CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
UNDER THE SULTANS

IiY THE LATE

F. W. HASLUCK, M.A.

Formerly Fellow of King’s College
Cambridge ; Librarian of the British
School at Athens

EDITED BY

MARGARET M. HASLUCK
B.A. (Cantab.), M.A. (Audn.)
Wilson Travelling Fellow in
Aberdeen University, 1921—3
1926-8

VOL. I

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

i929

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

Cyzicus, Athos and its Monasteries
Letters on Religion and Folk-lore,
Joint Author (with H. H. Jewell) ♦
of Lhe Church of our Lady oj the
Hundred Gates at Paros

Printed in Great Britain
EDITOR’S NOTE

MY husband spent most of his life from 1899 to-
1916 in Greece and Turkey. During the first
fourteen years of this period, working as an archaeologist
rather than as an orientalist, he studied at various times
the classical archaeology of Greece, the medieval and
modern* history of Smyrna, the rise and development
of the Orthodox monasteries of Mount Athos, the
records of medieval geography and travel in the Near
East, and the Genoese and Venetian coins and heraldry
found in that area. The fruits of these studies were
several books and some fifty articles.

In the spring of 1913 he visited Konia, the ancient
Iconium. There he became interested in the interplay
of Christianity and Islam within the Turkish empire,
and from that time this subject and its derivatives
occupied most of his attention. The result of his
researches is this work, the first comprehensive study of
Turkish folk-lore and its relations with Christianity.
The inequalities of the work, however, are so obvious
that they call for an explanation of the circumstances
in which it has been written and published.

After his visit to Konia the author read and wrote
steadily until the outbreak of the war. His delicate
health made active military service impossible, and he
continued his researches, amid ever-increasing diffi-
culties, until the summer of 1915. Then he joined the
Intelligence Department of the British Legation at
Athens, where use was found for his exceptional know-
ledge of the languages and general conditions of the
Near East. He found the work uncongenial, but he
devoted himself entirely to it and had only his weekly
holiday for writing. Late in 1916 the lung trouble that
had long sapped his strength was diagnosed and he was
sent to Switzerland. There was considerable danger

vi Editor’s Note

from German submarines at that time on the sea
journey from Greece to Italy, and to avoid risk of loss
he left behind him in Athens such of his manuscripts
as did not exist in duplicate. In Switzerland he con-
tinued to read and to write, so far as his gradually de-
clining health and strength allowed. He died there on
February 22, 1920, a few days after his forty-second
birthday.

It then fell to me to publish as much of his work as
possible. On the present subject he had intended to
publish two books, the first entitled ‘ Transferences
from Christianity to Islam and Vice Versa 5 and the
second ‘ Studies in Turkish Popular History and
Religion \ Since, however, their contents were cognate
and ‘ Studies 5 was left very unfinished, my friends
advised their fusion. This has been carried out,
‘ Transferences 5 being represented in the present
edition by Part I and Chapters XXV-XXXVIII of
Part III, and ‘ Studies 5 by Part II and Chapters
XXXIX-LX of Part III. The title of the present
edition was given by me.

Very few of the manuscripts had passed the author
as ready for publication. One-third of the total number
were nearly ready. Four-fifths of the others, including
those in Athens, were in a provisional form, and one-
fifth existed only in notes. In my editorial work I have
preserved the original text as scrupulously as possible.
Certain repetitions were deleted after the two books
were combined, and defective chapters have been writ-
ten up and completed to the best of my ability, but
these are the only parts of the text which are not as my
husband wrote them. In such alterations as I made,
I followed his notes and made extensive use of his
letters to Professor R. M. Dawkins. All the passages
rewritten have been specified, so that editorial mistakes
may not be imputed to him. In the foot-notes I have
taken more liberties. My husband hoped that others

Editor’s Note vii

would desire to build on his foundations, and with this
possibility in view I have greatly enlarged the foot-
notes by including whatever relevant material existed
in his Swiss note-books. Much of this material was
destined for two companion volumes which he planned
on transferences from paganism to Christianity in the
West and from Christianity to Islam in Syria and
Palestine. Some of his work on transferences from
paganism appears in his ‘ Letters on Religion and Folk-
lore ’, but the bulk of his material for those companion
volumes is now to be found in the foot-notes of the
present book. In this connexion I regret that some
references have defied verification.

The bibliography, glossary, and index are my work.
The glossary was kindly checked by Sir Harry Lamb,
G.B.E., K.C.M.G., and the index was revised by the
indexing expert of the Clarendon Press. The map has
been drawn under my directions by the Press.

The spelling of classical and Moslem names has
caused the usual difficulties. In both cases well-known
words have been written in what seemed their most
familiar, though possibly erroneous, English forms.
Less familiar classical words have been transliterated
letter by letter, and unfamiliar Moslem words have
been given, through the kind help of Mr. E. Edwards,
according to the British Museum system of translitera-
tion, but without diacritic signs. On the whole, Turkish,
rather than Arabic, vowels have been preferred in
these Moslem words.

As foot-notes indicate, early versions of some chapters
have already appeared elsewhere. My cordial thanks
are now offered to the editors of the Annual of the
British School at Athens, the Journal of Hellenic Studies,
and the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
for permitting the chapters in question to be reprinted.

As regards other obligations, my husband would have
wished special mention to be made of the generosity

УШ

Editor’s Note

with which the library of the Faculté de Théologie
Libre at Lausanne and the cantonal libraries of Sion
and Lausanne lent him books during his stay in Switzer-
land. His constant praise of the staff and library of the
Reading Room at the British Museum was more than
justified by my own experiences when* verifying the
references in this work. The Clarendon Press have un-
dertaken its publication on most generous ter/ns and
have shown a very pleasant courtesy in all their dealings
with me. Their printers have handled the long and
difficult manuscript with taste and skill. The Hibbert
Trustees have kindly borne part of the expenses of
publication. The clever photograph of the sacred
fowls of St. James is by Mr. C. Thomas. The c writing *
of the Seven Sleepers was made for me by a Cretan
dervish in 1915. Professor Dawkins has read Parts I
and II in manuscript and has made some useful sug-
gestions. Professor Sir Thomas Arnold, C.I.E., F.B.A.,
D.Litt., has allowed me to consult him again and again.
Mr. Stanley Casson, Principal W. R. Halliday, the late
Dr. D. G. Hogarth, C.M.G., F.B.A., D.Litt., Pro-
fessor D. S. Margoliouth, D.Litt., Dr. H. Thomas,
D.Litt., and the Rev. Dr. Wigram, D.D., also have
been kind. From first to last Dr. G. F. Hill, LL.D.,
F.S.A., D.Litt., has put his experience and his learning
at my disposal.

In a sense it is fitting that my hand should put the
finishing touches to the work. The fateful visit to Konia
was the wedding present I (unforeseeingly) chose from
those which my husband-to-be offered me the previous
summer. Since his death I have spent four years, all
told, preparing the work for publication. Yet it is only
too certain that many errors and deficiencies still remain
in it, mass of detail that it is. I hope they will be set
down to me and will not gravely impede readers in their
use or their enjoyment of the work.

M.M.H.
CONTENTS
VOLUME I

LIST OF PERIODICALS AND BOOKS CONSULTED . xxi

PART I

TRANSFERENCES FROM CHRISTIANITY TO ISLAM
AND VICE VERSA

I. INTRODUCTION……………………..3

II. TRANSFERENCE OF URBAN SANCTUARIES 6-19

I. S. Sophia, Constantinople 9-4
2. Parthenon, Athens 13-16
3. S. Demetrius, Salonica 16-17
4. S. Amphilodiius, Konia . 17
5. S. Andrew of Crete, Constantinople 17-18
6. S. Thekla, Constantinople 18
7. S. Elias, Brusa …. 18
III. ARRESTED URBAN TRANSFERENCES . г– ! О
I. Church at Marsovan . 20
2. S. John, Rhodes 20
3. Metropolis, Yannina . 21
4. ‘ S. John ’, Pergamon 21
5. ‘ S. Sophia Sofia 21
6. S. Francis, Galata 21
7. S. Sophia, Pergamon . 22
8. Church at Thyatira . 22
9. S. Amphilochius, Konia 22
10. Jumanun Jamisi, Adalia . 23
il. S. Nicolas, Alessio . 24
12. Mosque of Zachariah, Aleppo . 24
13. S. Stephen, Batron 26
14. S. Nicolas, Canea . 27
15. S. Catherine’s Mosque, Candia . 27

X Contents

\ SECULARIZED URBAN CHURCHES 38-46
I. S. Irene, Constantinople • 38
2. S. Mark, Rhodes …. • 38
3. Bath at Marsovan …. • 38
4. Bath at Smyrna …. 39
5. Bath of Yildiz Dede, Constantinople • ^ 39
6. Pantokrator, Constantinople 40
7. S. Theodosia, Constantinople 40
8. S. Nicolas, Emirghian. 41
9. S. James of Persia, Nicosia . 42
10. Mamasun Tekke, Nevshehr 43
TRANSFERENCE OF RURAL SANCTUARIES . · 47-62
I. Elwan Chelebi ….. • 47
2. Kirklar Tekke, Zile …. • 49
3. Kirklar Tekke, Nicosia • 50
4. Kirklar Tekke, Kirk Kilise . • 51
5. Kaliakra …… Si
6. Haidar-es-Sultan …. 52
7. S. Nerses, Rumkale …. • S3
8. Domuz Dere ….. • 54
9. Eski Baba …… 54
10. S. Chariton, Konia …. • 56
[. CHRISTIAN SANCTUARIES FREQUENTED BY
MOSLEMS 63-74
I. ‘ Notre Dame du Plomb ’, Sarajevo . 66
2. S. Michael, Syki …. . 66
3. S. Michael, Tepejik …. . 66
4. S. Photine, Smyrna …. . 66
5. Virgin of Sumela, Trebizond 66
6. Assumption, Adrianople . 66
7. Annunciation, Tenos …. . 67
8. S. George, Cairo …. . 67
9. Church at Angora …. . 67
io. S. John the Baptist, Caesarea . 67
il. S. Chrysostom, Bezirieh . 67

Contents xi

12. Monastery of Armasha, Ismid ….. 67

13. S. Anthony of Padua, Chios ….. 67

14. Church at Philadelphia …… 69

15. S. Naum, Okhrida ……. 70

16. Chapel at Adalia ……. 74

VII. MOHAMMEDAN SANCTUARIES FREQUENTED

BY CHRISTIANS………………………75-97

1. Imam Baghevi, Konia . . . . . .81

2. Esef Dai, Thyatira . . . . . . .82

3. Mosque of Eyyub, Constantinople …. 82

4. Tekke of Haji Bektash, Kirshehr ….. 83

5. Mevlevi tekke, Konia . . . . . . -85

6. Tekke of Shems-ed-din, Konia ….. 86

7. S. Arab, Larnaka ……. 87

8. ‘ Tomb of S. Theodore ’, Benderegli …. 88

9. Tekke of Akyazili Baba …… 90

10. Tekke Keui, Uskub ……. 92

11. Turbali Tekke, Rini ……. 92

12. Sersem Ali Tekke, Kalkandelen ….. 93

13. Shamaspur Tekke, Alaja …… 94

14. Mejid Tash …….. 95

15. Pambuk Baba, Osmanjik …… 95

VIII. TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL SANCTUARIES—

MOUNTAINS…………………………98-104

1. Kapu Dagh (Dindymon) …… 99

2. Ida……………………………….100

3. Hasan Dagh, Caesarea …… 100

4. Yildiz Dagh, Sivas . . . . . . .101

5. Ali Dagh, Caesarea ……. 101

6. Murad Bair …….. 103

7. Baba Sultan Tekke ……. 103

8. Tulum Bunar …….. 103

9. ‘ Tomb of Hannibal ’………………..103

10. ‘ Tomb of Achilles ’ . . . . . . . 103

xii Contents

IX. TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL SANCTUARIES—

SPRINGS………………………105-12

1. Avjilar, Troad …….. 105

2. Ivriz ……… 106

3. Eskishehr ……… 106

4. Eski Kapluja bath, Brusa . . . ·. . .106

5. Kukurtlu baths, Brusa …. .107

6. Abu Ishak, Erzerum ….. . 107

7. Kuri Yalova …… . 107

8. Armudlu ……. .108

9. Buyuk Tepe Keui ….. . 108

10. Kainarja baths, Brusa. …. . 109

X. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS …. 113-18

PART II

STUDIES IN TURKISH POPULAR HISTORY AND
RELIGION

XI. INTRODUCTION……………………..

XII. HETERODOX TRIBES OF ASIA MINOR

1. Introductory ……

2. The Yuruks ……

3. The Turkomans …..

4. The Kizilbash ……

A. General ……

B. Religion ……

i. Theology ….

i. Mythology ….

iii. Hierarchy ….

iv. Fasts and Feasts and Public Worship
V. Private Prayer ….

vi. Sacred Books ….

vii. Pilgrimage ….

viii. Marriage …..

5. TheTakhtaji ……

6. The Bektashi ……

121-3

124-66
. 124

126-37
138-9

139-58

• 139

. 144

. 144

. 146

• ЧУ

. 148

. 149

. 149

. 150

. 151

158-9
159-66

Contents

xiii

XIII. SHIA MOVEMENTS AND PROPAGANDA IN

ASIA MINOR……………………………………167-74

XIV. NATURAL CULTS………………………………175-225

1. Tree Cults………………………………….175-9

2. Stone Cults ……. 179-220

Introductory …….. 179

i. Natural Stones……………………………181-7

A. Stones selected for their Natural Qualities . 181

B. Pierced Stones …… 182

C. Stones with Natural Markings . . .185

ii. Worked Stones ….. 188-207

A. Statues and Reliefs . . . . .188

B. Columns ……. 192

C. Written Stones …… 202

iii. Survival or Development of Stone Cults . 207-20

3. Cave Cults ……. 220-5

XV. TOMB AND SANCTUARY …. 226-36

XVI. INVIOLABILITY OF SANCTUARY . . 237-49

Introductory. …….. 237

1. Sacred Trees and Groves …… 238

2. Protected Animals—Game …… 240

3. Sacred Fish …….. 244

XVII. CULT OF THE DEAD

250-77

XVIII. SAINTS AND THEIR MIRACLES

1. Categories of Saints ….

2. Miracles and Legends of the Saints

i. The Spittle of Haji Bektash

ii. The Tides of Negropont .

iii. Haji Bektash and Ahmed Rifai .

iv. Abdal Musa and Geyikli Baba .

V. Jelal-ed-din and the Monk

vi. Kaigusuz and the Stag-Dervish .

vii. Emrem Yunuz

viii. Ala-ed-din and the Imam Baghevi

278-97
. 278

. 280

. 287

. 288

. 289

. 290

. 290

. 290

. 291

. 292

XIV

Contents

ix. Eskiji Koja………………….292

X. Haji Ephraim Teuvetlu ….. 293

xi. Ali Efendi and the Wolf……….293

xii. Sheikh El-Bedawi …… 294

xiii. Hasan Demir Baba Pehlivan …. 295

XIX. OLD TESTAMENT SAINTS………….298-308

1. Daniel ……… 298

2. Joshua…………………….. . 3°3

XX. KORANIC SAINTS………………. 309-36

1. The Seven Sleepers ….. . 3°9

2. El Khidr………………………..319

XXI. TRIBAL SAINTS……………….. 337-41

XXII. SAINTS AND DEMONS OF THE SEA . 342“5o

XXIII. BOGUS SAINTS………………….35^5

XXIV. A PROVINCIAL PANTHEON . . .

VOLUME II

PART III
MISCELLANEA
XXV. PLATO IN THE FOLK-LORE OF THE

ΚΟΝΙΑ PLAIN……………………………..363-9

XXVI. CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM UNDER THE

SULTANS OF ΚΟΝΙΑ…………………………370-8

XXVII. THE INSCRIPTIONS OF S. CHARITON’S 379-83

XXVIII. THE BLESSING OF THE WATERS. . 384-90

XXIX. ‘ THE FORTY ’…………………….391-402

XXX. HAIDAR, KHOJA AHMED, KARAJA AHMED 403-5

XXXI. THE ‘ TOMB OF S. POLYCARP ’ . . 406-28

Introductory. …….. 406

1. The Traditional Tomb and its History. . . . 406

2. The Value of Tradition at Smyrna …. 414

3. The Anti-dervish Movement of 1656-76 . . . 419

4. The Ruins on the Castle-hill . . . . . 423

Contents

XV

XXXII. SARI SALTI К………………429-39

1. At Kaliakra …….. 429

2. At Eski Baba…………………..431

3. At Baba Dagh …….. 432

4. At Kruya ……… 434

5. Bektashi Propaganda ……. 437

XXXIII. S. JOHN ‘ THE RUSSIAN ’ . . . 440-1

XXXIV. RENEGADE SAINTS……………442-51

XXXV. NEO-MARTYRS OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH 452-9

XXXVI. STAG AND SAINT……………..460^5

XXXVII. THE SAINTS OF ARMUDLU . . 466-8

XXXVIII. THE CRYPTO-CHRISTIANS OF TREBI-

ZOND………………………………

XXXIX. LISTS OF HETERODOX TRIBES .

1. Yuruk Tribes …….

i. According to Tsakyroglous ….

ii. According to Langlois ….

2. Turkoman Tribes ……

i. According to P. Russell ….

ii. According to Burckhardt ….

iii. Afshars according to Grothe

iv. Cilician Kurds according to Langlois .

XL. HAJI BEKTASH AND THE JANISSARIES .

Introductory. …….

