the belated pro-
phecy, marched into Jerusalem by the commonplace
Jaffa or Hebron gate used by every visitor driving from
the station before the war. Thus the ‘ prophecy ’ ap-
pears to have been no more—though perhaps it is fair
to add, no less—successful than many others made in
recent times.

1 Sept. 14.

2 The superstition that Christ shall re-enter Jerusalem by the
Golden Gate during the Friday prayer is mentioned by Quaresimus
(1616-26), Troilo (1666-?), and Chateaubriand (1806), according to
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 156. Petachia (tr. Carmoly, in
Nouv. Joum. As. viii, 1831, p. 404) says that the Jews of his time had a
tradition that the Séchinah went into exile by this gate and should one
day return in triumph by it : in support of the tradition he quotes
7jech. xiv, 4 and Is. lii, 8.

3 Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 371 : Tobler, Descr. Terr. Sand,
ex saecc. viii, ixy xii9 xv> p. 128 (Joannes Wirziburgensis).

4 Pierotti, Légendes Racontées, p. 35 : Tobler, Lopogr. von Jerusalem,
i, 146. That the Arabic root feth should mean both to enter and to
conquer may also have contributed towards the growth of the legend.
LX I

ORIGINAL TEXTS

I. The Parthenon as a Mosque 1

La Guilletière, Athènes Ancienn et , pp. 193 f.

‘ TL n’y a pas quinze ans que le Temple de Minerve
JL estoit une des plus célébrés Mosquées du Monde.
Elle avoit esté mise en reputation par les Derviches, qui
sont des Religieux Turcs ; Et avant que le grand Vizir
. . . irrité des fraudes qu’ils faisoient dans la Religion
Mahometane les eust chassez de l’Europe pour les
renvoyer à Cogna, lieu de leur institution, on ne faisoit
point d’estat d’un de ces Religieux s’il n’avoit esté en
pèlerinage à la Mosquée d’Athenes. Ces sortes de
Pèlerins avoient défiguré le dedans du Temple par une
quantité de morceaux de taffetas, et de vieilles escharpes
qu’ils avoient arborées de tous costez. Il n’y avoit pas
jusqu’à leurs Dévots . . . qui n’attachassent aux mu-
railles quelque petite Banderolle mi partie de rouge, &
de jaune, & quelquefois de jaune & de vert . . . Enfin on
y attachoit quelque curiosité qu’on avoit apportée des
pays estrangers, & un Artisan Turc qui avoit fait quel-
que chef d’œuvre de son art, le venoit estaler le long des
murailles. Ce grand attirail d’offrandes en est presque
banny.’

IL Extracts on Lampedusa 2
{a) Thévenot, Travels (16$6), p. 271.

‘ It is an Island that produces nothing, and is only
inhabited by Coneys : but because there is good Water
upon it, and a good Harbour, Ships put in there for
Fresh-water.

In that Isle there is a little Chappel, wherein there is

1 To illustrate p. 14. 3 To illustrate p. 46.

75 6 Original Texts

an Image of the Blessed Virgin, which is much Rever-
enced both by Christians and Infidels, that put ashoar
there ; and every Vessel always leaves some present
upon it. Some Money, others Bisket, Oyl, Wine, Gun-
powder, Bullets, Swords, Musquets, and in short, all
things that can be useful even to little cases ; and when
any one stands in need of any of these things, he takes it,
and leaves Money or somewhat else in place thereof.
The Turks observe this practice as well as the Christians,
and leave Presents there. As for the Money no body
meddles with that, and the Galleys of Malta go thither
once a year, and take the Money they find upon the
Altar, which they carry to our Lady of Trapano in
Sicily. [Follows a story of a ship which could not leave
the island, one of the ship’s company having stolen from
the Virgin] . . . Many Miracles are wrought in that
place, at the intercession of our Blessed Lady, which
are not so much as doubted of, neither by Christians
nor Turks.’

(b) Sir Dudley North (1680), in R. North, of the
Norths, ii, 160 f.