1. The Date of the Institution of the Janissaries

2. The Personality of Haji Bektash ….

3. The Connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries

XLI. GEORGE OF HUNGARY, CHAPTER XV .
Introductory …….

Translation………………………………495

469-74

475-82

475-8

• 475

• 478

478-82

• 478

. 48O

. 482

. 482

483-93

• 483

• 484

. 488

• 489

494-9

xvi

Contents

XLII. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE BEK-

TASHI…………………50&-51

Introductory. …….. 500

1. Asia Minor ……. 502-13

A. Vilayet of Angora …… 502

B. Vilayet of Konia . . . . . 506

C. Vilayet of Smyrna (Aidin) … . 507

D. Vilayet of Brusa (Khudavendkiar) . . 508

E. Vilayet of Kastamuni . . . . . 511

F. Vilayet of Sivas . . . . . . 511

2. Mesopotamia . . . . . . . . 514

3· Egypt………………………………54

4. Constantinople ……. 516-18

A. European side . . . . . . .516

B. Asiatic side ……. 517

5. Turkey in Europe …… 518-22

A. Gallipoli Peninsula . . . . . .518

B. District of Adrianoplc . . . . .518

6. Bulgaria …….. 522-3

7. Rumania ……… 523

8. Serbia …….. 523-5

9. Greece …….. 525-36

A. Macedonia . . . . . . . 525

B. Thessaly . . . . . . . 531

C. Crete…………………………..534

D. Epirus . . . . . . . *536

10. Albania………………………..536-51

i. Argyrokastro . . . . . . *541

ii. Tepelen …….. 542

iii. Klissura …….. 543

iv. Premet …….. 544

V. Liaskovik . . . . . . -545

vi. Kolonia …….. 545

vii. Koritza……………………….545

viii. Kesaraka. ……. 547

ix. Frasheri …….. 547

X. Tomor …….. 548

xi. Berat …….. 549

xii. Elbassan. 549

Contents xvii
xiii. Kruya ■ 549
xiv. Martanesh …. • 551
XV. Dibra ….. • 551
il. Austro-Hungary …. • 551
A. Bosnia ….. • 551
B. Buda-Pest …. • 551
XLIII. ‘ BEKTASHI PAGES ’ . 552-63
Introductory. ….. • 552
I. Translation ….. • 554
2. Glossary of Albanian Religious Terms . . 562
XLIV. AMBIGUOUS SANCTUARIES AND BEK-
TASHI PROPAGANDA . 564-96
Introductory. ….. • 564
I. Bektashism and Orthodox Islam . 565-7
2. Bektashism and Christianity in Asia Minor 568-76
i. Haji Bektash Tekke • 571
ii. Haidar-es-Sultan Tekke . • 572
iii. Tekke of Sidi Battal • 573
iv. Shamaspur Tekke . • 573
V. Tekke of Nusr-ed-din (Kirklar Tekke), Zile • 574
vi. S. Nerses, Rumkale. • 574
vii. Chapel at Adalia • 574
viii. 4 Tomb of S. Polycarp ’, Smyrna • 574
ix. ‘ Tomb of S. Theodore ’, Benderegli • 575
X. Mamasun Tekke • 575
3. Bektashism and Christianity in Europe . 576-85
xi. Tekke of Sari Saltik, Kilgra • 578
xii. Tekke at Eski Baba • 578
xiii. Tekke of Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba • 579
xiv. Tekke of Akyazili Baba . . 58O
XV. S. Eusebia, Selymbria . 58O
xvi. Tekke of Yunuz Baba, Ainos . . 581
xvii. Tekke of Turbali Sultan, Rini . . 582
xviii. Tekke of Sersem Ali . 582
xix. Tekke of Karaja Ahmed, Uskub . 582
XX. S. Naum, Okhrida . • 583
xxi. S. Spyridon, Corfu • 583
xxii. Tekke at Athens • 584
4. Political Background …. . 586-96

3*95

b

xviii Contents

XLV. THE RISE OF THE KARAOSMANOGLU . 597-603

XLVI. THE GIRDING OF THE SULTAN . . 604-22

Introductory. …….. 604

1. The Traditional Origin of the Girding Ceremony . . 604

2. The History of the Girding Ceremony …. 607

3. The Intrusion of the Mevlevi ….. 610

4. Political Combination under Mahmud II . . .618

XL VII. COLUMNS OF ORDEAL …. 623-35

XLVIII. THE STYLITE HERMIT OF THE OLYMPIEUM

636-40

XLIX. WESTERN TRAVELLERS THROUGH EASTERN

EYES……………………………….641-5

L. DIEUDONNÉ DE GOZON AND THE DRAGON OF

RHODES…………………………….646-62

1. The Story and its Development ….. 646

2. Tangible Evidence ……. 650

3. Dragon Processions ……. 655

4. De Gozon and the French Side of the Legend . .658

LI. SHEIKH EL BEDAWI OF TANTA . . . 663-70

LII. TERRA LEMNIA……………………..671-88

LIII. OBSERVATIONS ON INCUBATION . . 689-95

LIV. THE CALIPH MAMUN AND THE MAGIC FISH 696-8

LV. THE THREE UNJUST DEEDS . . . 699-701

LVI. GRAVES OF THE ARABS IN ASIA MINOR 702-16

LVII. THE MOSQUES OF THE ARABS IN CONSTAN-
TINOPLE ……………………………………….. 717-35

Introductory. …….. 717

1. Arab Jami and its Traditions…………………….718

2. Superstition and Politics at Constantinople, 1570-1610 721

3. Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi ….. 726

4. The ‘ Arab , in Folk-lore and Hagiology . . . 730

Contents xix
LVIII. THE PROPHECY OF THE RED APPLE . 736-4°
LIX. THE MAIDEN’S CASTLE . 74I~5°
Introductory. . . • 741
I. ‘ Strategic ’ Legends . . . 742
2. 4 Romantic Legends . . – 744
3. Perversions . • . 748
LX. A MODERN TRADITION OF JERUSALEM . 751-4
LXI. ORIGINAL TEXTS 755-68
I. The Parthenon as a Mosque ♦ 755
2. Lampedusa . • 755
3. Mamasun ….. • 759
4. Eski Baba …… . 761
5. Hafiz Khalil (Akyazili Baba) • 763
6. The Bektashi Tekkes of Thessaly . . 766
GLOSSARY INDEX • 769
• • 771

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

The Tekke of Haji Bektash . . Frontispiece to Vol. I

Photograph. Berggren, Constantinople

The Seven Sleepers …… page 120

The Sacred Fowls of Saint James Frontispiece to Vol. II

Photograph. Mr. C. Thomas

Map of Part of the former Turkish Empire, with an
inset on the Distribution of the Bektashi in
Albania ……. at end
LIST OF

PERIODICALS AND BOOKS CONSULTED

I. LIST OF PERIODICALS

Abh. Bayr. Ak. for Abhandlungen der Königlichen Bayrischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften (Munich).

Abh. Sächs. Ges. for Abhandlungen der Königlich-Sächsischen Gesell-
schaft der Wissenschaften (Leipzig).

A.J.A. for A7nerican Journal of Archaeology (Baltimore).

A. J. Phil, for American Journal of Philology (Baltimore).

L’Albanie (Lausanne).

A?ner. Miss. Her. for American Missionary Herald (Boston).

Annales des Mines (Paris).

Archaeologia (London).

Arch, des Miss, for Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Littéraires
(Paris).

Arch. Epigr. Mitth. for Archäologische Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus
Oesterreich (Vienna).

Arch. Hist. Gascogne for Archives Historiques de la Gascogne (Auch).
Archiv f. Religionszv. for Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft (Freiburg

i-в.).

Arch. Zeit, for Archäologische Zeitung (Berlin).

* Αθήνα îov (Athens).

Ath. Mitth. for Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
(Athens).

Atti Soc. Ltg. for Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria (Genoa).
Das Ausland (Munich).

Beitr. z. Vaterl. Ge sch. Basels for Beiträge zur vaterländischen Geschichte
Basels (Basel).

В essanone (Rome).

Blackwood’s Magazine for Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine (Edin-
burgh).

Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. for Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica (Rome).

B. C.H. for Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique (Athens).

B.S.A. for Annual of the British School at Athens (London).

Bulletin d’Archéologie Chrétienne (Belley).

Bull. Soc. Géog. for Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris).

Bund (Berne).

ΒυζαντΙς (Constantinople).

Byz. Zeit, for Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Leipzig).

Chambers’ Journal (London).

XXII

Periodicals and Books consulted

Class. Rev. for Classical Review (London).

Comptes Rendus for Comptes Rendus de Г Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres (Paris).

Congr. Arch, for Congrès Archéologique de France (Paris).

[Onzième] Congrès d’Orientalistes (Paris).

Contemp. Rev. for Contemporary Review (London).

Δελτίον Χριστ. ΆρχαιοΛ. ‘Εταιρείας for Δελτίον τής Χριστιανικής
‘Αρχαιολογικής ‘Εταιρείας (Athens).

Δελτίον ‘Ιστορ. ‘Εταιρείας for Δελτίον της ‘Ιστορικής και Εθνο-
λογικής ‘Εταιρείας (Athens).

Denk. Wien. Akad. for Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften (Vienna).

Échos d’Orient (Paris).

‘Ημερολ. Φ. Σκόκου for ‘Ημερολόγιον Φ. Σκόκον (Athens).
Emmanuel Coll. Mag. for Emmanuel College Magazine (Cambridge).
Eng. Hist. Rev. for English Historical Review (London).

‘Εστία (Athens).

Expositor (London).

Folk-Lore (London).

Gelehrte Anzeigen d. bayr. Akad. for Gelehrte Anzeigen der Königlichen
Bayrischen Akademie (Munich).

Geog. Journ. for Geographical Journal (London).

Globus (Brunswick).

Harper’s Magazine (London).

L’Illustration (Paris).

Der Islam (Strassburg).

Jahrbuch for Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
(Berlin).

Jahrbücher der Literatur (Vienna).

J.H.S. for Journal of Hellenic Studies (London).

Journ. Asiat, for Journal Asiatique (Paris).

Journ. Int. Num. for Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique
(Athens).

J. R. Anthr. Inst, for Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
(London).

J. R. Asiat. Soc. for Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London).
J.R.G.S. for Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (London).
J.R.S. for Journal of Roman Studies (London).

Λαογραφία 1(Athens).

Liverp. Ann. Arch, for Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
(London and Liverpool).

Man (London).

Mécheroutiette (Constantinople).

Mél. F ас. Or. for Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale (Beyrut).

List of Periodicals xxiii

Mem. Acad. Aix for Mémoires de VAcadémie d’Aix (Aix-en-Provence).
Mém. Ac. Ins en. for Mémoires de Г Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres (Paris).

Mercure Historique et Politique (La Haye).

Μικρασ. * Hμερολ. for Μικρασιατικόν * Ημερολόγιου (Samos).

Mines de Г Orient (= Fundgruben des Orients) (Vienna).

Morning Post (London).

MosL World for Moslem World (London).

Μουσείου for Movaeîov και Βιβλιοθήκη τής Ευαγγελικής Σχολής
(Smyrna).

Νεολόγος (Constantinople).

Νέος ‘ Ελληνομνήμων (Athens).

Nineteenth Century (London).

Notre-Dame (Paris).

Nouv. Jour. As. for Nouveau Journal Asiatique (Paris).

Num. Zeit. for Numismatische Zeitschrift (Vienna).

Oriens Christianus1 (Rome).

Πανδώρα (Hermoupolis).

Papers A.S.A. for Papers of the American School at Athens (Boston).
Papers B.S.R. for Papers of the British School at Rome (London).
Παρνασσός (Athens).

Πατρϊς (Athens).

P.E.F., Q.SЛох PalestineExplorationFund, Quarterly Statement (London).
Φιλολ. Σύλλογος for Φιλολογικός Σύλλογος (Constantinople).

‘Η Φωνή του Ααοΰ (Volo).

P.R.G.S. for Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (London).
Proc. Russ. Arch. Inst, for Proceedings of the Russian Archaeological
Institute (Constantinople) = РусскШ Археологически Ин-
ститутъ въ Константинополе. Извеопя. Том. 9.

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch, for Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeo-
logy (London).

Προμηθεύς (Volo).

Ree. de Voyages for Recueil de Voyages et de Mémoires (Paris).

Records of the Past (Washington).

Report Brit. Ass. for Report of the British Association (London).

Rev. Arch, for Revue Archéologique (Paris).

Rev. Deux Mondes for Revue des Deux Mondes (Paris).

Rev. Ét. Am. for Revue des Études Anciennes (Bordeaux).

Rev. Hist. Relig. for Revue de Г Histoire des Religions (Paris).

Rev. Instr. Pub. Belg. for Revue de Г Instruction Publique en Belgique
(Tirlemont).

1 The periodical is to be distinguished from Le Quien s book of the same
name.

fcxiv Periodicals and Books consulted

Rev. Num. for Revue Numismatique (Paris).

Rev. Or. Lat. for Revue de VOrient Latin (Paris).

R. G. S., Suppl. Pap.t for Royal Geographical Society, Supplementary
Papers (London).

Schweizerische Wochenschrift für Chymie (Basel).

Sitzb. Bayr. Akad. for Sitzungsberichte der Königlichen Bayrischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften (Munich).

Sitzb. Wien. Akad. for Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften (Vienna).

Spectateur Oriental (Smyrna).

Ίheol. Studien und Kritiken for Theologische Studien und Kritiken (Ham-
burg).

Θρακικη Έπ^τηρίς (Athens).

Times (London).

Tour du Monde (Paris).

Trans. Orient. Congr. for Transactions of the Oriental Congress (London).
Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. for Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature
(London).

Trans. Viet. Inst, for Transactions of the Victoria Institute (London).
Verb. Ges.f. Erdkunde for V erhandlungen der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde
(Berlin).

Verb. Sächs. Ges. for Verhandlungen der Königlich-Sächsischen Gesell-
schaft der Wissenschaften (Leipzig).

Wallonia (Liège).

Wiss. Mitth. Bosn. for Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien
(Sarajevo and Vienna).

Ξζνοφάνης (Athens).

Z. D. M or geni. Ges. for Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft (Leipzig).

Z.D.P.V. for Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (Leipzig).
Z.f. Anthropol. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Anthropologie (Berlin).
Z.f. Erdk. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde (Berlin).

Z.f. Volksk. for Zeitschrift der Gesellschaftfür Volkskunde (Leipzig).

II. LIST OF AUTHORS *

Abbott, G. F. Macedonian Folklore, Cambridge, 1903.

—–Tale of a Tour in Macedonia, Cambridge, 1903.

Abela, E. Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in Syrien,
in Z.D.P.V. vii (1884), PP· 79 ff-

1 The majority of modern Greek books in this list are accessible only at the
British Archaeological School, Athens, or the National Library, Athens.
Mr. Heurtley, of the British School, and Mr. D. P. Petrocochino have kindly
helped me with certain of their bibliographical details. Books marked with
an asterisk are those I have been unable to consult.—M. M. H.

XXV

List of Authors

Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp, Brussels, and Tongerloo, 1643 if.

Adamson, S. The Mosque of Eyoub, in Harper’s Magazine, June 1913,
pp. 28 ff.

Agricola, G. Bermannus, Basle, 1530.

Aimé-Martin, L. Lettres édifiantes, Paris, 1838-43.

Ainsworth, W. F. Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, London,
1842.

Albacario, S., in Mattioli, Comment, in Dioscor., q. v.

Alberi, E. Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, Firenze, 1839-63.
Allard, P! L’Art Païen sous les Empereurs Chrétiens, Paris, 1879.

—-Les Dernières Persécutions du IIIe siècle, Paris, 1887.

—-Histoire des Persécutions pendant la première moitié du IIIe siècle,

Paris, 1885-90.

—-La Persécution de Dioclétien, Paris, 1890.

Allatius, L. Συμμικτα, Coloniae Agrippinae (? Amsterdam), 1653.
Allom, T. Constantinople and the Seven Churches of Asia Minor, ed.

R. Walsh, London, ? 1839.

Amélineau, E. Contes et Romans de l’Égypte Chrétienne, Paris, 1888.
American Archaeological Expedition to Syria, London, 1904.
Anagnosta, J. De E’xtremo Thessalonicensi Excidio, in Allatius, Σύμ-
μικτα, ii, pp. 318 ff.

Analecta Bollandiana, Paris and Brussels, 1882 ff.

Anderson, J. G. C. Studia Pontica, i, iii, Brussels, 1903-10.

—-Exploration in Galatia cis Halym, in J.H.S. xix (1899), pp. 52 ff.

Andréossi, A. F. Constantinople et le Bosphore, Paris, 1828.

D’Anglure, O. Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem, ed. Bonnardot and
Longnon, Paris, 1878.

Anichkof, E. St. Nicolas and Artemis, in Folk-Lore, v (1894), pp. 108 ff.
Anna Comnena. Alexias.

Anon. Expedition to East of Jordan, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869, pp. 284 ff.

—-Parisiensis, in Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, pp. 94 f.

■—Romanus, in Muratori, Antiq. Ital. iii, pp. 247 ff.

—-Viennensis, in Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, p. 92, and, ed. L. Ross,

in Jahrbücher d. Lit. Anz.-Bl. xc (1840), pp. 16 ff.

—-Weissagungen vom Ende des türkischen Reichs, in Das Ausland,

1828, no. 93, p. 372.

Ansted, D. T. The Ionian Islands in 1863, London, 1863.
Antoniades, E. Μ. *Εκφρασις της *Αγίας Σοφίας, Athens, 1907-9·
Antoninus martyr. De Locis Sanctis, ed. T. Tobler, St. Gallen, 1863.
Antonopoulos, S. Μικρά ’Ασία, Athens, 1907.

Aravantinos, P. Χρονογραφία της *Ηπείρου, Athens, 1856.
Aravantinos, S. P. *Ιστορία του Άλή Πασά, Athens, 1895*
Archelaos, I. S. *H Σίνασοςt Athens, 1899.

Arnold, Sir T. W. The Preaching of Islam, London, 1896.

xxvi Periodicals and Books consulted

Artin Pasha, Y. Contes Populaires Inédits de la Vallée du Nil, Paris,
i895·

Arundell, F. V. J. Discoveries in Asia Minor, London, 1834.

—-A Visit to the Seven Churches of Asia, London, 1828.

D’Arvieux, L. Mémoires, Paris, 1735.

—-Voyage dans la Palestine, ed. De La Roque, Paris, 1717.

Ashby, T. Lampedusa, Lampione, and Limosa, in Liverp. Ann. iv (1912),
pp. 11 ff.

Assad Effendi. Destruction des Janissaires, Раш, 1833.

Aucher-Eloy, R. Voyages en Orient de 1830 à 1838, Paris, Î843.
Augustine, Saint. Tract, vit.

De Aversa, Philip. Descriptio Templi Domini, ed. Meisner (H.) and
Röhricht (R.), in Z.D.P.V. i (1878), pp. 210 ff.

Avisi de Constantinopoli di cose stupende, Venice, 1538.

Babin, J. P. Relation d’Athènes, Lyon, 1674 (Paris» 1854).

Babinger, F. Der Islam in Kleinasien, in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. lxxvi
(1922), pp. 126 ff.

Baedeker, C. Austria-Hungary, Leipzig, 1905.

—-Egypt, Leipzig, 1898.

—-Southern France, Leipzig, 1902.

—-Central Italy, Leipzig, 1909.

—-North Italy, Leipzig, 1899.

—-Southern Italy, Leipzig, 1908.

—-Konstantinopel, Leipzig, 1914.

—-Palestine and Syria, Leipzig, 1906.

Baird, H. M. Modem Greece, New York, 1856.

Baker, James. Turkey in Europe, London, 1877.

Baldacci, A. Berat e il Tomor, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr., ser. v, vol. iii

(I94)> PP· 974 ff·

Baldensperger, P. J. Peasant Folklore of Palestine, in P.E.F., Q.S. for
1893, pp. 203 ff.

Barbaro, N. Giornale dell’ Assedio di Cospoli, ed. Cornet, Vienna, 1856.
Bargrave, Robert. Travels (1646-36), in Bodleian Codex Rawlinson
e 799.

Baring Gould, S. Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, first series,
London, 1868.

—-Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, second series, London, 1868.

#Barjavel, C. F. H. Dictons du Vaucluse, Carpentras, 1849-53.

Barker, W. B. Lares and Penates, London, 1853.

Barkley, H. C. Bulgaria before the War, London, 1877.

—-A Ride through Asia Minor and Armenia, London, 1891.

Barletius Scodrensis. Vita Skanderbegi, in Lonicerus, Chron. Turc·
Libri, q. v.

List of Authors xxvii

Barth, Heinrich. Reise von Trapezunt nach Scutari, in Petermann’s
Mittheilungen, 1860-1, Ergänzungsheft, no. 1.

Bartholomaeus Anglicus. De Proprietatibus Rerum, London, 1535.
Basil, merchant. Pilgrimage, 1466, in Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, q.v.
Basileiadou, N. Φαναριώτισσζς KvpaSeg, in ‘Ημςρολ. Φ. Σκόκου,
1913, pp. 288-95.

Basilius, ln Mamantem.

Basset, R. Nédromah et les Traras, Paris, 1901.

Baumann, Emile. TmV Filles Saintes, Paris, 1912.

De Beauchamp, A. Vie PAU Pacha, Paris, 1822.

Beaufort, F. Karamania, London, 1817.

*—Piloting Directions for the Mediterranean, London, 1831.

De Belabre, F. Rhodes of the Knights, Oxford, 1908.

Belgrano, L. T. Lapidi, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii (1877-84), pp. 321 ff.

—-Documenti riguardanti la Colonia di Pera, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii

(1877-84), pp. 97 ff.

Belin, F. A. Histoire de la Latinité de Constantinople, Paris, 1894.

Bell, G. M. L. Amurath to Amurath, London, 1911.

Belon, P. Observations de Plusieurs Singularitez, Anvers, 1555.
Benaglia, G. Relatione del Viaggio, Bologna, 1684.

Benetti, A. Osservazioni fatte nel Viaggio a Constantinopoli, Venice,
1688.

Benjamin of Tudela. Itinerary, ed. Asher, London and Berlin, 1840-1 ;

ed. Wright, q.v.

Benndorf, О. Reisen in Lykien und Karten, Vienna, 1884.

Bent, J. T. Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, London, 1893.

—-Explorations in Cilicia Tr acheta, in P.R.G.S. xii (1890), pp. 445 ff.

—-A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia, in J.H.S. xii (1891), pp. 206 ff.

—-The Nomad Tribes of Asia Minor, in Report Brit. Ass., 1889, § H,

pp. 176 ff.

—-The Tourouks of Asia Minor, in J.R. Anthr. Inst, xx (1890-1),

pp. 269 ff.

Bérard, V. La Macédoine, Paris, 1897.

—-La Turquie et VHellénisme Contemporain, Paris, 1893.

Berati, S. (Koléas, S.), Légendes Albanaises, in U Albanie, April 1918.
Berbrugger, L. A. Le Tombeau de la Chrétienne, Alger, 1867.

Berg, A. Die Insel Rhodus, Braunschweig, 1862.

Bernard the Wise (a. d. 867), in Wright’s Travels, q.v.

Bernardakis, G. Notes sur la Topographie de Césarée de Cappadoce, in
Échos POrient, xi (1908), pp. 22 ff.

Bertaux, Ë. Rome, Paris, 1904, 1905.

Besant (W.) and Palmer (E. H.). Jerusalem, London, 1908.

Beugnot, A. A. Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme en Occident,
Paris, 1835.

xxviii Periodicals and Books consulted

Beulé, C. E. Fouilles à Carthage, Paris, 1861.

Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, Brussels, 1909.

Bickford Smith, R. A. H. Cretan Sketches, London, 1898.

Bigham, Clive. With the Turkish Army in Thessaly, London, 1897.
Biliotti (E.) and Cottret (A.). L’île de Rhodes, Rhodes, 1881.

Bird, I. L. (Mrs. Bishop). Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, London,
1891.

Bjelokosic, L. G. Denkwürdigkeiten in der Gegend von Fojnica, in Wiss.

Mitth. Bosnien, i (1893), pp. 478 ff.

[Blunt, F.] People of Turkey, London, 1878.

De Bode, C. A. G. P. L. Travels in Lauristan and Arabistan, London,

1845·

De Boissat, P. Histoire des Chevaliers de POrdre de Sainct Jean, Lyon,
1612.

Bonet-Maury, G. Akbar, in Rev. Hist. Relig. xi (1885), pp. 133 EF.

—-La Religion d’Akbar, in Rev. Hist. Relig. li (1905), pp. 153 fï.

Bordeaux, A. La Bosnie Populaire, Paris, 1904.

Boré, E. Arménie, Paris, 1838.

Borrow, G. H. Bible in Spain, London, 1843.

Bosio, G. Istoria della Sacra Religione di S. Giovanni Gerosolimitano,
Rome, 1594.

*Bost, J. A. Souvenirs d’Orient, Neuchâtel, 1875.

De Bouchaud, P. Bologne, Paris, 1909.

Boucher, Jean. Le Bouquet Sacré, Poitiers, 1613 (?).

Boué, Ami. Recueil d’itinéraires dans la Turquie d’Europe, Vienna,

!8S4·

—-La Turquie d’Europe, Paris, 1840.

Bouillet, M. N. Dictionnaire d’Histoire et de Géographie, Paris, 1914.
Bousquet, P. A. Actes des Apôtres Modernes, Paris, 1852-9.
Bovenschen, A. Johann von Mandeville, in Zeit. f. Erdk. xxiii (1888),
PP; 177 ff·

Boyadjides, I. K. ΠαράΒοσις тгерХ Ζωναρα κατά τον tç’ ΑΙώνφ, in
Λαογραφία, ii (1910)» ΡΡ· ^·

Bradshaw’s Spain and Portugal, London, 1865.

Brailsford, H. N. Macedonia, London, 1906.

Brandenburg, E. Heber byzantinische und seldschukische Reste im Gebiet
des Türkmen-Dag, in Byz. Zeit, xix (1910), pp. 97 ff.

Braun Wiesbaden, Carl. Eine Türkische Reise, Stuttgart, 1876, 1877.
Brayer, A. Neuf Années à Constantinople, Paris, 1836.

Breithaupt, J. F. Christliche Helden Insel Malta, Frankfurt-am-Mayn,
1632.

Breuning, H. J. Orientalische Reyss, Stuttgart, 1612.

De Brèves, F. Savary. Relation des Voyages (including Moyens de
Ruiner un Turc), Paris, 1628.

List 0J Authors XXIX

British Museum MS. Add. 22, 914 ; Reg. 14 A xiii ; Add. MSS.

34060 ; Harl. 7021.

Brooks, E. W. Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes, in J.H.S. xxi
(1901), pp. 67 ff.

—–The Arabs in Asia Minor, from Arabic Sources, in J.H.S. xviii

(1898) , pp. 182 ff.

—–The Campaign of 716-8, from Arabic Sources, in J.H.S. xix

(1899) , pp. 19 ff.

Brown, J. P. The Dervishes, London, 1868.

Browne, E. A Brief Account of some Travels, London, 1673.

Browne, E. G. Literary History of Persia, London, 1906.

—–Further Notes on the Literature of the Ilurufis, in J. R. Asiat. Soc.

1907, pp. 533 ff.

Browne, W. G. Nouveau Voyage fait depuis iy 9 2 jusqu’en iyg8, Paris,
1800.

—–in Walpole’s Travels, q.v.

Brusoni, G. Historia dell ultima Guerra, Venice, 1673.

Brydone, P. Tour through Sicily and Malta, London, 1773.

Buchon, J. A. C. La Grèce Continentale et la Morée, Paris, 1843.

—–Recherches Historiques sur la Principauté Française de Morée,

Paris, 1845.

—–Voyage dans VEubée, Paris, 1911.

Buckingham, James S. Travels in Mesopotamia, London, 1827.

De Bunsen, V. Soul of a Turk, New York and London, 1910.

De Buondelmonti, C. Liber Insularum Archipelagic ed. de Sinner,
Leipzig and Berlin, 1824.

Burckhardt, J. L. Travels in Arabia, London, 1829.

—–■’ Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, London, 1822.

Burgess, R. Greece and the Levant, London, 1835.

De Burgo, G. B. Viaggio di Cinque Anni, Milan, 1686-9.

Burnaby, F. G. On Horseback through Asia Minor, London, 1877.
Burton, Isabel. Inner Life of Syria, London, 1879.

Burton, R. F. Arabian Nights, London, 1894.

—–Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah (3 vols.), London, 1855-6.

—–Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Meccah (2 vols.), London, 1906.

Burton (R. F.) and Drake (C. F. T.). Unexplored Syria, London, 1872.
Bury, J. B. Eastern Roman Empire, London, 1912.

—–Later Roman Empire, London, 1889.

—–Mutasim’s March through Cappadocia in A.D. 838, in J.H.S. xxix

(I9°9), pp. 120 ff.

De Busbecq, O. G., Baron. Life and Letters, ed. Forster, London,
1881.

—–Lettres, Paris, 1748.

De Bussierre, M. T. R. Lettres sur VOrient, Paris, 1829.

XXX Periodicals and Books consulted

Byzantios, D. C. Scarlatos. Δοκίμων της “.Αρτης και της Πρεβεζης,
Athens, 1884.

Byzantios, Serapheim. 4Η Κωνσταντινούπολή, Athens, 1851-69.

Cahier, C. Caractéristiques des Saints, Paris, 1867.

Cahun, L. Excursions sur les Bords de l’Euphrate, Paris, 1885.

Calder, W. M. Julia-Ipsus and Augustopolis, in J.R.S. ii (1912),
pp. 237ÎÏ.

—-Smyrna as described by the Orator Aelius Aristides, in Ramsay,

Studies in History y pp. 95 ff.

Canaye, Ph. Le Voyage du Levant, ed. Hauser, Paris, 1897.

Cantimir, D. Histoire de l’Empire Othoman, tr. Joncquières, Paris,
I743*

Carayon, A. Relations Inédites de la Compagnie de Jésus, Poitiers, 1864.
Carmoly, E. Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte, Bruxelles, 1847.

Carnoy (E. H.) and Nicolaides (Jean). Folklore de Constantinople, Paris,
1889.

—-Traditions de Constantinople, Paris, 1892.

—-Traditions Populaires de Г Asie Mineure, Paris, 1881.

Casola, P. Pilgrimage, ed. M. M. Newett, Manchester, 1907.
Castellan, A. L. Lettres sur la Morée, Paris, 1811.

De Castries, H. L’Islam : Impressions et Études, Paris, 1896.

*Caylus. Contes Orientaux, La Haye, 1743.

Cedrenus, G. Compendium Historiarum.

Cellini, B. Vita, ed. B. Bianchi, Florence, 1886.

Cesnola, Luigi Palma di. Cyprus, London, 1877*

Chalcondyles, L. Άπόδειξις Ιστοριών πρώτη, Bonn, 1843-
Chandler, R. Travels in Asia Minor and Greece, London, 1817.
Chaplin, Dr. A Note, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1894, p. 36, n.

Chardin, J. Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1723.

Chardry, J. Set Dormanz und Petit Piet, ed. J. Koch, Heilbronn, 1879.
Charrière, E. Négociations de la France dans le Levant, Paris, 1848-60.
Chastel, Ê. Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme dans l’Empire
d’Orient, Paris, 1850.

De Chateaubriand, Fr. R. Itinéraire de Paris à Jérusalem, Paris, 1811.
Chaviaras, D. Πζρίπλους του Συμαϊκοϋ κόλπον in Παρνασσός, xiv

(1892), pp. 533 ff· ^

Chaviaras, M. D. Пер1 τοΰ Κάστρου τής Σουρίας, in Λαογραφία,

η (1910), ρρ. 557 ff;

—- *Ροδιακά Μνημεία τοΰ Άκριτικοϋ κύκλον, in Λαογραφία,

. i (ι9°9)> ΡΡ· 275 ff·

Chirol, V. ‘Twixt Greek and Turk, Edinburgh and London, 1881.
Chishull, E. Travels in Turkey, London, 1747.

Chodzko, A. B. Légendes Slaves du Moyen Âge, Paris, 1858.

List of Authors

Choiseul-Gouffier, M. G. A. Voyage pittoresque de la Grèce, Paris,
1782-1809.

Choisy, A. U A sie Mineure et les Turcs en 1875, Paris, 1876.

De Cholet, A. P. Voyage en Turquie d’Asie, Arménie, Kurdistan, Paris,
1892.

Chourmouzes, B. Κρητικά, Athens, 1842.

Christodoulos, Μ. Ή Θράκη, Constantinople, 1897.

—- Περιγραφή της *Επαρχίας Σαράντα Εκκλησιών.

Cinnamus, J. Epitome.

Clark, W. G. Gazpacho, London, 1850.

Clarke, E. D. Travels in Russia, Tartary, and Turkey, Aberdeen,

l848* … .

Clausse, G. Les Monuments du Christianisme au Moyen-Age, Paris,

l89?:

De Clavijo, Ruy G. Narrative of the Embassy to the Court of Timour,
London, 1859.

Clayton, R. Journal from Grand Cairo to Mt. Sinai, London, 1753.
Clermont-Ganneau, C. Archaeological Researches in Palestine, London,
1896-9.

—-Horus et Saint Georges, in Rev. Arch, xxxii (1876), pp. 196 ff.,

372 я.

—-La Palestine Inconnue, Paris, 1876.

Cobham, C. D. Excerpta Су pria, Cambridge, 1908.

—-The Story of Umm Haram, in J.R. Asiat. Soc., 1897, pp. 81 ff.

Cochran, W. Pen and Pencil in Asia Minor, London, 1887.

Cockerell, C. R. Travels in Southern Europe and the Levant, London,

.I9°3*

Collignon, M. Le Consul Jean Giraud et sa Relation de VAttique, in
Mém. Ac. Inscrr. xxxix (1914), pp. 373 ff.

—-Documents du XVIIe Siècle relatifs aux Antiquités d’Athènes, in

Comptes Rendus, xxv (1897), pp. 56 ff.

Collin, J. Histoire Sacrée de la Vie des Saints, Limoges, 1672.

Collin de Plancy, J. A. S. Dictionnaire Critique des Reliques, Paris,
1821-2.

Comidas, C. Descrizione di Costantinopoli, Bassano, 1794.

Comparetti, D. Vergil in the Middle Ages, London, 1895.

—-Virgilio nel medio evo, Firenze, 1896.

Conder, C. R. The City of Jerusalem, London, 1909.

—-The Mosi Mukams, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, pp. 89 ff.

—-The Nomenclature of the Survey, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, pp. 144 ff.

—-Notes from the Memoir, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, pp. 85 ff., 178 ff.

—-Report, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1874, pp. 11 ff.

—-Survey of Western Palestine, London, 1881.

Conder, Josiah. Turkey, in The Modern Traveller, xiv, London, 1826.

XXX11

Periodicals and Books consulted

Constantiniade, Constantinople, 1846.

Constantinides, K. A. Καλλίπολις, Athens, 1907.

Constantinople Imperial Museum, Catalogue.

Consul’s daughter = Blunt, F., q. v.

Conybeare, F. C. Apology and Acts of Apollonius, London, 1894.
Conze, A. C. L. Reise auf den Inseln des T Irakischen Meeres, Hanover,
i860.

Cordelias, A. Ai Άθήναι ίζεταζόμεναι υπό υδραυλικήν *Εποψιν,
Athens, 1879-
Coronelli, V. Μ. Isolano, Venice, 1698.

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

Corroyer, E. VArchitecture Romane, Paris, 1888.

Cosquin, E. Contes de Lorraine, Paris and Macon, 1886.

Cousin, L. Histoire de Г Église, Paris, 1686.

Covel, J. Diaries, ed. Bent, London, 1893.

—–Some Account of the Present Greek Church, Cambridge, 1722.

Craven, Elizabeth, Lady. Journey to Constantinople in 1786, London,
l7*9-

Crooke, W. Prentice Pillars : the Architect and his Pupil, in Folk-Lore,
xxix (1918), pp. 219 ff.

Crowfoot, J. W. Survivals among the Kappadokian Kizilbash (Bek-
tash), in J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx (1900), pp. 305 ff.

Crusius, M. Turco-Graecia, Basle, 1584.

De Cuchermoys, J. Le Sainet Voyage de Hierusalem, Lyon, 1530.
Cuinet, V. Turquie d’Asie, Paris, 1890-4.

Cumont, F. Note sur une Inscription d’lconium, in Byz. Zeit, iv (1895),
PP· 99 ff·

Cumont, F. and E. Studia Pontica, ii, iii, Brussels, 1906.

Cuper, G. Lettres, Amsterdam, 1742.

Curtiss, S. I. Primitive Semitic Religion, London, 1902.

Curzon, R. Visits to Monasteries in the Levant, London, 1897.
Cuspinian, J. De Tur corum Origine, Leyden, 1654.

Cutts, E. L. Christians under the Crescent, London, 1877.

Cyril, Archbishop. Π€ριγραφή τής yΑρχισατραπίας Ίκονίου, Con-
stantinople, 1815.

—–Πίναξ τής Άρχισατραπίας Ίκονίου, Vienna, 1812.

Dähnhardt, Ο. Natursagen, Leipzig and Berlin, 1907.

Dale, S. Pharmacologia, London, 1693.

Dallam, T. Diary, i^çç-iôoo, ed. Bent, London, 1893.

Dallaway, James. Constantinople, London, 1797.

Dandini, G. Voyage du Mont Liban, Paris, 1675.

Daniel, hegoumenos, in Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, q. v.

List of Authors xxxiii

Danon, M. Les Superstitions des Juifs Ottomans, in Onzième Congrès
d’Orient (1897), pp. 259 ff.

Dapontes, C. Καθρέπτης Γυναικών, Leipzig, 1766.

Daubeny, C. G. B. Active and Extinct Volcanos, London, 1826.

Davis, E. J. Life in Asiatic Turkey, London, 1879.

Davis, Nathan. Carthage and her Remains, London, 1861.

—-Ruined Cities within Numidian and Carthaginian Territories,

London, 1862.

Dawkins, R. M. A Modern Creek Festival, in Emmanuel Coll. Mag.
xviii (Ϊ908), pp. 18 ff.

—-A Re-cut Gem from Melos, in Ridgeway Essays, pp. 167 ff.

Decourdemanche, J. A. La Religion Populaire des Turcs, in Rev. Hist.
Relig. lx (1909), pp. 64 ff.

Deffner, M. Пейте ‘Eßbopabeς παρά τοις Άρνησιθρήσκοις ev
”0(f>ei, in *Εστία, ΐ8ηη, no. 87, ρρ. 547 ^·

Degrand, A. Souvenirs de la Haute-Alb ante, Paris, 1901.

Delehaye, H. Légendes-Grecques des Saints Militaires, Paris, 1909.

—-Les Origines du Culte des Martyrs, Brussels, 1912.

—-Saints de Chypre, in Anal. Bolland. xxvi, 161 ff.

Della Valle, P. Viaggi, Rome, 1658.

—-Voyages, Rouen, 1745.

Demidoff, A. Travels in Southern Russia during 1837, London, 1853.

Depont (О.) and Coppolani (X.). Les Confréries Religieuses Musul-
manes, Alger, 1897-8.