‘ Lampadoza . . . they say is uninhabited, and hath
on it only one vaulted building, or church ; on one side
whereof, there is an altar for the Christians, and, on
another place, for the devotions of the Turks ; and so
it is by all esteemed holy. In this building, they say,
are always found most things necessary for seafaring
men ; clothes of all sorts, cordage, biscuit, &c., and
a treasury of all sorts of money, though in no great
quantity. It is lawful for all, that come here, to serve
their occasions with what they find and need ; but they
must be sure to leave in value somewhat else that may
be equally needful on other occasions, be it money or
goods ; which if they perform not, it is said that they
can never sail from the island, but will stand still in the
sea, be the wind never so fresh. For this reason, it is

Lampedusa 757

said that, whenever any vessels or gallies of Corso, come
here, who are full of lawless needy rogues, they, that
command in chief, have care to send some principal
man, to see that nothing be embezzled by any of their
company, for fear of being punished by the winds, &c.’

(i1) Sieur Dumont, Nouveau Voyage du , 1694,

p. 224.

‘ Il y a dans cette Ile une petite Chapelle dediée à la
Vierge, dans laquelle il y a un Autel, & tout auprès un
cercueil, avec un turban au dessus, & on apelle cela le
Tombeau de Mahomet. Les Turcs & les Chrétiens ont
une si grande devotion à cette Chapelle ; qu’il n’y
passe jamais ni des uns ni des autres, sans y faire quelque
ofrande soit d’argent, soit de vivres ou autre chose ;
nous y trouvâmes dessus deux grosses pastaiques fraîches,
un sequin d’or, des aspres d’argent, & quelque petite
monnoye de Malthe, que nôtre Capitaine augmenta
d’une piece de trois sols & demi de France. Nôtre
nocher me dit que tout ce qu’on métoit là, étoit pour
le secours des pauvres Esclaves, qui se sauvoient sou-
vent de Malthe ou d’Afrique par cet endroit, & deve-
noit si sacré & miraculeux ; que si quelqu’un qui ne
seroit pas esclave, avoit pris quelque chose sur cet Autel,
il ne pouroit jamais sortir de l’Ile.’

(d) J. Otter, Voyage en Turquie(1734), ü» 371 ff·

‘ L’Isle n’a point d’autre habitation qu’un Hermi-
tage,1 ou l’on voit une petite Chapelle dédiée à la sainte
Vierge, & le Tombeau d’un Murabit nommé Beni
Mubarek, l’un & l’autre taillés dans le roc.

1 The hermit is mentioned already by Ariosto. In Orlando Furioso,
XLIII, cl ff., he mentions the island as the scene of a combat between
Christians and Saracens. Ibid. XLI, i ff., he relates how Roger, on
his way from Biserta, is cast ashore on a desert island inhabited by a
hermit who baptizes him. The island, however, is never named.
In XLIII, clxxxvii ff., Ariosto indicates that the hermit and island
are near Sicily.

75 8 Original Texts

‘ Cet Hermitage appartient aujourd’hui à un Prêtre
Maltois, qui dessert la Chapelle. Il a aussi soin de tenir
la grotte du tombeau bien propre, & d’y faire brûler
une lampe. Ce n’est même qu’à cette condition qu’il
y est souffert par les Turcs & par les Barbaresques,
comme il paroît par des Patentes accordées à l’Hermite
par un Capoudan Pacha, et par les Begs d’Alger & de
Tripoli. . . Les vaisseaux qui y relâchent en assez grand
nombre laissent tous quelque chose à l’Hermite, soit
en argent, soit en provisions. Frère Antoine m’avoua
même qu’il arrivoit souvent que de bonnes âmes
Mahométanes, attirées par la dévotion au tombeau de
Beni Mubarek, laissoient des aumônes pour l’entretien
de sa lampe.’

(e) Pococke, Description of the East (1737), II, ii, 183.

4 [Lampidosa] did belong to a Christian hermit, and
a Marabut or Turkish hermit, and served as a place both
for Christians and Turks to take in provisions, with an
agreement that neither of them should suffer from
those of the different religion. The Marabut dying not
long ago, the Mahometan Corsairs seized on what was
in the island, and carried the Christian away captive,
of which great complaint was made by the French
consul, who demanded the captive.’

(/) Egmont and Heymann, , i, 63.

iIts only inhabitant is a French priest, called father
Clement, who lives in a cave like a hermit, probably by
way of penance, to atone for the disorders of his life
while a pirate, which for many years was his occupation.
Some part of his provisions he fetches from Malta in
a boat, though scarce a ship touches here without making
him some acknowledgment. He has also made himself
a garden, and erected an altar, where he reads mass
before a statue of the Virgin Mary, pretended to be
miraculous. Close by this harbour is interred a Turkish

Mamasun 759

Saint, in great repute among the Mahometans, who,
on passing by this island, never fail to offer up their
prayers.’

III. Extracts on Mamasun 1
{a) Pharasopoulos, Tà Συλατα, 1895, p. 74.

Μαμασός . . . Ενταύθα διατηρείται … δ ναό? του άγιου
τος λελατ ομημενοςεν βράχο) καί τα λείψανα του

μνημονηθεντος αγίου, ών τεμάχιά τινα ι

γράμματα ’Αρμενικά. επίσης υπάρχει καί αργυρά εν η

εύρίσκεται εν ώλενιον και εν κε όστοΰν. Υπάρχει δε
και εν άργυροΰν περιλαίμιου, δι* ου περιβάλλουσι τούς λαιμούς
αυτών, οι κατά καιρούς προς ίασιν ερχόμενοι ασθενείς.

,Εν τη εκκλησία ταυτη Χριστιανοί καί εν απί-

στευτα) καί πρωτοφανή (sic) αρμονία εκτελοΰσι τά θρησκευτικά
αυτών καθήκοντα εκάτεροι κατά τά Εύρίσκονται

δε εν αύτη εννεα εικόνες παριστώσαι τον άγιον τούς

άγ. Κωνσταντίνον καί * Ελένην καί την Θεομήτορα.

i.e. ‘AtMamasos is preserved the rock-hewn church

of S. Mamas, which contains the relics of the saint.
Some portions of these have been silvered over and have
Armenian letters on them. There is also a silver reli-
quary which contains one arm and one shin bone, and
a silver necklace which is put round the neck of the sick
persons, who come from time to time for healing.

In this church both Christian and Turk perform
their religious duties, each after his manner, strange to
say without the least friction. There are in it nine
pictures (εικόνες) representing S. Mamas, SS. Constan-
tine and Helen, and the Virgin.’

(b) LevideS, Ai εν Μονολίθοις Μοναί της Καππαδοκίας, ρρ.

!3° f·

Έν τη δυο ώρας ταύτης [sc. *Ακ Σαραί] άπεχουση κώμη
Μαμασην σώζεται Εκκλησία τιμώμενη επ’ ονόματι του αγίου
Μάμαντος και του άγιου Κωνσταντίνου αρχαία λελατομημενη
άνηκουσα εις Μοναστηριού ηρειπιωμενον, οπερ οί περιξ χρι-

1 To illustrate ρ. 44·

760 Original Texts

σπανοί θελοντες và άνακαινίσωσιντην εκκλησίαν

οικήματα τινα εις κατοίκησιν των 8ίς του έτους, τη ιε’ Αύγουστου
και κα’ Μαιου εκ Καρβάλης, Άρχε [Ak Serai] καί
λεως [Nevshehr] ερχόμενων προσκυνητών, ό νεωκόρος τοΰ ναοΰ
τούτου εΐνε τοΰρκος, δεικνύει δέ εντός κιβωτίου τινα,

οτι μεν 8εν είνε τοΰ αγίου Μάμαντος δηλοΰται, etc., είσΐ 8è
ούχί ενός, άλλα 8ύο η καί τριών αγίων λείψανα.

i.e.y ‘ In the village Mamasin, two hours from Ak
Serai, is preserved an ancient rock-cut church dedicated
to S. Mamas. This belonged to a monastery now
ruined, which the Christians of the neighbourhood had
the idea of restoring. They have erected near the
church buildings for the reception of the pilgrims who
come twice a year (15 August and 21 May) 1 from
Karvala, Ak Serai, and Nevshehr. The custodian of
this church is a Turk, who exhibits certain relics in a
box. These were found on the spot and are said to be
those of S. Mamas, but it is clear that they are not his,
from what we have said in the chapter on Caesarea about
the martyrdom of this saint. Further, they are not the
remains of one, but of two or three, saints.’