Dcrnschwam, Hans. Orientalische Reise J55J-J555, ed. H. Kiepert,
in Globus, lii (1888), pp. 186 ff., 202 ff., 214 ff., 230 ff.

Deschamps, E. Au Pays d’Aphrodite-Chypre, Paris, 1898.

—-Quinze Mois à Vile de Chypre, in Tour du Monde, 1897, pp. 181 ff.

Deschamps, G. La Grèce d’Aujourd’hui, Paris, 1892.

Desdevises du Dézert, G. Barcelone et les Grands Sanctuaires Catalans,
Paris, 1913.

Des Hayes, L. V oiage de Levant fait en Vannée 1621, Paris, 1645.

Didron, A. N. Manuel d’iconographie Chrétienne, Paris, 1845.

Diehl, Charles. Manuel d’Art Byzantin, Paris, 1910.

Von Diest, W.

—-Von Pergamon zum Pontus, in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, 1889,

Ergänzungsheft, no. 94.

—-Von Tilsit nach Angora, ibid., 1899, Ergänzungsheft, no. 125.

Von Diest (W.) and Anton (M.). Neue Forschungen im Nordwestlichen
Kleinasien, ibid., 1895, Ergänzungsheft, no. 116.

Dieulafoy, Jeanne P. H. R. Aragon et Valence, Paris, 1901.

Dittenberger, C. F. W. Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, Leipzig,
1898-1905.

Dodwell, E. Tour through Greece, London, 1819.

22QC

xxxiv Periodicals and Books consulted

Dodwell, E. Viezos and Descriptions in Greece and Italy, London, 1834.
Dolfin, Zorzo. Belagerung und Eroberung von Constantinopel aus der
Chronik von Zorzo Dolfin, ed. G. M. Thomas, in Sitzb. Bayr.
Akad. 1868, voi. ii, pp. 1 ff.

Donaldson, D. M. Ahe Great Venture in Khorasan, in Mosl. World,
ix (1919), pp. 293 ff.

Dorys, G. La Femme Aurque, Paris, 1902.

Doubdan, Jean. Le Voyage de la A erre Sainte, Paris, 1657.

Doughty, С. М. Aravels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge, 1888.
Douhet, Count L. R. Dictionnaire des Légendes, Paris, 1855·

•Doutté, E. Marabouts.

Dozon, L. A. H. Contes Albanais, Paris, 1881.

Drummond, Alexander. Aravels through Germany, Italy, Greece, and
several Parts of Asia, London, 1754.

Du Cange, Chas. Du Fresne. Constantinopolis Christiana, Paris, 1680.
Ducas, Michael. Historia Byzantina.

Duff Gordon, Lucie, Lady. Letters from Egypt, London, 1902.

Du Loir, —. Voyages, Paris, 1654.

Du Mans, Raphael. Estât de la Perse en 1660, ed. Schefer, Paris, 1890.
Dumas, A. En Russie, Paris, 1865.

—-Le Midi de la France, Paris, 1865.

—-Le Veloce, Paris, 1861.

Dumont, A. Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Épigraphie, Paris, 1892.
Dumont, Jean, Sieur. Nouveau Voyage du Levant, La Haye, 1694.
Dunmore, G. W. Movement among Koordish Priests, in Amer. Miss.

Her. liii (1857), pp. 219 ff.

Dupré, L. Voyage à Athènes et à Constantinople, Paris, 1825.

Durham, M. E. Burden of the BalkanSy London, 1905.

—-High Alb ani a, London, 1909.

—-Ahrough the Lands of the Serb, London, 1904.

Durm, Josef. Baukunst der Römer, Darmstadt, 1885.

Dussaud, René. Histoire et Religion des Nosairis, Paris, 1900.
Dutemple, E. En Aurquie d’Asie, Paris, 1883.

Duval, Rubens. Histoire Politique, Religieuse et Littéraire d*Édesse, in
jfourn. Asiat., ser. viii, vol. xviii (1891), pp. 201 ff.

Ebers, G. Durch Gosen zum Sinai, Leipzig, 1872.

Von Eckhart, J. G. Corpus Historicum Medii Aevi, Leipzig, 172,3.
Edersheim, A. Life and Aimes of Jesus, London, 1883.

Eflaki, Acts of the Adepts, in Redhouse’s Mesnevi, q. v.

Van Egmont (J. A.) and Heymann (Jan). Aravels through Parts of
Europe, Asia Minor, the Islands, London, 1759.

Einsler, Lydia. Mar Elyas, El-Chadr, und Mar Dschirjis, in Z.D.P.V.
xvii (1894), pp. 42 ff.

List of Authors XXXV

Einsler, Lydia. Der Name Gottes und die bösen Geister, in Z.D.P.V.

X (1887), pp. 160 ff.

Eliot, Sir Charles [Odysseus]. Ίurkey in Europe, London, 1900.
Elliott, Chas. В. Travels in Austria, Russia, and Turkey, London,
1838.

Elworthy, F. T. T&? Eye, London, 1895.

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 3rd ed., Cambridge, 1788-97.

Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leyden and London, 1913 ff.

Enlart, C. L’Art Gothique en Chypre, Paris, 1899·

D’Este, N. Viaggio, 1413* in Cö//. dz Opere della R. Commiss, ре’ ÎVrti
di Lingua, Bologna, 1861.

Estienne, H. Apologie pour Hérodote, La Haye, 1735.

D’Estourmel, J. Journal d’un Voyage en Orient, Paris, 1844.

Ethé, H. Fahrten des Sajjid Batthal, Leipzig, 1871.

Eugenios, abbot. *77 Ζωοδόχος Πηγή, Athens, 1886.

Eusebius. H is torta Ecclesiastica.

Evans, A. J. Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum, in Archaeologia,
xlix (1885), PP· 5

—-Minoan and My cene an Element in Hellenic Life, in J.Η.S.

xxxii (1912), pp. 277 ff.

—-Mycenean Tree and Pillar Cult, in J.H.S. xxi (1901), pp. 99 ff.

Evliya Efendi. Travels in Europe, Africa, tr. von Hammer,

London, 1834.

Fabri, Frater Felix. Evagatorium, ed. Hassler, Stuttgart, 1843.
Falkener, E. Ephesus and the Temple of Diana, London, 1862.
Fallmerayer, J. P. Fragmente aus dem Orient, Stuttgart, 1877.

Farley, J. L. Two Tears in Syria, London, 1858.

Febvre, Michele. Théâtre de la Turquie, Paris, 1682.

Fellows, Sir Charles. Journal in Asia Minor, London, 1839.
Feyerabend, S. Reyssbuch des Heyligen Lands, Frankfurt, 1584.

Field, C. H. A. Mystics and Saints of Islam, London, 1910.
Fife-Cookson, J. C. Armies of the Balkans, London, 1879.

Finlay, George. History of Greece, ed. H. F. Tozer, Oxford, 1877.
Flandin (E.) and Coste (P.). Voyage en Perse pendant 1840 et 1841,
Paris, 1851.

Von Flottwell, —. Stromgebiet des Qyzyl-Vrmaq, in Peter-

mann’s Mittheilungen, 1895, Ergänzungsheft, no. 114.

Foerster, R. Zzm Pariser und Wiener Anonymus über Athen, in
Mitth. viii (1883), pp. 30 ff.

Fontanier, V. Voyages en Orient i82I-i82ç, Paris, 1829.

Fontrier, A. M. Antiquités d’Ionie, in Rev. Êt. Ane. ix (1907), pp. 114 ff.
Forbin, Count L. Travels in Greece, Turkey, the Holy Land,

London, 1820.

c 2

xxxvi Periodicals and Books consulted

Forchheimer (P.) and Strzygowski (J.), Die Byzantinischen Wasser-
behälter von Konstantinopel, Vienna, 1893.

De Foville, J. Pise et Lucques, Paris, 1914.

Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum.

Francis, Saint. Fioretti.

Francisci, E. Lust- und Stats-Garten, Nuremberg, 1668.

Francklin, W. Remarks on the Plain of Troy in 1799, London, 1800.
Franco, M. Histoire des Israelites de Г Empire Ottoman, Paris, 1897.
Frankland, С. C. Travels to and from Constantinople, London, 1829.
Frazer, Sir J. G. Golden Bough (Taboo, Pt. II ; Adonis, Attis, Osiris,
Pt. IV ; Spirits of the Corn and the Wild, Pt. V), London, 1907-15.
—–See also Pausanias.

Fredrich, C. Lemnos, in Ath. Mitth. xxxi (1906), pp. 72 ff.

Freshfield, D. W. Travels in the Central Caucasus and В ash an, London,
1869.

Friedländer, I. Die Chadhirlegende u. der Alexanderroman, Leipzig and
Berlin, 1913.

Friedrich, J. Der geschichtliche Heilige Georg, in Sitzb. Bayr. Akad.
ii (1899), Ph.-Ph. CL pp. 159 ff.

Gairdner, W. H. T. Reproach of Islam, London, 1909.

Galen, C. De Simplicium Medicamentorum. F acultatibus, Paris, 1530.
Galland, A. Journal 1672-1673, ed. Schefer, Paris, 1881.

Galt, J. Letters from the Levant, London, 1813.

Garden, R. J. Description of Diarbekr, in J.R.G.S. xxxvii (1867), pp.
182 ff.

Garnett, L. M. J. Greek Folk-Songs from the Ottoman Provinces of
Northern Hellas, London, 1888.

—–Mysticism and Magic in Turkey, London, 1912.

—–Turkish Life in Town and Country, London, 1904.

—–Women of Turkey and their Folk-Lore, London, 1891.

Garstang, J. Land of the Hittites, London, 1910.

De Gasparin, Countess V. À Constantinople, Paris, 1867.

Gauthiez, P. Milan, Paris, 1905.

Gautier, T. Constantinople, Paris, 1853.

Gedeon, Μ. I. Τυπικόν τής Μονής Μιχαήλ, Athens, 1895.

Gédoyn, L. Journal et Correspondance, ed. Boppe, Paris, 1909.

Gelzer, H. Byzantinische Inschriften aus Westmakedonien, in Ath.

Mitth. xxvii (1902), pp. 431 ff.

Gemelli Careri, G. F. Giro del Mondo, Naples, 1699-1700.

Van Gennep, A. En Algérie, Paris, 1914.

—–Religion, Mœurs et Légendes, Paris, 1908.

Georg, J. Zur Ikonographie des heiligen Spyrid, in Byz. Zeit, xix (1910),
pp. 107 ff.

List of Authors xxxvii

Georgeakis (G.) and Pineau (L.). Le Folk-Lore de Lesbos, Paris, 1894.

George of Hungary. Tractatus de Moribus, Condictionibus, et Nequicia
Tur corum, Rome, 1481 ?

Georgewicz (Georgievits, B.). De Tur corum Moribus Epitome, Rome,
1552.

—-House of Ottomanno, tr. H. Gough, London, 1570.

Gerlach, S. Tage-Buch, Frankfurt, 1674.

Gervais-Courtellemont, J. C. Voyage à la Mecque, Paris, 1896.

Geuffroy, Л. Court du Grant Turc, Paris, 1546.

Geyer, P. Itinera Hierosolymitana, Vienna, 1898.

Van Ghistele, Joos. voyage, Ghent, 1572.

Gibb, E. J. W. History of Ottoman Poetry, London, 1900.

Gibbon, E. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury,
London, 1909-14.

Giovio, P. Cose de Turchi, Venice, 1541.

De Gissac, J. Notice sur le Château et la Chapelle de Gozon, in Congrès
Arch. XXX (1863), pp. 65 ff.

Goldziher, I. Aus dem mohammedanischen Heiligenkultus in Aegypten,
in Globus, lxxi (1897), pp. 233 ff.

—-Culte des Saints chez les Musulmans, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880),

pp. 258 ff.

—-Magische Steine, in Archiv f. Religionsw. xiv (1911), pp. 308 f.

—-Muhammedänische Traditionen iiber den Grabesort des Josua, in

Z.D.P.V. ii (1879), PP· T3 ff·

De Gontaut-Biron, Jean. Ambassade en Turquie, ed. T. de Gontaut-
Biron, in Archives Historiques de la Gascogne, vols, xvi (1888), xix
(1889).

Gottheil, R. Apollonius von Tyana, in Z. D. M or geni. Ges. xlvi (1892),
pp. 466 ff.

Gougouses, C. G. Βουλγαρικόν *Αισμa nepl τοΰ ΜττολΙν Ντοϊτσίν,
in Λαογραφία, i (1909), ΡΡ· ^9° £

Goujon, J. F. Histoire et Voyage de la Terre Sainte, Lyon, 1671.

Graham, S. With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem, London, 1913

Grant, Asahel. Nestorians, London, 1841.

Green, Alice S. Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, London, 1894.

Grégoire, H. Géographie Byzantine, in Byz. Zeit, xix (1910), pp. 59 ff.

—-Notes Épigraphiques, in Rev. Instr. Pub. Belg. lii (1909), pp. 1 ff.

—-Voyage dans le Pont et en Cappadoce, in B.C.H. xxxiii (1909),

PP; 3 Я·

Gregorius Nazianzenus.

Gregorovius, F. Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter, Stuttgart,
1889.

—-Promenades Italiennes—Rome et ses Environs, Paris, 1910.

—-W anderjahre in Italien, v, Leipzig, 1870-7.

xxxviii Periodicals and Books consulted

Gregory of Tours, in Migne’s Patrol. Lat.y q. v.

Grelot, G. J. A late Voyage to Constantinople, London, 1683.

Grenard, F. Les Kyzyl-Bachs, in Joum. Asiat., ser. x, voi. iii (1904),
pp. suff.

—-La Legende de Satok Boghra Khan, in Journ. Asiat., ser. ix, voi. xv

(1900), pp. 5 ff·

Griffiths, J. Travels in Europe, Asia Minor, and Arabia, London, 1805.

Grimaldi, A. B. Cenotaphs of the Hebrew Patriarchsy in P.E.F.y Q.S.
for 1912, pp. 145 ff.

Grisebach, A. H. R. Reise durch Rumelien und nach Brussa im Jahre
1839, Göttingen, 1841.

Gronovius, J. Memoria Cossonianay Leyden, 1695.

Grosvenor, E. A. Constantinople, Cambridge (U.S.A.), 1895.

Grothe, Hugo. Meine Vorderasienexpedition igo6 und 1907, Leipzig,
1911.

Grünemberg, C. Pilgerfahrty ed. Goldfriedrich (J.) and Fränzel (W.),
Leipzig, 1912. Also in Röhricht und Meisner’s Pilger Schriften, q. v.

Guérin, Paul. Vie des Saints, Paris, 1898.

Guérin, Victor. Description de la Palestine, Paris, 1868-1880.

—-Voyage dans Vile de Rhodes, Paris, 1856.

Guillet de Saint-George = De La Guilletière, q.v.

Gulbenkian, C. S. La Transcaucasie, Paris, 1891.

Guthe, H. Nachträge zur Mar Elyas, in Z.D.P.V. xvii (1894), P· 3°3*

Hackett, J. History of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, London, 1901.

Hadji Khalfa. Gihan Numa, tr. M. Norberg, London and Gotha, 1818 ;
tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin, Descr. de VAsie Mineure, ii,

637 ff-

—-Rumeli und Bosna, tr. von Hammer, Vienna, 1812.

Hadji Khan and Sparroy (W.). With the Pilgrims to Mecca, London
and New York, 1905.

Von Hahn, J. G. Albanesische Studien, Jena, 1854.

*—Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, Vienna, 1861.

—-Reise durch die Gebiete des Drin und War dar, Vienna, 1867.

H., G. J. Silhouettes from the Sudan, in Blackwood’s Magazine, cciii
(1918), pp. 402 ff.

Halid, Halil. Diary of a Turk, London, 1903.

Hall, H. R. Some Greek Monasteries, in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch, xxxv
(1913), pp. 141 ff. .

Halliday, W. R. Cenotaphs and Sacred Localities, in B.S.A. xvn (1910-
II), pp. 182 ff.

—-Cretan Folklore Notes, in Folk-Lore, xxiv (1913), pp. 357 &

—-Folklore Scraps from Greece and Asia Minor, in Folk-Lore, xxiii

(1912), pp. 218 ff.

List of Authors xxxix

Hamilton, M. A. Greek Saints and their Festivals, Edinburgh and
London, 1910.

—–Incubation, St. Andrews, 1906.

—–The Pagan Element in the Names of Saints, in B.S.A. xiii (1906-7),

pp· 34*«·

Hamilton, W. J. Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia,
London, 1842.

Von Hammer-Purgstall, J. Constantinopolis u. der Bosporos, Pesth, 1822.

—–Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst, Pesth, 1836-8.

—–Histoire de VEmpire Ottoman, ed. J. J. Heilert, Paris, 1835-43.

—–Medjir-ed-din, in Mines de Г Or. ii (1811), pp. 81 fL

—– Reise von Constantinopel nach Brussa u. dem Olympos, Pesth,

1818.

—–Staatsverfassung и. Staatsverwaltung, Vienna, 1815.

—–Ueher den Heiligen Georg, in Theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1831,

pp. 829 ff.

—–Ueber die T alismanen der Moslimen, in Mines de VOr. iv (1814),

pp. 15s ff.

Hanauer, J. E. Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, London, 1907.

Hare, Augustus J. C. Walks in Florence, London, 1887.

—–Walks in Rome, London, 1871.

Harris, John. Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca (for Thé-
venot, q.v.), London, 1705.

Hartland, E. S. The Legend of Perseus, London, 1894.

Hartley, J. Researches in Greece and the Levant, London, 1831.
Hartmann, M. Chinesisch-Turkestan, Frankfurt-am-Mayn, 1908.
Hasluck, F. W. Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda, in
B.S.A. XX (1913-14), pp. 94 ff.

—–Athos and Its Monasteries, London, 1924.

——- The Caliph Mamoun and the Prophet Daniel, in J.H.S. xlii (1922),

PP· 99 ff· .

• –Christianity and Islam under the Sultans of Konia, in B.S.A. xix

(1912-13), pp. 191 ff.

—–Columns of Ordeal, in B.S.A. xxiv (1919-21), pp. 68 ff.

—–Coustantinopolitana, in J.H.S. xliii (1923), pp. 162 ff.

—— The Crypto-Christians of Trebizond, in J.H.S. xli (1921), pp. 199 ft’.
—–Cyzicus, Cambridge, 1910.

—–Dieudonné de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes, in B.S.A. xx (1913-

14), pp. 70 ff.

—–Dr. CoveVs Notes on Galata, in B.S.A. xi (1904-5), pp. 50 ff.

* –The Forty, in B.S.A. xix (1912-13), pp. 221 ff.

—–Frankish Remains at Adalia, in B.S.A. xv (1908-9), pp. 270 ff.

—–Genoese Heraldry and Inscriptions at Amastra, in B.S.A. xvii

(1910-11), pp. 132 ff.

xl Periodicals and Books consulted

Hasluck, F. W. Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi, in B.S.A. xxi
(1914-16), pp. 84 ff.

—-Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor, in B.S.A. xix (1912-13),

pp. 182 ff.