(c) Carnoy and Nicolaides, Traditions populaires de
Г Asie Mineure, pp. 192 f.

‘ Le couvent de Saint-Mamas était, il y a longtemps,
bien longtemps, une maison en ruine où un Ottoman
serrait de la paille. Or, un jour, le feu prit de lui-même
dans la masure et consuma toute la paille. Le Turc ne
comprit rien à ce prodige qui se renouvela plusieurs fois.

De guerre lasse le propriétaire fit une étable de la
maison ruinée, et y enferma ses bestiaux. Le lende-
main, un de ses animaux mourut : le surlendemain, ce
fut un autre ; puis un troisième, un quatrième, jus-
qu’au dernier.

1 Assumption and S. Constantine. S. Mamas is celebrated on
2 Sept.

Eski Baba 761

L’Ottoman, qui était un homme pieux, soupçonna
quelque mystère. Il fit des fouilles dans le sol de la
masure et découvrit d’abord une église grecque, puis
les reliques de saint Mamas.

Le propriétaire fit de l’étable un lieu de pèlerinage,
moitié mosquée, moitié église.

Mamaçon-Teguessi—couvent de Marnas—se trouve
dans un petit village turc.’

IV. Extracts on Eski Baba 1

(,a) S. Gerlach (1578), Ί age-Buc p. 511.

‘ Es vor dem Dorff daraussen eine alte Griechische
Kirche hat, darinnen vor Zeiten St. Niclaus
gewesen. Die ist jetzunder gleich wie ein Spital der
Türckischen Mönch und Heiligen, welche nun darinnen
wohnen. Vor derselben heraussen an der Mauren han-
gen viel Schaffs-Felle, die sie über sich nehmen, wann
sie aussgehen. In der Kirchen drinnen ist zur rechten
Hand ein Ort mit einem Gegitter von der andern
Kirchen unterscheiden, da an der Wand einander nach
herumb hangen ein Hauffen von schwar-

tzem Holtz : eine Stangen von einem Fahnen, wie sie
die Arabische Bettler tragen : Ein übergüldtes Straussen
Ey : Ein grosser Buzigan : 2 Ein Bischofs Hut, in der
Mitte gleich, und ein Rosen-Krantz dabey : recht
unter diesem ist es zugerichtet wie ein Bettlein, zu
dessen Füssen 5. Leuchter stehen, und wieder eine
Stange wie der Arabischen Bettler, in der Mitten dieser
Leuchter brennet ein ewiges Liecht. Neben dem Bi-
schoffs-Hut hanget an der Wand ein grosser eiserner
Pfeil, ein überaus grosser Bogen, des Alibides höltzernes

Schwerd, zween höltzerne Colben, eine Tartschen,3 ein
Dänlein und Hirschhorn, endlich 4. Hirschfüsse. Diese
Waffen, sprechen die Türcken, habe St. Niclaus gefüh-

1 To illustrate p. 54 ft. 2 Bosdaghan (Тк.) — тасе.

3 Round shield.

D d

3:95.2

JÒ2 Original ‘Texts

ret : Die Griechen aber sprechen, die Türcken habens
nur hinein gehänget. Heraussen ist die Kirche mit
schlechten Deppichen bedeckt, als ob stäts etliche
Schneider da wären : An der Wand stehen Arabische
Schriften.’

( b) Robert Bargrave, Travels (1652), Bodleian Codex
Rawlinson, C. 799, f. 50 vso.

‘Sept. 14(1652). We came to a Toune calld Baba
Sari Saltik (Father yellow Pate) which has its name from
a Chappell therein, so calld by ye Turkes, but by ye
Greeks, Aghios Nicolas, where a Xtian saint is sayd to be
buryed ; to whom belongs this Story : When ye

Turkes first conquerd these Parts, they assayd divers
times to burne this Chappell but were still miraculously
preuented, wherefore they conclude that Saint to have
been in part a Mussleman (of theyr Relligion) and so
proclaime him to this day. It is now lookd to by a
dervis-woman who keeps a Lamp allways burning in it
and it is called a Tekie.’