—-Heraldry of the Rhodian Knights, in B.S.A. xvii (1910-11), pp.

45 ff·

—-Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor, in J. R. Arithr. Inst, li (1921),

pp. 3ioff.

—-Inscriptions from the Cyzicus District, 1906, in J.H.S. xxvii (1907),

pp. 61 ff.

—-Latin Monuments of Chios, in B.S.A. xvi (1909-10), pp. 137 ff.

—-Letters on Religion and Folklore, London, 1926.

—-Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople, in B.S.A. xxii (1916-18),

pp. 157 ff.

—-Note on Haidar, Khodja Achmet, Karadja Achmet, in B.S.A. xx

(i9ï3-14), pp. 120 ff.

—-ött MSS. ί/г the British Museum relating to Levantine Geo-
graphy and Travel, in B.S.A. xii (1905-6), pp. 196 ff.

—-Plato in the Folklore of the Konia Plain, in B.S.A. xviii (1911-12),

pp. 265 ff.

—-Prentice Pillars, in Folk-Lore, xxx (1919), pp. 134 f.

—-Stone Cults and Venerated Stones in the Graeco-Turkish Area, in

B.S.A. xxi (1914-16), pp. 64 ff.

—-Studies in Turkish History and Folklore, in B.S.A. xix (1912-13),

pp. 198 ff.

—-Supplementary Notes on British Museum Manuscripts relating to

Levantine Geography, in B.S.A. xiii (1906-7), pp. 339 ff.

—-Terra Lemnia, in B.S.A. xvi (1909-10), pp. 220 ff.

—-The Tomb of S. Poly carp and the Topography of Ancient Smyrna,

in B.S.A. xx (1913-14), pp. 80 ff.

Hasluck, F. W., and Wace, A. J. B. Laconia, in B.S.A. xiv (1907-8),
pp. 161 ff.

Hasluck, Margaret M. Christian Survivals among certain Moslem Sub-
jects of Greece, in Contemp. Rev. 1924, pp. 225 ff.

Hastings, J. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Edinburgh, 1908 ff.

Hay, Drummond. Marokko, Stuttgart, 1846.

Heard, W. B. Notes on the Tezidis, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli (1911),
pp. 200 ff.

Heberdey, R., and Wilhelm, A. Reisen in Kilikien, in Denkschr. Wien.
Akad. xliv (1896), Ph.-Hist. Cl.y Abh. vi.

Hecquard, H. Histoire et Description de la Haute Albanie, Paris, 1858.

Heisenberg, A. Grabeskirche и. Apostelkirche, Leipzig, 1908.

Hengstenberg, W. Der Drachenkampf des heiligen Theodor, in Orient
Christianus (1912), pp. 78 ff., 241 ff.

xli

List of Authors

D’Herbelot, B. Bibliothèque Orientale, Paris, 1697, 1781, 1783.

Hercher, R. Erotici Scriptores Graeci, Leipzig, 1858-9.

Herges, A. Les Monastères de Bithynie, in В essanone, v (1899), pp. 9 ff.

Herzog, R. Koische Forschungen u. Funde, Leipzig, 1899.

—-Ein Türkisches Werk über das Aegäische Meer (Piri Reis), in Ath.

Mitth. xxvii (1902), pp. 417 ff.

Heuzey (L.) and Daumet (H.). Minion Archéologique de Macédoine,

% Paris, 1876.

Hildburgh, W. L. Some Cairene Amulets for Houses and for Horses and
Donkeys, in Man, xiii (1913), pp. I ff.

Hill, Aaron. A Full Account of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire,
London, 1709.

Hobhouse, J. C. Journey through Albania, London, 1813.

Hogarth, D. G. Devia Су pria, Oxford, 1889.

—-Hierapolis Syriae, in B.S.A. xiv (1907-8), pp. 183 ff.

Hogarth, D. G., and Munro, J. A. R. Modern and Ancient Roads in
Eastern Asia Minor, in R.G.S., Suppl. Pap., voi. iii, part v, pp.
643 ff·

Holland, H. Travels in the Ionian Isles, Albania, Thessaly, Macedonia,
London, 1815.

Hope, Thomas. Anastasius, London, 1819.

Hottinger, J. H. Historia Orienta lis, Tiguri, 1660.

Huart, C. Konia, Paris, 1897.

Hughes, T. S. Travels in Greece and Albania, London, 1830.

Hugonnet, L. La Grèce Nouvelle, Paris, 1884.

Humann, C. Ueber die Ethnologie Klein-Asiens, in Verb. Ges.f. Erd-
kunde, vii (1880), pp. 241 ff.

Hume Griffith, Mrs. M. E. Behind the Veil in Persia and Turkish
Arabia, London, 1909.

Huntington, Ellsworth. Through the Great Canon of the Euphrates
River, in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), pp. 175 ff.

Hutton, W. H. The Influence of Christianity illustrated by the Lives of
the English Saints, London, 1903.

Ibn Batuta. Tr. S. Lee for Orient. Tr. Fund, London, 1829, and tr.

B. R. Sanguinetti for Soc. Asiatique, Paris, 1853-9.

#Iken, —. Tonti Nameh.

Imhoof-Blumer, F. Nymphengruppen, in Jour. Int. Num. xi (1908),
pp. 181 ff.

Imperato, F. Historia Naturale, Naples, 1599.

Ioannides, S. fΙστορία Τραπζζοΰντος, Constantinople, 1870.

Ippen, T. Alte Kirchen in Albanien, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, vii (1900),
pp.231 ff.

xlii Periodicals and Books consulted

Ippen, T. Alte Kirchen in Albanien, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, viii,
(1902) pp. 131 flF.

—-Novi Bazar, Vienna, 1892.

—-Skutari u. die Nordalbanische Küstenebene, Vienna, 1904.

Italian Ίrav els in Persia. Ed. Hakluyt Society, London, 1873.

Jaba, A. Recueil de Notices et Récits Kourdes, St. Petersburg, i860.

Jacob, G. Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Derwisch-Ordens der Bektaschis,
Leyden, 1908.

—-Die Bektaschijje in ihrem Verhältnis zu verwandten Erscheinungen,

in Abh. Bayr. Ak. xxiv (1909), Ph-Ph. CI., Abh. iii.

—-Fortleben v. antiken Mysterien und Alt-Christlichem im Islam, in

Der Islam, ii (1911), pp. 232 ff.

Janin, R. Musulmans malgré eux : Les Stavriotes, in Échos d’Orient,
XV (1912), pp. 495 ff.

Jaray, G. L. Au Jeune Royaume d’Albanie, Paris, 1914.

—-VAlbanie Inconnue, Paris, 1913.

Jardin des Mosquées, in Hammer-Purgstall, Hist. Emp. Ott., ed. Heilert,
xviii, q.v.

Jatakas, ed. Cowell, Cambridge, 1895-1913.

De Jerphanion, G. Notes de Géographie et d*Archéologie, in Byz. Zeit.
XX (Î911), pp. 492 ff.

—-Note sur Studia Pontica, III, in Mèi. F ac. Or. v (1911), p. xxxviii.

De Jerphanion, G., and Jalabert, L. Inscriptions P Asie Mineure, in
Mél. Far. Or. iii (1908), pp. 437 ff.

Jessup, H. H. The Women of the Arabs, London, 1874.

Jewett, F. Kuzzelbash Koords, in Amer. Miss. Her. liv (1858), p. 109.

Jewish Encyclopaedia, New York and London, 1916 ff.

Jireöek, C. [K. J.]. Archäologische Fragmente aus Bulgarien, in Arch.
Epigr. Mitth. X (1886), pp. 43 ff., 128 ff.

Jireéek, K. J. Das Fürstenthum Bulgarien, Vienna, 1891.

—-Die Heerstrasse von Belgrad nach Constantinopel, Prag, 1877.

Joanne, A. L. Itinéraire de la France . . . Bretagne, Paris, 1883.

Jocher, C. G. Gelehrten-Lexicon, Leipzig, 1726.

Jochmus, A. Notes on a Journey into the Balkan in 1847, in J.R.G.S.
xxiv (1854), PP· З6 ff.

Johnson, J. Augustus. Inscriptions discovered at Hamath, in P.E.F.,
Q.S. for 1871, pp. 173 ff.

Jordanus, C. Description des Merveilles d’une Partie de l’Asie, in Ree.
de Voyages, iv (1839).

Jorga, N. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, Gotha, 1908-13.

Josephus, F. Œuvres Complètes (Panthéon Littéraire), ed. Buchon,
Paris, 1838.

Jouannin, J. M. Turquie, Paris, 1840.

xliii

List of Authors

Jowett, W. Christian Researches, London, 1822.

De Juchereau de Saint-Denis, A. Histoire de VEmpire Ottoman, Paris,

i844·

—-Révolutions de Constantinople, Paris, 1819.

de Julleville, L. Petit. Recherches en Grèce, in Arch, des Miss, v (1869),
pp. 469 ff.

#Julliard, —. Voyages Incohérents, 1903.

Justinian, J. Description de Ohio, Paris, 1606.

Kalevras, P. Έτηστολαί, Athens, 1856.

Kambouroglous, D. G. ‘Ιστορία των * Αθηναίων im Τουρκοκρατίας,
Athens, 1889-1900.

—-Μνημεία της ‘Ιστορίας των * Αθηναίων, Athens, 1891.

Kammas, G. in Μικρασ. ‘ Ημβρολ., 1915> Ρ· 281.

Kandis, В. I. Προύσα, Athens, 1883.

Kanitz, F. Donau-Bulgarien и. der Balkan, Leipzig, 1875-9. (A French
translation was published as La Bulgarie Danubienne et le Balkan,
Paris, 1882.)

Karabashek, К. Gigliato des karischen Turkomanenfiirsten Urchan-beg,
in Num. Zeit, ix (1877), pp. 200 ff.

Karolides, P. Ta Κομάνα καί та *Epeima αυτών, Smyrna, 1882.

Kastorches, E. Пер1 τής iv Δημητσάνη ‘Ελληνικής Σχολής, Athens,

1847.

Kelly, W. К. Syria and the Holy Land, London, 1844.

Keppel, G. T. Narrative of a Journey across the В ale an in 1829-30,
London, 1831.

De Kergorlay, J. Chypre et Rhodes, Paris, 1913.

—-Sites délaissés dyOrient, Paris, 1911.

Kesnin Bey. Le Mal d1 Orient. Paris, 1887.

* Khi trovo, Madame S. Itinéraires Russes, Geneva, 1889.

Kiepert, Heinrich, Karte von Kleinasien, Berlin, 1902-6.

—-Memoir über die Construction der Karte von Kleinasien, Berlin,

1854.

—-See also Dernschwam.

King, Mrs. Annie. Dr. Liddon’s Tour in Egypt and Palestine, London,
1891.

King, C. W. Natural History of Precious Stones, London, 1865.

Kinneir, J. M. Journey through Asia Minor, London, 1818.

Kitchener, H. H. Reports, in P.E.F., O.S. for 1877, pp. 116 ff., 165 ff.

Kleonymos (M.) and Papadopoulos (Ch.). Βιθυνικά, Constantinople,
1867.

Knolles, R. The Turkish History, London, 1687.

Koch, John. Die Siebenschläferlegende, Leipzig, 1883.

Koechlin-Schwartz, A. Un Touriste au Caucase, Paris, 1881.

xliv Periodicals and Books consulted

Koerte, A. Die Ausgrabungen am Westabhange der Akropolis, in Ath.

Mitth. xxi (1896), pp. 287 ff.

Koléas, S. = Borati, S., q.v.

Koran, tr. G. Sale, London, 1868 (Chandos Classics).

Korten, J. Reise nach dem Gelobten Lande, Halle, 1743.

Kortholt, —. De Calumniis Paganorum, Kiel, 1668.

Koukoulis, I. Ta Nia Μυλασα, in Ξενοφάνης, iii, 448 ff.

Koumas, C. Μ. ‘Ιστορίαι των * Ανθρωπίνων Πράξεων, Vienna, 1830.
Von Kremer, A. Aegypten, Forschungen über Land u. Volk, Leipzig,
l863.

—-Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams, Leipzig, 1868.

Krumbacher, C. Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur. Munich,
1890.

Kunos, I. Forty-Four Turkish Fairy Tales, London, 1913.

—-Türkische V olksmär ch en aus Adakale, Leipzig, 1907.

—-Türkische Volksmärcheii aus Stambul, Leyden, 1905.

Kutsch, F. Attische Heilgötter und Heilheroen, Giessen, 1903.
Kyprianos, Archimandrite. *Ιστορία της Κύπρον, Nicosia, 1902.
Kyriakides, E. I. * Ιστορία της Μονής Σουμελά, Athens, 1898.

De Laborde, L. E. S. J. Athènes aux xvv, xvie, xviie siècles, Paris, 1854.

—-Voyage en Orient, Paris, 1838 {Asie Mineure —– vol. i, Syrie =

vol. ii).

De La Boullaye Le Gouz, E. Voyages et Observations, Paris, 1653.

De La Brocquière, B. In Wright, Early Travels, q.v. Also cd. Schefer
and Cordier as Voyage à?Outremer, Paris, 1892.

Lacour, J. L. Excursions en Grèce, Paris, 1834.

Lafont, E. Trois Mois de Chasse en Albanie, Paris, 1899.

De La Guilletière, —. Athènes Ancienne et Nouvelle, Paris, 1675.

De La Magdeleine, Claude i Le Miroir Ottoman, Basle, 1677.

De Lamartine, Μ. I,. A. Souvenirs pendant un Voyage en Orient,
Paris, 1835.

De La Martinière, A. A. Bruzen. Le Grand Dictionnaire Géographique
et Critique, La Haye, 1726-39.

De La Mauvinière, H., abbé. Poitiers et Angoulême, Paris, 1908.
Lambakis, G. Oi fΕπτά Άστερες της Άποκαλυφεως, Athens, 1909.

—-Περιήγησίς,ϊη Δελτίον Χριστ. Άρχαιολ. Εταιρείας, Η’ (1908),

ΡΡ· 3 fr

Lambros, S. Ρ. 9Ανεκ8οτα “.Εγγραφα περί ‘Ρήγα, in Δελτίον ‘Ιστορ.
‘Εταιρείας, iii (1889), ρρ. 5^7

—-Άνεκ8οτον Χρονικόν περί των Αθηνών κατά τον iÇ7 Αιώνα,

in ΆΘηναΐον, vi (1877)? ΡΡ· 43^·

—-Άποκαλνφεις περί του Μαρτυρίου τον Ρήγα, Athens, 1892.

—-Αί’ΑΘήναι περί τα Τέλη του δωδεκάτου ΑΙώνος, Athens, 1878.

List of Authors xlv

Lambros, S. P. *Ενθυμήσεων ήτοι Χρονικών Σημειωμάτων Συλ-
λογή πρώτη, in Νέος fΕλληνομνήμων, vii (1910), ΡΡ· ИЗ ff·
Lammens, Η. Le Massif du Gabal Siman, in Mel. Fac. Or. ii (1907),
pp. 366 ff.

De La Mottraye, A. Travels through Europe, Asia, and Africa, London,
1723-32.

—–^oyages, La Haye, 1727.

Lamprides, I. Πασάς ( — pt. ii of *Ηπειρωτικά Μελετήματα,

Athens, 1887).

Lanciani, R. A. Pagan and Christian Rome, London, 1892.
Lanckoronski, C. Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, Vienna, 1890.
Lane, E. W. Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, London,
1871.

—–Thousand and One Nights, London, 1895.

Langlois, V. Voyage dans la Cilicie, Paris, 1861.

De La Roque, J. Voyage de P Arabie Heureuse, Paris, 1716.

—–Voyage de Syrie et du Mont-Liban, Amsterdam, 1723.

De Launay, L. La Bulgarie d’hier et de demain, Paris, 1907.

—–Chez les Grecs de Turquie, Paris, 1897.

—–Géologie de I^emnos, in Annales des Mines, xiii (1898), pp. 197 ff.

—–Notes sur Lemnos, in Rev. Arch, xxvii (1895), pp. 305 ff.

Laurent, P. E. Recollections of a Classical Tour, London, 1821.
Lavriotes, A. E. ‘H*Εορτή των 40 Μαρτύρων, in Θρακικη Έπετηρίς,

i (1897), pp. 32 ff.

Lawson, J. C. Modem Greek Folklore, Cambridge, 1910.

Layard, A. Description of the Province of Khuzistan, in J.R.G.S. xvi
(1846), pp. I ff.

—–Discoveries in Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1853.

Leaf, W. Notes on the Troad, in Geog. Journ. xl (1912), pp. 25 ff.
Leake, W. M. Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, London, 1824.

—–Travels in Northern Greece, London, 1835.

Lear, E. Journals of a landscape Painter in Albania, London, 1851.
—–Letters, London, 1907.

Le Blant, E. Les Persécuteurs et les Martyrs aux premiers siècles de
notre ère, Paris, 1893.

Le Boulicaut, A. Au Pays des Mystères, Paris, 1913.

Le Braz, A. Au Pays des Pardons, Paris, 1900.

Le Bruyn, C. Voyage au Levant, Paris, 1725 (Delft, 1700).
Lechevalier, J. B. Description of the Plain of Troy, Edinburgh, 1791.

—–Voyage de la Propontide et du Pont-Euxin, Paris, 1800.

Leclercq, J. Voyage au Mont Ararat, Paris, 1892.

Lecoy de la Marche, A. La Chaire Française au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1886.
Lee Childe, Blanche. Un Hiver au Caire, Paris, 1883.

Legrand, É. Bibliographie Albanaise, Athens, 1912.

xlvi Periodicals and Books consulted

Legrand, Ê. Recueil de Contes Populaires Grecs, Paris, ι88ι.

Lejean, G. Excursion à la Recherche de Gordiumy in Bull. Soc. Géog.

xvii (1869), pp. 62 ff.

Van Lennep, H. J. Travels in Little-known Parts of Asia Minor,
London, 1870.

Lenoir, P. Le Fayoum, le Sinaï, et P ètra, Paris, 1872.

Lenormant, F. La Voie Sacrée Éleusinienne, Paris, 1864.

Le Quien, F. M. Oriens Christianus, Paris, 1740.

Le Roy, J. D. Ruines des Monuments de la Grèce, Paris, 1770.

Le Strange, G. Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1905.

—-On the Mediaeval Castle and Sanctuary of Abrik, in J. R. Asiat.

Soc., 1895, pp. 739 ff.

—-Palestine under the Moslems, London, 1890.

Lesur, C. L. Annuaire Historique pour 183g, Paris, 1841.

Lethaby (W. R.) and Swainson (H.). Sancta Sophia, London and New
York, 1894.

Leunclavius, J. Annales, 1648 (in Corpus Byzantinum).

—-Pandectes, ibid.

Levides, M. Al iv ΜονολίΘοις Moval τής Καππαδοκίας, Constanti-
nople, 1898.

Levy, M. A. Don Joseph Nasi, Breslau, 1859.

Lewis, Mrs. A. S. Horae Semiticae, London, 1904, &c.

Liégeois, C. Gilles de Chin, London and Paris, 1903.

Lilek, E. Ethnologische Notizen aus Bosnien, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien,
viii (1902), pp. 267 ff.

—-V er mählungsbräuche in Bosnien, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, vii (1900),

pp. 291 ff.

—-Volksglaube in Bosnien, in IViss. Mitth. Bosnien, iv (1896), pp.

401 ff.

Lithgow, W. Rare Adventures, Glasgow, 1906.

Livingston, W. W. The Kuzzelbash Koords, in Amer. Miss. Her. lxi
(1865), p. 246.

Loftus, W. K. Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, London,

i857·

—-On the Excavations at Susa in 1831-2, in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. v

(1856), pp. 422 ff.

Lonicerus, Ph. Chronicorum Turcorum Libri, Frankfurt, 1584.
Lorenzo, Père San. S. Poly carpe et son Tombeau, Constantinople, 1911.
De Lorey (E.) and Sladen (D. B. W.). Queer Things about Persia,
London, 1907.

Lortet, L. La Syrie d’Aujourd’hui, Paris, 1884.

Louvre : Catalogue Sommaire des Marbres Antiques.

Lubomirski, Prince J. Jérusalem, Paris, 1882.

Lucas, Paul. Voyage au Levant, La Haye, 1705.

xlvii

List of Authors

Lucas, Paul. Voyage dans la Grèce, Amsterdam, 1714.

—-Voyage fait en 1714 dans la Turquie, Г Asie, Sourie, Palestine,

Amsterdam, 1720.

Lucian. De Dea Syria.

Lucius, E. Die Anfänge des Heiligenkults in der Christlichen Kirche,
Tübingen, 1904. A French translation was published at Paris in
1908.

Ludolf von Suchern. De Itinere Terrae Sanctae, cd. F. Deycks, Stutt-
gart, 1851.

Lueken, W. Michael, Göttingen, 1898.

Lukach [Luke], H. C. City of Daficing Dervishes, London, 1914.

Luke (H. C.) and Tardine (D. I.). Handbook of Cyprus, London, 1912.
Luke, J., in B.M. Shane MS. 2720f.

Von Luschan, F. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia, in J. R.

Anthr. Inst, xli (1911), pp. 221 ff.

Von Luschan (F.) and Petersen (E.). Reisen in Lykien, Vienna, 1889.
Lynch, H. F. B. Armenia, London, 1901.

Lynch, W. F. Narrative of the United States’ Expedition to the River
Jordan and the Dead Sea, London, 1849.

Mabillon, J. Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, Paris, 1668.
Macalister, R. A. S. The Excavation at Gezer, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1909,
pp. 183 ff.

Macarius of Antioch. Travels of Macarius . . . Written by Paul of
Aleppo, tr. Belfour, London, 1829-36.

MacFarlane, Chas. Constantinople in 1828, London, 1829.

—-Turkey and its Destiny, London, 1850.

Macintosh, A. F. Military Tour in European Turkey, London, 1854.
Mackenzie (G. M. M.) and Irby (A. P.). Travels in the Slavonic Pro-
vinces of Turkey in Europe, London, 1877.

—-The Turks, the Greeks, and the Slavons, London, 1867.

Mackintosh, Mrs. Damascus and its People, London, 1883.

De Maillet, В. Description de P Égypte, La Haye, 1740.

Makris, P. Ήρακλζία του Πόντου, Athens, 1908.

Makris, P. G. Το Κατιρλί, Constantinople, 1888.

Malcolm, Sir J. History of Persia, London, 1829.

Mandeville, Sir J. Le Lapidaire du Quatorzième Siècle, Vienna, 1862.

—-Travels, in Wright’s Early Travels, q.v.

Manzour, I. Mémoires sur la Grèce et l’Albanie, Paris, 1827.

Mariti, G. Travels in Cyprus, tr. C. D. Cobham, Nicosia, 1895.
Markovic, M. R. Volksmärchen, in W iss. Mitth. Bosnien, i (1893), pp.

483 ff·

De Marmont, A. F. L. Vicsse. Present State of the Turkish Empire,
London, 1854.

xlviii Periodicals and Books consulted

Marsigli, L. F. Stato Militare delV Imperio Ottomanno, La Haye, 1732
(text in French and in Italian).

Da Martoni, N. Athen im Jahre 1395, ed. Judeich, in Ath. Mitth.

xxii (1897), pp. 423
Marnili, G. Vite de’ Gran Maestri della Sacra Religione di S. Giovanni
Gierosolimitano, Naples, 1636.

De Mas Latrie, J. M. Trésor de Chronologie, Paris, 1889.

Masoudi. Les Prairies d’Or, tr. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1861-77.
Massignon, L. Les Saints Musulmans enterrés à Bagdad, in Rev. Hist.

Relig. lviii (1908), pp. 329 ff.

Mathas, Z. Κατάλογος * Ιστορικός των Πατριάρχων, Nauplia, 1837*
Mattioli, P. A. Commentarli in Libros sex Pedacii Dioscorides, Venice,

*554-

Maundrell, H. Voyage di Alep à Jérusalem, in Wright’s Early Travels,
q. V.

Maury, L. F. A. Croyances et Légendes de P Antiquité, Paris, 1863.

—-Croyances et Légendes du Moyen Age, Paris, 1896.

—-La Magie et VAstrologie, Paris, i860.

—-L empie appelé Sosthenium près de Constantinople, in Rev. Arch, vi

(ï849), pp. 144 В.

Megas, G. À. Θυσία Ταύρων καί Κριών εν ττ} ΒΑ. Θράκτ), in
Λαογραφία, iii (1911), pp. 148 ff.

Von Megenberg, C. Das Buch der Natur, ed. F. Pfeiffer, Stuttgart,
1861.

Melek Hanum. Trente Ans dans les Harems dl Orient, Paris, 1875.
Meletios. *Εκκλησιαστική * Ιστορία, Vienna, 1783-95·

Melton, E. Zee- end Land-Reizen, Amsterdam, 1681.
Menassik-el-Hadj. Kitab, tr. Bianchi, in Ree. de Voyages, ii (1825),
pp. 81 ff.

Menavino, G. A. I Cinque Libri delle Cose Turchesche, Venice, 1548.
Mérimée, P. Études sur les Arts au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1875.

Meringer, R. Das Volkstümliche Haus in Bosnien, in Wiss. Mitth.

Bosnien, vii (1900), pp. 247 ff.

Mertzides, S. Ai Χώραι τον Παρελθόντος, Athens, 1885.

Merula, P. Cosmographia, Leyden, 1605.

Metaphrastes, Symeon, in Migne’s Patr. Gr., q.v.

Meyer, G. Die griechischen Verse im Rababnama, in Byz. Zeit, iv
(1895), pp. 401 ff.

Meyer, M. Balkanstaaten und Konstantinopel (Hand-book), Leipzig,
19ц.

Meyer, Paul. Alexandre le Grand dans la Littérature Française du
Moyen Âge, Paris, 1886.

Meyer, Philipp. Die Haup tur künden für die Geschichte der Athoskloster
Leipzig, 1894.

xlix

List of Authors

De Mezeray, F. E. Histoire des Turcs, Paris, 1650.

Michaelides, M. G. Καρπαθιακα Δημοτικά *Άισματα, Constanti-
nople, 1913·

Michaelis, Λ. T. F. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, Cambridge,
1882.

Michaud (J. F.) and Poujoulat (J. J. F.). Correspondance d’ Or tent,
1830-31, Paris, 1833-5.

Michel, L. Tunis, Paris, 1883.

Micheli, R. L. N. A Muslim-Christian Sect in Cyprus, in Nineteenth
Century, lxiii (1908), pp. 751 ff.

Michon, J. H. Solution Nouvelle de la Question des Lieux Saints, Paris,
l852·

Migeon, G. Le Caire, le Nil, et Memphis, Paris, 1906.

—-Manuel d’Art Musulman, Paris, 1907.

Migne, l’abbé J. P. Dictionnaire des Apocryphes, Paris, 1856-8.

—-Patrologia Graeca.

—-Patrologia Latina.

Miklosich (F.) and Müller (J.). Acta et Diplomata Graeca, Vindobonae,
i860, &c.

Miller, W. Creek Life in Town and Country, London, 1901.

•—Latins in the Levant, London, 1908.

—-Ottoman Empire, London, 1913.

Millin de Grandmaison, A. L. Voyage dans les Départemens du Midi,
Paris, 1807-11.

Van Millingen, A. Byxantine Churches in Constantinople, London, 1912.

—-Byxantine Constantinople : the Walls, London, 1899.

Mills, John. Three Months’ Residence at Nablus, London, 1864.

Mirkovic, P. Bilder aus der bosnischen Krajina, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien,
i (1893), pp. 457 ff.

Molanus, J. De Historia SS. Imaginum, Louvain, 1771.

Molyneux-Seel, L. Journey in Dersim, in Journ. xliv (1914),
pp. 49 ff.

De Monconys, B. Voyages, Lyons and Paris, 1677.

Monnier, Marc. Contes Populaires en Italie, Paris, 1880.

Monro, Rev. Vere. ^ Summer Ramble in Syria, London, 1835.

Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley. Works, London, 1805.

Montandon, R. Bibliographie Générale des Travaux P ale th nolo gì que s
et Archéologiques y Geneva and Paris, 1917, &c.

Montet, E. Le Culte des Saints Musulmans dans l’Afrique du Nord9
Geneva, 1909.

De Montfaucon, B. L’Antiquité Expliquée et Représentée en Figures,
Paris, 1724.

Mordtmann, A. D. Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels, Stutt-
gart, 1858.

3*95

d

1 Periodicals and Books consulted

Mordtmann, A. D. Seidi Ghazi, in Gelehrte Anzeigen d. Bayr. Akad.
i860, pp. 260 ff.

—-ΣεΐΒι Γάζι, in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος θ’ (1874-5), παράρτημα,

pp. xii ff.

Mordtmann, J. H. Die Kapitulation von Konstantinopel im Jahre 1453,
in Byz. Zeit, xxi (1912), pp. 129 ff.

Morrison, W. The Ceremony of the Dos eh at В aalbe с, in Ρ.Ε.F., Q.S.
for 1869, PP* 120 ff·

Morritt, J. B. S. Letters, ed. Marindin, London, 1914.

Moryson, Fynes. Itinerary, Glasgow, 1907.

Mouliéras, À. Le Maroc Inconnu, Oran, 1895, 1899.

Münster, S. Cosmographie Universelle, ed. F. de Belieferest, Paris,

WS-

Muratori, L. A. Antiquitates Italiae Medii Aevi, Milan, 1738-42.

Murray, John. Handbooks : for Asia Minor, London, 1895 ; for Con-
stantinople,y London, 1900; for Egypt, London, 1900.

#Museum Worsleyanum, London, 1824.

Napea, Osep. In Hakluyt’s Travels, ii.

Nau, M. Voyage Nouvelle de la Terre Sainte, Paris, 1679.

Naumann, E. Vom Goldnen Horn nach den Quellen des Euphrat, Berlin,

i893*

Niov Λεψωνάρων, Venice, 1819 (Athens, 1873).

Neov Μαρτυρολογίαν, Venice, 1799 (Athens, 1856).

Neophytos of Kapsokalyvia. *Ιστορία του Σουμελά, Leipzig, 1775.

Newton, C. T. Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, London, 1865.

Newton (C. T.) and Pullan (R. P.). History of Discoveries at Halicar-
nassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae, London, 1861-3.

Nicephorus Gregoras. Byzantina Historia.

Nicolaides, Cleanthes. Macédonien, Berlin, 1899.

De Nicolay, Nicolas. Navigations, Peregrinations, et Voyages faicts en
la Turquie, Anvers, 1576.

—-Raisz und Schiff art in die Turckey, Antwerp, 15 77.

Niebuhr, Carsten. Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien (vol. iii = Reise
durch Syrien und Palästina), Copenhagen and (for vol. iii) Ham-
burg, 1774-1837.

—-Voyage en Arabie et en d’autres Pays Circonvoisins, Amsterdam,

1776-80.1 *

—-Voyage en Arabie, En Suisse, 1780.

Nikolaos, I. Ή 9ΟΒησσός, Varna, 1894.

Noël, F. J. M. Dictionnaire de la Fable, Paris, 1810.

1 Except where otherwise indicated, references in the text refer to this, and

not the Swiss, edition.

li

List of Authors

De Nolhac, S. La Dalmatie, les Iles Ioniennes, Athos, Paris, 1882.

*North. Essay on Ancient and Modern Greeks.

North, Hon. Roger. Lives of the Norths, London, 1902.

Nutting, G. B. The Kuzzelbash Koords, in Amer. Miss. Her. Ivi (i860),
Ρ· 345·

Oberhummer, E. Die Insel Cypern, Munich, 1903.

Oberhummer (R.) and Zimmerer (H.). Durch Syrien und Kleinasien,
Berlin, 1899.

Oesterreichisches Archäologisches Institut, Forschungen in Ephesos,
Vienna, 1906 ff.

Oesterreichisch-ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild: Ungarny

Vienna, 1886-1902.

Ohnefalsch-Richter, Magda H. Ein altes Bauwerk bei Larnaka, in
Arch. Zeit, xxxix (1881), pp. 311 ff.

—-Griechische Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern, Berlin, 1913.

Ohnefalsch-Richter, Max. A Pre-Historic Building at Salamis, in
J.H.S. iv (1883), pp. 112 ff.

DOhsson, I. de Mouradja. Tableau Général de VEmpire Othoman,
Paris, 1787-1820.

Oikonomos, C. 7α Σωζόμ€να, Athens, 1809.

Oliphant, L. Haifa, or Life in Modern Palestine, Edinburgh, 1887.

Olivier, G. A. Voyage dans P Empire Othoman, Paris, 1801-7.

Omont, H. Athènes au xviie siècle, Paris, 1898.

—-Missions Archéologiques aux xviie et xviiie siècles, Paris, 1902.

d’Oppcnheim, Max. Voyage en Syrie et en Mésopotamie, in Tour du
Mondey 1899, pp. 349 ff.

Ormerod (H. A.) and Robinson (E. S. G.). Notes and Inscriptions from
Pampbyliay in B.S.A. xvii (1910-11), pp. 215 ff.

Osman Bey. Les Imans et les Dervichesy Paris, 1881.

Otter, Jean. Voyage en Turquie, Paris, 1748.

Ouseley, Sir W. Travels in Various Countries of the East, London,
1819-23.

Ouvré, H. Un Mois en Phrygie, Paris, 1896.

Pacifique, Père. Voyage de Perse, Paris, 1631.

Palerne, J. PeregrinationSy Lyon, 1606.

Paigrave, W. G. Ulysses, London, 1887.

Palmer, E. H. The Desert of the Exodus, Cambridge, 1871.

—-History of the Haram, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1871, pp. 122 ff.

—-Notes of a Tour in the Lebanon, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1871, pp. 107 ff.

Pantelides, G. ‘Ιστορία τής Λήμνου, Alexandria, 1876.

Panthot, J. B. Traité des Dragons et des Escarboucles, Lyon, 1691.

Paoli, S. Codice Diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gerosolimitano
oggi di Malta, Lucca, 1733-7.

d 2

lii Periodicals and Books consulted

Papadopoulos-Bretos, Λ. In Sathas, NeoeXΛ. ΦιΧοΧογ., q.v.
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. I. Fontes Historiae Frapezuntini, Petro-
grad, 1897.

Pardoe, Julia S. H. City 0/ the Sultans, London, 1837.

Pargoire, J., Père. Le Mont Saint-Auxence, Paris, 1904.

—-Les Saint-Mamas de Constantinople, in Proc. Russ. Arch.

Cÿ. ix (1904), pp. 261 ff.

Paris, /. v. Louvre.

—-Catalogue du Musée d’Artillerie (aux Invalides), 1889-93.

—-Catalogue du Musée des F kermes et de Cluny, 1881 or 1883.

Paris, G. Histoire Poétique de Charlemagne, Paris, 1905.

—-Légendes du Moyen Age, Paris, 1903.

Parker, Sir G. Donovan Pasha, London, 1902.

Parsons, J. W. An Interesting Kuzzelbash, in Amer. Miss. Her. liv
(1858), p. 24.

Pashley, R. F ravels in Crete, Cambridge, 1837.

Paspates, A. G. Βυζαντινοί MeXérai, Constantinople, 1877.

Pater, W. F he Renaissance, London, 1877.

Paton, A. A. History of the Egyptian Revolution, London, 1870.
Patsch, C. Sandschak Berat, Vienna, 1904.

Paulus, H. E. G. Sammlung der Merkwürdigsten Reisen in den Orient,
Jena, 1792-1803.

Pauly, A. Real-Encyclopcidie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed.

G. Wissowa, Stuttgart, 1893 ff.

Pausanias. Description of Greece, tr. Frazer, London, 1898.

Pears, Sir E. Destruction of the Greek Empire, London, 1903.

—-Spanish Armada and the Ottoman Porte, in Rev.

vili (1893), pp. 439 ff.

—-Furkey and its People, London, 1911.

Peralta, L. Mosul-Nineveh, in Chambers’ Journ. 1919, pp. 23 ff.
Perkins, J. Letter, in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), pp. 304 ff.
Pcrrhaibos, C. Βιογραφία τοΰ ‘Ρήγα Φζραίον του Θςτταλον, Athens,
i860.

Perrin, A. Le Prieuré de Chamounix, Chambéry, 1887.

Perrot, G. L’Ile de Crète, Paris, 1867.

—-Souvenirs d’un Voyage en Asie Mineure, Paris, 1864.

Perrot (G.) and Chipiez (C.). Histoire de l’Art, Paris, 1882-99.

Perrot (G.) and Guillaume (E.). Exploration Archéologique de la
Galatie et de la Bithynie, Paris, 1862-72.

Perry, Chas. View of the Levant, London, 1743.

Pertusier, Charles. Promenades Pittoresques dans Constantinople, Paris,
1815.

Petachia Ratisbonensis. Four du Monde, tr. Carmoly, in Journ.

As. viii (1831), pp. 262 ff.

List Of Authors llll

Petermann, A. Mittheilungen, Gotha, i860, &c.

Petermann, H. The Moabite Stone, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1871, pp.
>35*·

Petermann, J. H. Reisen im Orient, Leipzig, i860, 1861.

Petit, Mgr. Les Confréries Musulmanes, Paris, 1902.

Petrides, A. Περί Λυκουρσίου, in Παρνασσός, ii (1878), pp. 636 ff.
Petrus Diaconus, in Geyer, hin. Hieros., q. v.

Peyre, R. Nîmes, Orange, Saint-Rémy, Paris, 1903.

De Peysonnel, C. C. Lettre contenant quelques Observations relatives
aux Mémoires de M. le Baron de Tott, Amsterdam, 1785.
Pharasopoulos, S. S. Tà Σύλατα, Athens, 1895.

Philadelphcus, Th. N. fΙστορία των ’Αθηνών ini Τουρκοκρατίας,
Athens, 1902.