( c) Covel, Diaries (1675), e<^· Bent, P· 186. ‘ An old Turk took it (Bobbas-cui) from the Chris- tians, and from him it is now so named, for bobba is the common name for Father, and is given to every old man in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St. Nicholas’ church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memo- riali or building here. It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great saint among the common people. When we went into it to see his tomb we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles, and pre- sented them to an old woman that looks after it, and shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in distresse to do it. The old woman told us : Yes, my sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good holy man, and he will infallibly help you. Oh fye ! sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly commit sin, Hafiz Khalil 763 for he was a mortali man and a sinner as well as we. I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all and he doth nothing ; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us ; and so ended that point of Turkish divinity. This Church is standing pretty intire. It is but little . . . but very handsome, in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the body of it ; but the outward wall is scaloped.’ V. Extracts on the Eekke of Hafiz , Balchik 1 (a) Jirecek, Bulgarien (1891), p. 533. ‘ Von den sechs und zwanzig Derwischen, die Kanitz 1872 hier fand, ist nur ein Einziger übrig. Der Heilige dieses Klosters ist ein merkwürdiger utraquistischer Mann ; den Türken gilt er als Akjazyly-Baba, den Christen als St. Athanas und wird von Christen und Mohammedanern besonders zur Entdeckung von ge- stohlenem Vieh angerufen. Vor dem Krimkrieg soll er nur das Vieh der Musulmänner beschützt haben, aber seitdem fanden die schlauen Derwische Wege ihn auch den Christen genehm zu machen. Im Jahre 1883 wur- den die Geschenke für jede der beiden Personen des Patrons besonders gesammelt und das christliche Geld zu einem Schulbau in Balcik verwendet. Jetzt hat die Kirche diesem Doppelcultus ein Ende gemacht, dem wir bald in einer zweiten, vielleicht älteren Gestalt begegnen werden. Das ‘Tekke’ selbst ist ein thurm- artiges Siebeneck aus schönen Quadern mit starkem Echo im Innern ; das Grab des Heiligen ist ein nie- driger dachförmiger Sarkophag mit einer grünen Decke, umgeben von Leuchtern und Lampen. Dabei liegen der Koran, die Schüssel, das Siegel (ein metallener durchlöcherter Deckel) und die Pantoffel des Akjazyly- Baba, in welchen Fieberkranke Rundgänge um das Grab zu machen pflegen. Die Russen sollen 1828 den Schädel 1 To illustrate p. 91. D d 2 764 Original C1 exts des Heiligen entführt haben. Auf dem Hofe zeigt man unter einem Aprikosenbaum einen Stein, bei welchem Akjazyly-Baba badete oder nach der christlichen Legende St. Athanas getödtet wurde. Gegenüber liegt die malerische Ruine eines siebeneckigen Imarets (Gast- hauses), auf dessen Hof hohes Gras mit Disteln und Klatschrosen wuchert und dessen Kamin Nachteulen bewohnen.’ (b) J. Nicolaos, Ή 'Οδησσός, pp. 248 ff. (Translation.) ‘ In the village of Tekke, situated four hours north- east of the city [Varna] on the Balchik road and now inhabited by Circassian refugees, is a church called Tekke, from which the village takes its name. This church was once Christian and dedicated to S. Athana- sius ; it was undoubtedly in Christian hands originally. It is now occupied by Mohammedan dervishes. It stands alone on a steep hill opposite the village, which occupies the lower slopes of an adjacent valley. On the second of May, when the feast of S. Athanasius is celebrated by pious Christians, it has been frequented time out of mind by the population of the city [Varna] and the neighbouring villages, and every year there takes place an important pa, since the healing virtue of the church is celebrated and attracts crowds yearly to the spot. The church is always open and any one who wishes may go and light a candle there. In it is the tomb of the saint, half a metre high and built of marble ; on it are a Gospel and lamps, and near it is a hole in the paved floor. When any one is ill, or has damaged a limb, he is carried