Philippson, A. Karte des Westlichen Kleinasiens, Gotha, 1910-13.

—–Reisen und Forschungen im Westlichen Kleinasien, in Petermann’s

Mittheilungen, q.v. 1910-5, Ergänzungsh. 167, 172, 180, 183.
Piacenza, F. UEgeo Redivivo, Modena, 1688.

Picenardi, F. G. Sommi. Itinéraire dans Vile de Rhodes, Lille, 1900.
Pierotti, E. Customs and Traditions of Palestine illustrating the Ancient
Hebrews, Cambridge, 1864. Fhe French edition, Légendes Racon-
tées et Coutumes Bibliques Pratiquées par les Arabes Musulmans de
Palestine, Lausanne, 1869, has made a different selection from the
original.

de Pinon, Carlier. Voyage en Orient, ed. Blochet, in Rev. Or. Lat. xii

(>9°9). PP· 112 *·

Pittakys, K. S. L’Ancienne Athènes, Athens, 1835.

Pittard, E. Dans le Dobrodga, Geneva, 1902.

Plauchut, E. La France en Tunisie, in Rev. Deux Mondes, Oct. 1890,
pp. 622 ff.

Pococke, R. Description of the East, London, Ι743“*5·

—–Voyages en Orie?it, Neuchâtel, 1772, 1773.

Poiré, E. /.я Tunisie Française, Paris, 1892.

Poiret, J. L. M. Voyage en Barbarie, Paris, 1789.

Polano, H. Selections fro?n the Talmud, London, 1877.

Polîtes, N. G. ’Л^с/сЗото? Лоуо? Παχωμίου τοϋ ‘Ρουσάνου, in
Δζλτίον 4στορ. ‘Εταιρείας, i (1883), ρρ. Ю1 ff.

—– Al Άσθενειαι κατά τούς Μύθους τον *Ελληνικού Λαόν, in

Δελτίον ‘Ιστορ. ‘Εταιρείας, i (1883), ρρ· I ff·

—– Δημώδη *Άισματα της Δρακοντοκτονίας άγιον Γεωργίου, in

Λαογραφία, iv (1912), ρρ. 185 ff.

—– ‘Ελληνικοί Μεσαιωνικοί Μΰθοι, in Δελτίον ‘Ιστορ. ‘Εταιρείας,

i (1883), ρρ· 77

—–Ό *Ηλιος κατά τούς δημώδεις Μύθους, Athens, 1882.

—–Λαογραφικη 9Επιθεώρησις, in Λαογραφία, i (ΐ9°9)> ΡΡ· ^54

liv Periodicals and Books consulted

Polîtes, N. G. Μελ&ται im τοϋ Βίου των νεωτίρων *Ελλήνων,

Athens, 1871-1904·

—-Νεο-ελληνικη Μυθολογία, Athens, 1871.

—-Παραδόσεις = vols, ν and vi of Μελεται, q. ν.

—-Παροιμίαι ~ vols, iii and iv of Me Aerai, q. v.

Pomardi, S. Viaggio nella Grecia fatto negli Anni 1804,1805, e 1806,
Rome, 1820.

Pomet, P. Compie at History of Drugs, London, 1712.

Porphyrogenitus, C. De Administrant Imperio.

—-De Thematibus.

Porte, J. B. F. Recherches Historiques sur les Fêtes de la Tarasque, in
Mém. Acad. Aix, iv (1840), pp. 261 ff.

Porter, Sir J. Turkey, London, 1854.

Porter, Josias L. Five Tears in Damascus, London, 1870.

—-Giant Cities of Bashan, London, 1865.

Porter, Robert K. Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, 18iy, i£j£,
j£/9, 1820, London, 1821-2.

Possot, D. Voyage de la Terre Sainte, ed. Schefer and Cordier, Paris,
1890.

Pouliet, A. Nouvelles Relations du Levant, Paris, 1668.

Pouqueville, F. C. H. L. Histoire de la Régénération de la Grèce, Paris,
1824.

—-Travels in Epirus, London, 1820, &c.

—-Travels in the More a, London, 1813.

—-Voyage dans la Grèce, Paris, 1820-1.

Preger, T. Scrip tor es Originis Constantinopolitanae, Leipzig, 1901 ff.
Preindlsberger, J. Beiträge zur Volksmedicin in Bosnien, in Wiss. Mitth.

Bosnien, viii (1902), pp. 215 ff.

Prentice, W. K. Greek and Latin Inscriptions, in Amer. Exped. to
Syria, vol. iii.

Prignet, A. A travers Г Algérie, Paris, 1914.

Procopius, De Bello Persico.

—-De Justiniani Imperatoris Aedificiis.

Prodikos, —. *H Πανήγνρις της Σηλνβρίας, in Θρφκική Έπετηρίς,

i (1897). pp. 55 ff.

Von Prokesch-Osten, A. Denkwürdigkeiten und Erinnerungen aus dem
Orient, Stuttgart, 1836, 37.

—-Smyrna, in Jahrbücher d. Lit. lxvii (1834), pp. 60 ff.

Psichares, J. Autour de la Grèce, Paris, 1895.

Puaux, R. La Malheureuse Épire, Paris, 1914.

Quétif, J. Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum, Paris, 1719.

De Quetteville, P. W. The Pardon of Guingamp, London, 1870.
Quicherat, J. É. T. Mélanges d?Archéologie et d\Histoire, Paris, 1885.
Quiclet, —. Voyages à Constantinople par Terre, Paris, 1664.

List of Authors lv

Radermacher, L. St. Phokas, in Archiv f. Religionsw. vii (1904), pp.
445 ff·

Radei, G. Journal de Voyage, in Arch, des Miss, vi (1895), pp. 428 ff.
Rambaud, A. N. Études sur VHistoire Byzantine, Paris, 1912.

Ramsay, Sir W. M. Cilicia, Tar sus, and the Great Taurus Passage, in
Geog. Journ. xxii (1903), pp. 357 ff.

—–Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Oxford, 1895.

—–Cities of St. Paul, London, 1907.

—–Geographical Conditions determining History and Geography in

Asia Minor, in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), pp. 257 ff.

—–Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London, 1890.

—–Impressions of Turkey y London, 1897.

—–Inscriptions from Nacoleia, in J.H.S. iii (1882), pp. 119 ff.

—–Intermixture of Races in Asia Minor, London, 1917.

—–Pauline and other Studies in Early Christian History, London,

1906.

—–The Permanence of Religion at Holy Places in the East, in Ex-
positor, ser. vii, vol. ii (1906), pp. 454 ff.

—–On the Permanent Attachment of Religious Veneration to Special

Localities in Asia Minor, in Trans. Orient. Congr. ii (1893), pp.
381

—–Revolution in Turkey y London, 1909.

—–The Seven Churches y London, 1904.

—–Sketches in the Religious Antiquities of Asia Minor, in B.S.A.

xviii (1911-12), pp. 37 ff.

—–Some Recent Works on Asia Minor y in Class. Rev. xiii (1899),

pp. 136 ff.

—–Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Roman Provinces,

Aberdeen, 1906.

Ramsay (Sir W. M.) and Bell (Miss G. M. L.). Thousand and One
Churches, London, 1909.

Randolph, B. Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago, Oxford,
1687.

—–Present State of the More a, London, 1686.

Von Ranke, L. History of Servia, London, 1847.

Rawlinson, Major G. Notes on a March from Zohab in 1836, in J.R.G.S.

ix (i839)> PP· 26 ff·

Ray, John. Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages, London, 1693.

—–Travels through the Low Countries, London, 1738.

Raybaud, J. F. Histoire des Grands Prieurs de Saint-Gilles, Nîmes,
1904, &c.

Reclus, E. U Homme et la Terre, Paris, 1905 ff.

Redhouse, Sir J. W. The Mesnevi of Mevlana Jelalu-D-Din (tr.),
London, 1881.

Ivi Periodicals and Books consulted

De Régla, P. La Turquie Oßcielle, Paris, 1889.

Reid, J. Turkey and the Turks, London, 1840.

Reinach, S. Cultes, Mythes, et Religions, Paris, 1905.

—-Répertoire de la Statuaire, Paris, 1897 ff.

—-Une Statuette de Bronze représentant Alexandre le Grand, in Rev.

Arch., ser. iv, vol. v (1905), pp. 32 ff.

Reinach, Th. Une Inscription Grecque du Pont, in /fer. Arch., ser. iv,
vol. xxi (1913), pp. 41 ff.

Renan, J. E. Mission de Phénicie, Paris, 1864.

Rendel Harris, J. Dioscuri in the Christian Legends, London, 1903.

Reville, J. La Date du Martyre de S. Polycarpe, in Rev. Hist. Relig. iii
(1881), pp. 369 ff.

Reymond, M. Grenoble et Vienne, Paris, 1907.

Von Rheinfelden, I. Newe Jérosolomytanische Pilgerfahrt, Constance,
1664.

Richardson, S. Letter, in Amer. Miss. Her. Iii (1856), pp. 296 f.

Von Richter, O. F. Waïlfahrten im Morgenlande, Berlin, 1822.

Ridgeway, Sir W. Essays, Cambridge, 1913.

Rizos, N. S. Καππαδοκικά, Constantinople, 1856.

Robertson Smith, W. Religion of the Semites, London, 1889.

Robinson, D. M. Ancient Sinope, in A. J. Phil, xxvii (1906), pp.
125 ff.

Robinson, E. Biblical Researches in Palestine in the Tear 1838, London,
1841.

Rodd, Sir J. R. Customs and Lore of Modern Greece, London, 1892.

Rodenwaldt, G. Thespische Reliefs, in Jahrbuch, xxviii (1913), pp.
309^

Röhricht, R. Studien zur mittelalterlichen Geographie und Topographie
Syriens, in Z.D.P.F. x (1887), PP· x95 ff·

Röhricht (R.) and Meisner (H.). Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heili-
gen Lande, Berlin, 1880.

Rogers, E. T. Excavation of the Tell Salahiyeh, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869,
PP· 43 ff;

Rogers, M. E. La Vie Domestique en Palestine, Paris, 1865.

Rolland, C. La Turquie Contemporaine, Paris, 1854.

Romanoff, H. C. Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russian Church,
London, 1869.

Roscher, W. H. Lexikon, Munich, 1884, &c.

—-Die Tessarakontaden und Tessarakontadenlehren der Griechen und

linderer Völker, in Verh. Sächs. Ges. lxi (1909), pt. ii, Ph.-Hist. CI.

—-Die Zahl 40 im Glauben, Brauch, und Schrifttum der Semiten, in

Abh. Sächs. Ges. lvii (1909), Ph.-Hist. Cl., art. 4.

Rosen, G. Geschichte der Türkei, Leipzig, 1858.

Ross, H. J. Letters from the East, London, 1902.

List of Authors Ivii

Ross, L. Reisen auf den Griechischen Inseln des Aegäischen Meeres,
Stuttgart, 1840-5.

—-Reisen nach Kos, Halle, 1852.

—-Wanderungen in Griechenland, Halle, 1851.

Rott, Hans. Anno 1440, Pilgerreise, ed. Bernoussi, in Beitr. z. Vaterl.
Gesch. Basels, i (1882), pp. 343 ff.

—-Kleinasiatische Denkmäler aus Pisidien, Pamphylien, Kappadokien,

zwd Lykien, Leipzig, 1908.

Rottiers, B. E. A. Description des Monumens de Rhodes, Brussels, 1830
{Atlas, Brussels, 1828).

Rueckert, F. Amrilkais (tr.), Stuttgart, 1843.

Rushforth, G. McN. 5. Maria Antiqua, in Papers B.S.R. i (1902),
pp. Iff.

*Rutgerius. Variae Lectiones, Leyden, 1618.

Rycaut, Sir P. History of the Purks, London, 1687, &c. (vol. iii of
Knolles, Turkish History).

—-Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches, London, 1679.

—-Present State of the Ottoman Empire, in Knolles, Turkish History,

voi. ii.

Sa’ad-ed-Din. Chronica delГ origine della casa Ottomana, tr. V. Bratutti,
Vienna, 1649.

Sabatier, P. FzV ^ 5. François d’Assise, Paris, 1896.

Sachau, C. E. y/w Euphrat und Tigris, Leipzig, 1900.

—-Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, Leipzig, 1883.

Sainéan, L. Les Rites de la Construction, in Rev. Hist. Relig. xlv (1902),
PP· 359®·

Saint Clair (S. G. B.) and Brophy (C. A.). A Residence in Bulgaria,
London, 1869.

Saint-Martin, J. A. Mémoires Historiques et Géographiques sur P Ar-
ménie, Paris, 1818-19.

De Saint-Martin, Vivien. Description d’Asie Mineure, Paris, 1852, &c.

Saint Silvia’s Pilgrimage, in Geyer, hin. Hierosol., q. v.

Saintyves, P. Les Reliques et les Images Légendaires, Paris, 1912.

—-Les Saints Successeurs des Dieux, Paris, 1907.

Sakkeliou, I. Παναγιωτάκη τον Μαμώνα . . . μετά τίνος Βάνδη
Έφενδη, in Δελτίον fΙστορ. *Εταιρείας, iii (1889), ρρ. 235 ff.

Saladin, Η. Tunis et Kairouan, Paris, 1908.

Salima, Niya. Harems et Musulmanes d’Égypte, Paris, 1902.

Salverte, A. J. E. Baconnière. Sciences Occultes, Paris, 1856.

Sandwich, John, Earl of. Voyage in 1738 and 173g, London, 1799.

Sandys, G. Travels, London, 1673.

Sansovino, F. Historia Universale dell’ Origine, Guerre, et Imperio de’
Turchi, Venice, 1654.

lviii Periodicals and Books consulted

Sanuto, M. Diarii, Venice, 1879-1902.

Sarre, F. Reise in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1896.

Sathas, С. N. Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη, Venice, 1872-94*

—- Μνημεία της * Ελληνικής *Ιστορίας, Paris, 1880-90.

—- Νεοελληνική Φιλολογία, Athens, 1868.

De Saulcy, L. F. J. Caignart. Souvenirs d’un Voyage en Terre Sainte,
Paris, 1867.

Savary, C. E. Le Coran, Paris, 1783.

—-Lettres sur Г Égypte, Paris, 1786.

Schaffer, F. X. Cilicia, in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft
no. 141.

Schefer, C. H. A. Nouveaux Mélanges Orientaux, Paris, 1886.

De Schepper, C. D. Missions Diplomatiques (ed.), Brussels, 1856.

Von Schiller, J. C. F. Der Kampf mit dem Drachen.

Schiitberger, J. Bondage and Travels, tr. J. B. Telfer, London, 1879.

—-Reise in den Orient, ed. A. J. Penzel, Munich, 1813.

Schlechta-Wssehrd, —. Die Osmanischen Geschichtschreiber der neueren
Zeit, in Denk. Wien. Akad. viii (1857), Rh.-Hist. CI., Abh. i.
Schliemann, H. llios, London, 1880.

Von Schloezer, A. L. Kritisch-Historische Neben Stunden, Göttingen,
1797.

Schlumberger, G. L. Le Siège, la Prise, et le Sac de Constantinople en
1453, Paris, 1914.

Schmidt, C. E. Sevilla, Leipzig, 1902.

Schneider, R. L’Ombrie, Paris, 1905.

Schumacher, G. Across the Jordan, London, 1885.

Schumacher, R. The J autan, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1888, pp. I ff.

Von Schweiger-Lerchenfeld, A. Armenien, Jena, 1878.

Scott Stevenson, Mrs. E. Our Ride through Asia Minor, London, 1881.
Seaman, W. Reign of Sultan Orchan, London, 1652.

Sébillot, P. Le Folk-Lore de France, Paris, 1904-7.

Seidel, A. Neugriechische Chrestomathie, Vienna, 1896.

Seligman, C. G. Ancient Egyptian Beliefs in Modern Egypt, in Ridge-
way Essays, pp. 448 ff.

Seligman (C. G.) and Murray (M. A.). Note upon an Early Egyptian
Standard, in Man, xi (1911), pp. 165 ff.

Sell, E. Religious Orders of Islam, London, 1908.

Sestini, D. Lettere Odeporiche, Livorno, 1785.

—-Lettres, Paris, 1789.

—-Viaggio da Costantinopoli a Bassora, Yverdun, 1786.

—-Voyages dans la Grèce Asiatique, London, Paris, 1789.

Severus, S. Opera Omnia, Amsterdam, 1665.

Seville, J. Notre Dame de Constantinople, in Notre Dame, iv (1914)
pp. 117 ff.

List of Authors lix

Shaw, Thomas. Travels to Barbary, London, 1757.

—–Voyages dans Plusieurs Provinces de la Barbarie, La Haye, 1743.

Sherif-ed-Din. Histoire de Timour Вес, tr. F. Pétis de la Croix, Paris,
1722.

Shishmanova, Lidiya. Légendes Religieuses Bulgares, Paris, 1896.

Siderides, X. A. Al iv Κωνσταντινούπολή Κινστ4ρναι του Άετίου
καί του “Ασπαρος, in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, κθ’ (1902-5), ρρ. 249 ff*

—– Αίβυσσα, Δακίβιζα, Γκέγπουζα, in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, κζ’

(1895-9). ρρ· 204«.

Sieber, F. W. Reise nach der Insel Kreta im Jahre l8iy, Leipzig and
Soranzo, 1823.

Sincerus, Jodocus. Itinerarium Galliae, Amsterdam, 1649.

Skene, F. M. F. Wayfaring Sketches, London, 1847.

Skene, J. H. Anadol, London, 1853.

Slade, À. Records of Travels in Turkey, Greece, Ьfc., London, 1854.

Sladen, D. B. W. Oriental Cairo, London, 1911.

—–Queer Things about Egypt, London, 1910.

Smith (Eli) and Dwight (H. G. O.). Missionary Researches in Armenia,
London, 1834.

Smith, Thomas. Septem Asiae Ecclesiarum Notifia, Utrecht, 1694.

Smyrnakes, G. To “Αγιον *Ορος, Athens, 1903.

Sonnini de Manoncourt, C. N. S. Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie,
Paris, 1801.

Soury, J. Études Historiques sur la Grèce, Paris, 1877.

Southgate, H. Tour in Turkey and Persia, New York, 1840.

Spencer, E. Travels in European Turkey, London, 1851.

—–Turkey, Russia, the Black Sea, and Circassia, London, 1854.

Spiegel, F. Die Alexander sage bei den Orientalen, Leipzig, 1851.

Spiro, J. Histoire de Joseph suivant la Tradition Musulmane, Lausanne
and Paris, 1907.

Spon, Jacob. Voyage diItalie, Amsterdam, 1679.

Spratt, T. A. B. Travels and Researches in Crete, London, 1865.

Spratt (T. A. B.) and Forbes (E.) Travels in Lycia, Milyas, and the
Cibyratis, London, 1847.

Stanley, A. P. Sinai and Palestine, London, 1857.

Steinschneider, M. Apollonius von Thy ana, in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. xlv
(1891), pp. 439 ff.