by his relatives to the tomb of the saint, near which is a pair of women’s slippers.1 Then the dervish asks the sick man whether he is not afraid to pass the night there : if he says he is not, the dervish shuts the door, and the sick man stays ΛΕν ζεύγος εμβάδων η μάλλον γυναικείων εύμαρίδων. Hafiz Khalil 765 by the tomb or sleeps there, thrusting his maimed hand or ailing foot into the hole mentioned above, and at dawn comes out cured. ‘ One such sufferer, whose thigh was injured, relates that he stayed there all night with his foot thrust into the hole ; the dervish retired to his house to sleep, the church was locked, and the patient remained alone in it. All night he felt his foot dragged downward by a violent force, and thought he would be sucked down altogether. To increase his alarm, he heard in the silence of the night a noise as of a man, or rather a spirit, trailing the slippers we have mentioned regularly over the paved floor of the church. The wretched man shrank into himself with fear, and never raised his eyes to see what was happening, but only listened. The noise continued till it was nearly morning. At last, thinking he was going to be sucked down altogether into the earth and making up his mind to hold out to the end, whatever might happen, he fell asleep at the hole about dawn. In the morning the dervish opened the church ; there was no supernatural noise or disturbance. The sufferer took his foot out of the hole, came out entirely cured, and returned home telling what had happened. 4 A woman of Varna, who did not believe what was reported of the healing power of the church, put her hand into the hole, pretending it was ailing, whereas in reality it was perfectly sound. She remained all night in the church alone, shut in by the dervish, and had the same experience, that is to say, she was drawn down with irresistible force by the arm she had placed in the hole, and heard the noise of the spirit walking in the church with the slippers trailing over the floor. But in the morning, when she wanted to take her arm from the hole, they say she was totally unable to do so until a posse of villagers came and dragged it out by force. The woman herself was so frightened that she died a few days after.’ 766 Original Texts VI. Extract1 * on the Bektashi Tekkes of Thessaly ΠΡΟΜΗΘΕΥΕ, 1893, no. 55, pp. 442 f. (Translation) ‘ South-east of this village [Irinior Rini in the deme of Skotousa], in a hilly and romantic situation among tall and shady trees (planes, dwarf-oaks, and cornels), stands the tekke of the Bektashi, an establishment famous throughout all Thessaly. In it, according to Govern- ment statistics, reside thirty-nine dervishes, but at the time of my visit (1888) I was told that there were, exclusive of servitors, fifty-four, all illiterate and super- stitious Albanians. An intelligent dervish informed me that the tekke was formerly a monastery of the western church,3 and that the Turks took it over about 1630-40; there was a church of S. Demetrius, but the dervishes say it was dedicated to S. George, on account of the greater veneration they affect towards the latter.4 For a time the tekke was occupied by Turkish dervishes 1 To illustrate p. 93. 3 This is a translation of an article from the Volo periodical to which my attention was called by M. Pericles Apostolides of Volo. The periodical in question was edited, and seems to have been written also, by an Athonite monk, Zosimas. 3 On this point Mr. Apostolides has kindly supplied me with the following additional information : 4 I was told at the tekke of Rini that an inscribed slab with Latin characters was preserved there : this may be the tomb of some Franciscan abbot. According to a chryso- boullon of the monastery of Makryniotissa the lands of this foundation extended to the district of Seraji Irini (Σερατζή Ίρινΰ). It is therefore most probable that this site was occupied and the monastery built by Franciscans in the Frankish period.’ The existence of a Franciscan monastery in seventeenth-century Thessaly seems to me highly im- probable. Confusion has probably arisen from the inscription in letters really or supposedly 4 Frankish 4 In Προμήθευε, 1891 (p. 268), the same author writes : 4 There is a local tradition that the dervishes preserve to the present day a picture of S. Demetrius and burn lamps before it. I questioned the dervishes on this subject, but was not allowed to see the picture.’ Rini j6j from the great tekke,called Kulakli Baba, at Konia.1 But during the despotic reign of the famous Ali Pasha of Tepelen (according to the P boni who justified his contempt for religion by pretending to be a follower of the liberal Bektashi, it was given to the Albanians ; at this time there were founded in Thessaly certain convents which were rather political rallying-points for the surrounding population than religious establish- ments. There were four such convents, all situated at strategic points, commanding the more frequented highways. These were the tekkes of Turbali Sultan near Rini, on the road from Volo to Pharsala and Karditsa ; of Balli Baba, near the village of Tatar, on the road between Lamia, Larissa, and Pharsala ; of Shahin Baba, near the village of Kupekli ; and Baba Tekke, in the celebrated Vale of Tempe, on the road from Larissa to Chaisi. These tekkes became the regular resorts of criminals, who plundered and spoiled the surrounding populations. So that, at the time of the destruction of the Janissaries by Sultan Mahmud, in 1826, an imperial order was issued for the destruction of the Bektashi, and the population, both Christian and Mohammedan, fell upon the tekkes and drove out their inmates. Two tekkes, those of the villages Tatar and Kupekli, were burnt ; that of Rini, either because its inmates put up a more determined resistance, or be- cause it lay some distance from Pharsala, was spared. From 1833 onwards all sorts of rascals, sometimes even brigands, began once more to congregate in it on the pretence of doing penance, and this state of things continued till the last years of Turkish rule under the direction of a former servant of the Muslim Aga, a certain Bairam Aga, who continues to preside over the 1 The c great tekke at Konia 5 can hardly be other than that of the Mevlevi dervishes, who wear a headdress called Kula (c tower ?). 2 Apparently the Volo newspaper (1882-4) °f that name, but I have searched it in vain to find this reference. 768 Original Texts tekke. Under him the system of rapine and pillage reached its height : the whole countryside was subjected by the raids of his armed brigands. A wily and far- sighted man, he legitimized his oppressive acts after the Union 1 2 by forged documents, supplied him by the Turkish authorities, making the tekke his personal pro- perty. He had still two or three monks and a few servi- tors to back him. There is a local tradition that the tekke was built on the site of an ancient Byzantine monastery of S. George, but it is impossible to confirm this by investigation as long as the Albanians remain in possession. The tekke has defences like a small fortress3 and entrance is for- bidden. At the time of the Union there were fifty monks or dervishes in the tekke : there are now only three and some paid servitors of Bairam Baba, all Albanians. The dervishes who formerly lived here were remarkable for the fact that they wore in their right ears a great iron earring,3 and hanging on their breasts an eight-sided stone ;4 the novices wore white caps, and all shaved their heads once a week. 1 i.e. of Thessaly with Greece, 1882. 2 This is an absurd exaggeration : the chief defences are two sheep- dogs. 3 Tliis is the distinguishing mark of celibate dervishes of the Bektashi order. * This is evidently the Tfslim Task (‘ Stone of Resignation ?) of the Bektashi, which has, however, generally a twelve-pointed form. GLOSSARY1 Abdal, fool-saint. Akhi Dede (or Dede Baba), ‘ apostolic 9 successor of Haji Bektash. ανάθημα, votive offering. άνακομώη, exhumation of bones. Anastasis (Gk.), Resurrection. ashik, lover. ayasma (άγιασμα), holy well. baba, father, Mohammedan abbot. bey, squire, holder of a certain rank. Chelebi, Head of the Mevlevi of Ko- nia ; ‘ hereditary ’ successor of Haji Bektash at Haji Bektash. cheshme, fountain. chiftlik, farm (lit. the amount of land that can be ploughed with a cbift, or pair of oxen). dagh, mountain. decollati (Lat.), executed criminals. dede, grandfather, dervish, holy man. Dede Baba = Akbi Dede, q.v. derebey, kind of Turkish governor now obsolete, robber baron. dervish, kind of Mohammedan monk or religious mendicant. dev (Pers.), monster. duden, underground channel. efrit (Arab.), hideous demon. eikon (Gk.), Orthodox Church pic- ture. emir (Arab.), chief, prince. enkolpion (Gk.), pocket eikon. €υχολόγων, Greek prayer-book. fattha, opening chapter of the Koran. ghazi, champion of religion (title given to sultans or generals who have gained a victory over non- believers). haga, i.e. agba (‘Mr.’). haji, pilgrim to Mecca or other holy place. hammam, bath. hegoumenos (Gk.), Greek abbot. ibadet khane, house of worship. ilija, natural tepid spring. imam, Mohammedan priest, leader in the ritual performance of prayer. imaret, soup-kitchen for the poor. in, cave. jami, mosque. jebar, tyrant, oppressor. jigher, liver. jinn, one of the genii. juma, Friday, day of congregation. kabile, tribe, clan. kadi, district judge administering the religious law. kale, castle. kapu, gate. kara, black. karaja, roebuck. kavass, gendarme, man-servant. kaza, sub-division of a sanjak, q.v. khalife, successor of Mohammed, higher grade of Bektashi abbot. khan, galleried inn. khane, house. khirka, long cloak, monk’s habit. khoja, schoolmaster. khutba, public prayer for the sove- reign. ktlise (from Gk.), church. kirk, kirklar, forty. 1 Words which occur only once in the text and are there explained are not cited here again. Except where indicated, the words cited are of Turkish origin or commonly borrowed by Turkish. Greek terms are not given in Greek script unless that is found in the text. The meanings given are drawn from the usual dictionaries of the various languages concerned. The glossary as a whole owes much of its value to Sir Harry Lamb, G.B.E., K.C.M.G. Glossary 770 ktZy girl. kizily red. kubbe, domed edifice. kula, tower. kurbaity sacrifice (lit. means of ap- proach). kutb (Arab.), chief of velisy q.v. lavra (Gk.), settlement of monks round a common church. Uva, brigadier-general : in civil ad- ministration = sartjaky q.v. mahallûy quarter of a town or village, sub-division of a tribe. makam(Arab.), sanctuary (seep.237). marabut (Arab.), one who devotes himself to the service of the faith. mashaallahy what God wills ! medreseb, college for study of law and divinity. meidaiiy vacant space, square, Bektashi oratory. meidan tasby see p. 276. mesjidy mosque. μ€τpov XaßßavtiVy to measure. mevludy birthday, particularly of the Prophet. mibraby prayer-niche, indicating the direction of the Kaaba. mollaby judge (if following a name), student (if preceding a name). mudity governor of a mudirliky i.e. sub-division of a kazay q.v. muezzin, crier who calls to prayer. muftiy expounder of the religious law. mubiby Bektashi adherent (lit. friend). mujerredy celibate. murshidy spiritual guide. mutebbily married. muteveliy administrator of a vakufy q. V. Nakib-el~Asbrafy Registrar of the Prophet's registered descendants. ttameb (Pers.), book. nisbanjiy High Chancellor (obsolete). odüy room. oda of Janissaries, company. okey Turkish pound (2J lb.). pallikar (Gk.), young man, hero. Panagia (Gk.), Virgin Mary. panegyris (Gk.), festival. par ay Turkish farthing. periy fairy. pilaf y cooked rice. pùy old man, patron saint of a guild, superior of an order. saidy holy man, descendant of Mo- hammed. sanjaky sub-division of a vilayety q.v. saranda (Gk.), forty. sari у yellow. seraskery commander-in-chief. sbeikby Mohammedan ecclesiastical dignitary, e.g. head of a religious community. Sbia, non-orthodox Mohammedan. silibdary esquire. skete (Gk.) — lavrüy q. v. sufiy ascetic rationalist. Sunniy orthodox Mohammedan. synaxaria (Gk.), Greek acta sanc- torum. taj (Pers.), crown. Takbtajiy woodcutter. tasby stone. tawwaf (Arab.), circumambulation of the Kaaba. tekkey Mohammedan monastery. templon (Gk.), screen between chancel and nave. tesbiby rosary. teslim tasby stone of resignation. trisagion (Gk.), see p. 24, n. 4. turbey mausoleum. vakufy property in mortmain. veli y saint. vergbiy tribute, now applied only to direct taxes on property. vilayety a chief province. ye di y y e dii er y seven. yildizy star. yogburty curdled milk. Turuky nomad. ziarety visit of ceremony, devotion, or friendship.