Steinwald, E. Geschichte der deutschen Evangelischen Gemeinde ъи
Smyrna, Berlin, 1904.

Stephani, L. Reise durch einige Gegenden des Nördlichen Griechenlandes,
Leipzig, 1643.

Stern, B. Die Moderne Türkei, Berlin, 1908.

Sterrett, J. R. S. Epigraphical Journey, = Papers A.S.A. ii.

—–Wolfe Expedition = Papers A.S.A. iii.

lx Periodicals and Books consulted

Stochove, V. Voyage, Brussels, 1662.

Storari, G. Plan of Smyrna, 1855.

Story, W. W. Roba di Roma, London, 1863.

Strack, H. L. Der Blutaberglaube in der Menschheit, Munich, 1892.
Strickland, Η. E. Memoirs, London, 1858.

Struck, A. Makedonische Fahrten, Leipzig, 1904.

Struys, Jan. Voyages, Amsterdam, 1681.

Strzygowski, J. Die Sophienkirche in Saloniki in Oriens Christianus, i
(1901), pp. 153 ff. See also P’orchheimer.

Stuart (James) and Revett (N.). Antiquities of Athens, London, 1762.
Suriano, F. Trattato di Terra Santa, Milan, 1900.

Svoronos, E. Μία ‘Ιστορική Είκών, in Μικρασ. Ήμερολ., iyi6,
pp. 384 ff.

Sykes, E. C. Persia and its People, London, 1910.

Sykes, Sir M. Dar-ul-Islam, London, 1904.

—-Journeys in North Mesopotamia, in Geog. Journ. xxx (1907), pp.

384ff·

Sykes, Sir P. M. Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, London, 1902.
Synaxaria, Constantinople.

Talmud, ed. H. Polano (Chandos Classics), London, 1877.

Tavernier, J. B. Voyages (with which is included the Relation of
the Seraglio), London, 1677, 78.

Taylor, J. G. Journal of a Tour in Armenia, Kurdistan, tfwd Upper
Mesopotamia, in^.Æ.G.S. xxxviii (1868), pp. 281 ff.

Tchamich, M. History of Armenia, Calcutta, 1827.

Tchihatcheff, P. Bosphore et Constantinople, Paris, 1864. See also
Tschihatscheff, P. von.

Temple, G. Travels in Greece and Turkey, London, 1836.

Teonge, H. Diary i6j5 to i6yç, London, 1825.

Texier, C. F. M. Description de Г A sie Mineure, Paris, 1839-49·
Texier (C. F. M.) and Pullan (R. P.). Byzantine Architecture, London,

1864.

Thenaud, Jean. Voyage d’Outre-Mer, ed. Schefer and Cordier, Paris,
1884.

Theodericus of Würzburg. De Locis Sanctis, ed. T. Tobler, St. Gallen,

1865.

Theodoros Prodromos. Rhodanthe and Dosicles9 in Hercher, Script.
Erot.9 q.v.

Theodosius. De Situ Terrae Sanctae, in Geyer, Itin. Hieros.y q.v.
Thévenot, J. В. Voyages, Amsterdam, 1727.

—-Travels into the Levant, in Harris’s Navig. Bibl., q. v.

Thevet, A. Cosmographie de Levant, Anvers, 1556·

—-Cosmographie Universelle, Paris, 1575·

List of Authors lxi

Thiers, J. B. Traité des Superstitions, Paris, 1704.

Thomas, N. W. Animal Folklore in Georgia, in Man, i (1901), pp. 56 f.
Thompson, R. C. Some Unmapped Routes in the Western Hittite
Country, in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch, xxxii (1910), pp. 289 ff.
Thomson, W. McC. The Land and the Book, London, 1859.

Tinayre, M. Notes dime Voyageuse en Turquie, Paris, 1910.
Tischendorf, L. F. C. Terre-Sainte, Paris, 1868.

Tisdall, W. St. C. ‘ The Book 9 of the c People of the Book 9 in Mosl.

World, ii (1912), pp. 164 f¥.

Tobler, T. Bethlehem in Palästina, St. Gallen and Bern, 1849.

—-Descriptiones Terrae Sanctac ex saeculo viti, ix, xii, et xv,

Leipzig, 1874.

—-Golgatha, seine Kirchen und Klöster, St. Gallen and Bern, 1851.

—-Palaestinae Descriptiones ex saeculo iv, v, vi, St. Gallen, 1869.

—-Die Siloahquelle und der Oelberg, St. Gallen, 1852.

—-Topographie von Jérusalem und seinen Umgebungen, Berlin, 1853,54.

Tobler (T.) and Molinier (A.). Itinera Jlierosolymitana, Geneva,
1877-85.

Tollot, J. B. Voyage au Levant es années 1J31 et IJ32, Paris, 1742.
Tomaschek, W. Zur historischen Topographie v. Kleinasien im Mittel-
alter, in Sitzb. Wien. Akad., Ph.-Hist. Cl. cxxiv (1891), Abh. viii.
Torr, Cecil. The Mausoleum, in Class. Rev. i (1887), p. 79.

—-Rhodes in Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887.

De Tournefort, J. Pitton. Relation d9un Voyage au Levant, Amsterdam,
1718.

Tozer, H. F. Islands of the Aegean, Oxford, 1890.

—-Researches in the Highlands of Turkey, London, 1869.

—-Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor, London, 1881.

Transfeldts, J. G. Examen Antiquitatum Atheniensium, in Ath. Mitth.

i (1876), pp. 102 ff.

Trant, T. Abercromby. Narrative of a Journey through Greece in 1830,
London, 1830.

Trede, Th. Das Heidentum, Gotha, 1889-91.

Triantaphyllides, P. ΟΙ Φυγάδβ?, Athens, 1870.

—- Τα Ποντικά, Athens, 1866.

Trikoupis, Sp. ‘Ιστορία τής ‘Ελληνικής УΕπαναστάσεως, London,
… l853~7·

Tristram, Η. В. Eastern Customs in Bible Lands, London, 1894.
Tsakyroglous, M. Перс Γιονρούκων, Athens, 1891.

—-Die Smyrna, in Z./. Volksk. ii (1889), pp. 103 f.

—- Τα Σμνρναϊκά, in Movaeiov, i (1876), pp. I fï.

Von Tschihatscheff, P. Reisen in Kleinasien und Armenien, ed. Kiepert.
In Petermann’s Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft no. 20 (1865-7).
See also Tchihatcheff.

lxii Periodicals and Books consulted

Tsoukalas, G. Περιγραφή Φιλιππουπόλεως, Vienna, 1851.

Tuch, F. Antoninus martyr, Leipzig, 1864.

Tuker (M. A. R.) and Malleson (Hope). Handbook to Christian and
Ecclesiastical Rome, London, 1897, &c.

Turner, W. Journal of a Jour in the Levant, London, 1820.

Tyndale, W. L’Égypte d’hier et d’aujourd’hui, Paris, 1910.

Tyrwhitt Drake, C. F. Letters, in P.Ε.F., Q.S. for 1872, pp. 7 ff.

—-Reports, ibid., pp. 174 fï.

Ubicini, J. Fi. A. Lettres sur la Turquie, Paris, 1853, 54.

Ugljen, Sadik Eff. Der Brautkauf in Prozor, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien,
iv (1896), pp. 522 ff.

—-Der Name Sokac, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, i (1893), p. 488.

Unger, E. Die Dariusstele am Jearos, in Jahrbuch, Arch. Anz. xxx

(1915). PP· 3 ff·

Urquhart, D. Spirit of the East, London, 1838.

Valentini, M. В. Museum Museorum, Frankfurt, 1704-14.

Valavanis, I. Μικρασιατικά, Athens, 1891.

Vambéry, A. Das Türkenvolk, Leipzig, 1885.

—-Die Primitive Cultur des Turko-T ataris cheti Volkes, Leipzig, 1879.

*Vassif Effendi. Guerre de IJ6Q-J4.

De Vaujany, FI. Description de l’Égypte : Alexandrie et la Basse
Égypte, Paris, 1885.

—-Description de l’Égypte : Le Caire et ses Environs, Paris, 1883.

De Vertot d’Aubeuf, R. A. Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de
S. Jean de Jérusalem, Paris, 1726.

Veryard, E. Account of Divers Choice Remarks, London, 1701.

De Vigenère, B. Histoire du Serrati, in de Mezeray, Histoire des
Turcs, ii.

—-Illustrations sur Chalcondile, in de Mezeray, op. cit.

De Villamont, J. Voyages, Arras, 1598.

De Villeneuve-Bargemont, L. F’. Monumens des Grands-Maîtres, Paris,
1829.

Villotte, J. Voyages d’un Missionnaire de la Compagtiie de Jésus, Paris,

1730·

Vincent, H. The Archaeological Invocation of a Biblical Site, in P.E.F.,
Q.S. for 1911, pp. 143 ff.

Vitoduranus, J. Chronicon, in Eckhart, Corp. Hist. Med. Aev., q.v.
Viviani, D. Tempio di S. Angelo in Perugia, in Boll. d’Arte, 1911,
pp. 28 ff.

De Vogüé, C. J. M. Florilegium, Paris, 1909.

—-Histoires Orientales, Paris, 1880.

—-Syrie, Palestine, Mont Athos, Paris, 1876.

List of Authors lxiii

Völlers, K. Chidher, in Archiv f. Religionsw. xii (1909), pp. 234 ff.

De Volney, C. F. Chassebœuf. Voyage en Syrie et en Égypte, Paris,

l7%7\

De Voragine, J. Légende Dorée, tr. T. de Wyzewa, Paris, 1902.

Wace, A. J. B. Laconia in B.S.A. xii (1905-6), pp. 407 ff.

—-A Modem Greek Festival at Koron, in Liverp. Ann. Arch, iii (1910),

pp. 22 ff.

Wace (A. J. B.) and Thompson (M. S.). Nomads of the Balkans, London,
Ι9Ι4·

Waddington, W. H. Isaurie et Lycaonie, in Rev. Num. i (1883), PP-
24 ff.

Waechter, A. Der Verfall des Griechentums in Kleinasien im xiv.
Jahrhundert, Leipzig, 1903.

Walker, M. A. Eastern Life and Scenery, London, 1886.

—-Old Tracks and New Landmarks, London, 1897.

Walpole, Hon. F. The Ansayrii and the Assassins, London, 1851.

Walpole, Rev. Robert. Memoirs relating to European Turkey, London,
1817, 1820. 2 vols. (vol. i = Memoirs ; vol. ii Travels).

—-Memoirs, 2nd ed., London, 1818.

Walsh, R. Constantinople and the Seven Churches, see Allom.

—-Narrative of a Journeyfrom Constantinople, London, 1829 (3rd ed.).

—-A Residence at Constantinople, London, 1836.

Warburton, B. E. G. The Crescent and the Cross, London, i860.

Ward, W. H. Unpublished or Imperfectly Published Hittite Monuments,
in A.J.A. ii (1886), pp. 49 ff.

Warkworth, Earl. Notes from a Diary in Asiatic Turkey, London, 1898.

Warren, Capt. Our Summer in the Lebanon, in P.E.F., O.S. for 1869,
pp. 215 ff.

Weber, G. Dinair, Gue’iklery Besançon, 1892.

—-Die Wasserleitungen von Smyrna, in Jahrbuch, xiv (1899), pp. 4 ff.,

167 ff.

Weigand, G. Die Aromuneny Leipzig, 1894-5.

Weil, G. Geschichte der Chalifen, Mannheim, 1846-62.

#Weil, R. Sinai.

Welschinger, H. Strasbourg, Paris, 1905.

Wey, W. Itineraries, London, 1857.

Weyh, W. Merpov Λαμβάναν, in Byz. Zeit, xxiii (1914), pp. 164 ff.

Wheler, Sir G. Journey into Greece, London, 1682.

White, C. Three Tears in Constantinople, London, 1845.

White, G. E. The Alevi Turks of Asia Minor, in Contemp. Rev., Nov.
I9Î3, pp. 690 ff.

—- Evil Spirits and the Evil Eye in Turkish Lore, in Mo si. World, ix

(I9I9)» PP· !79й·

lxiv Periodicals and Books consulted

White, G. E. A Primitive Cattle Shrine in Asia Minor, in Records of
the Past, vi (1907), pp. 99 ft.

—-Saint Worship in Turkey, in Mosl. World, ix (1919), pp. 8 ft.

—-The Shia Turks, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), pp. 225 ft.

—-Survivals of Primitive Religion among the Peoples of Asia Minor, in

Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), pp. 146 fF.

Wide, S. vΑωροί βιαιοθάνατοι in Archiv f. Religionsw. xii (1909),
pp. 224 ft.

Wiegand, Th. Milet, Berlin, 1906 ft.

—-Zur Lage des Hannibalgrabes, in Ath.Mitth.xxvii (1902), pp. 321ft.

Wiener, W. Sippurim, Sammlung Jüdischer Volkssagen, Prague, 1848.

Wilkinson, J. G. Modem Egypt and Thebes, London, 1843.

Willebrand von Oldenburg, in L. Allatius, Σύμμικτα, i, q.v.

Williams, G. The Holy City, London, 1849.

Willibald. Vita seu Hndoeporicon, in Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. Ben.

Wilson, C. W. Notes on the Physical and Historical Geography of Asia
Minor, in P.R.G.S. vi (1884), PP· 3°5 ff·

Wilson (Sir C. W.) and Warren (Sir C.). The Recovery of Jerusalem,
London, 1871.

Wilson, S. S. Narrative of the Greek Mission, London, 1839.

Wilson, W. R. Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land, London, 1834.

Winchester, O. W. Call to Labor among Kuzzelbash Koords, in Amer.
Miss. Her. lvii (1861), p. 71.

Wittman, W. Travels in Turkey, Asia Minor, Syria during 1799, 1800,
and 1801, London, 1803.

Wood, J. T. Discoveries at Ephesus, London, 1877.

Woolwich Museum of Artillery. Catalogue, London, 1906.

Worcester, L. A Sermon Delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. Elnathan
Gridley, Boston, 1825.

Wright, Thomas. Early Travels in Palestine, London, 1848.

Wülzinger, C. Drei Bektaschiklöster Phrygiens, Berlin, 1913.

*Wurm, —. Museum Wurmianum, 1722.

Yakut. Lexicon Geographicum, 1850, &c.

Yorke, V. W. Journey in the Valley of the Upper Euphrates, in Geog.
Journ. viii (1896), pp. 453 ft.

Yung, E. Sous le Ciel Breton, Geneva, 1894.

Ziller, E. Die Antiken Wasserleitungen Athens, in Ath. Mitth. ii (1877),
pp. 107 ft.

Zinkeisen, J. W. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches in Europa, Gotha,
1840-63.

Zotos (B. D.) Molottos. Левкои των * Αγίων Πάντων της ’Ορθοδό-
ξου *Εκκλησίας, Athens, 1904.
I

TRANSFERENCES FROM CHRISTIANITY
TO ISLAM AND VICE VERSA

I

INTRODUCTION

PROFESSOR SIR WILLIAM RAMSAY has in re-
peated articles laid stress on the tenacity of local
religious traditions in Asia Minor, especially directing
the attention of travellers to important Mohammedan
holy places as possible heirs to Christian traditions.1
The following essay is an attempt to bring together
some available cases of sites and cults transferred from
Christianity to Islam, and to draw from them such
conclusions regarding the causes and process of such
transference as seem justified by the evidence at our
disposal. Though my reading of this evidence often
leads me to conclusions differing widely from Ramsay’s,
I am confident that he will recognize and appreciate
any honest attempt to work out his own suggestions :
nor can the arrangement of so much widely scattered
material be without a certain value.

My own conclusion, derived, I hope, impartially from
the evidence, is that a survival of religious tradition is
so far from inevitable that it is only probable under
favourable conditions. A violent social upheaval, such
as a conquest by aliens, may possibly, and a change of
population involving a wide area will probably, obliter-
ate such traditions altogether. In the transition from
Christianity to Islam both these conditions obtained in
many country districts of Asia Minor. In European
Turkey the Christian element has always been in the
majority, but the conquest of 1453 meant considerable

1 Trans. Orient. Congr. (London), 1893, ii, 381-91 ; Expositor, 7th
series, ii (1906), pp. 454-75 ; Pauline Studies, chap, vi ; cj. also Im-
pressions of Turkey, pp. 71, 265 ; Geog. Journ. xx (1902), p. 274 ;
B.S~A. xviii. 61.

в 2

4 Introduction

social changes for Constantinople, from which of neces-
sity, owing to the comparative completeness of its re-
cords, many of my cases in Chapter II are taken. On
the other hand, in the pagan-Christian transition1
period the process was gradual and without violent
shock. It is logical to expect less survival from Chris-
tianity to Islam than from paganism to Christianity, and
such facts as we have are in harmony with this ex-
pectation.

Despite the readiness with which the eye of faith
detects ‘ survivals ’, well-documented instances of the
imposition of Mohammedan cults on Christian are rare
in Turkish lands. This may be partly discounted by
the considerations (i) that our knowledge of the Chris-
tian cults obtaining in the interior of the country at the
Turkish conquest is lamentably meagre, and (2) that
little or no research has been directed to the investiga-
tion of the origines of Mohammedan holy places.* We
cannot in the nature of things expect more than a very
limited number of proved or probable transferences of
cult.

For the purposes of the present investigation we may
divide our instances of transferred or supplanted sanc-
tuaries into the following main categories :

(a) Urban sanctuaries, where the transference is ex-
pressed outwardly by the transformation of parish
church into parish mosque (Chapter II).

(b) Suburban or rural sanctuaries, where the charac-
teristic outward change is from monastery to tekke or
dervish convent, or from Christian chapel to Moslem
oratory (Chapter V).

(c) ‘Natural ’ cults, depending ultimately for their
sanctity on physical characteristics of the site, where

1 Cf. Hasluck, Letters, pp. 47, 57.

* This could alone excuse my own presumption in intruding on such
a field without sufficient knowledge of the languages to consult
oriental sources at first hand.

Introduction 5

buildings and organization are non-existent or of negli-
gible importance (Chapters VIII and IX).

In all apparent cases of Christian cults transferred to
Moslems we must distinguish as clearly as possible the
character of the newcomers’ inheritance from the dis-
placed religion. Is it, so to speak, 6 material ’ or 6 spiri-
tual 9 ? Has the Christian site or building alone fallen
into alien hands, or has there passed with it some of the
pre-Mohammedan religio loci, e. g. the personality of
the saint supplanted or the local legends and customs
of the sanctuary ? And how far has the previous sanc-
tity of the spot affected its selection by later comers ?
и

TRANSFERENCE OF URBAN SANCTUARIES

IN the case of urban cults particularly a special caveat
must be entered against the arbitrary assumption
that, because a church was taken over by the conquerors
and used as a mosque, the religio loci was transferred
with the building. It was the normal custom of a
Mohammedan sovereign, on conquering a town, either
to build a mosque or to appropriate to that use as soon
as possible the best available building, which was fre-
quently, as is natural, a church. This he did, primarily
in order to seal his conquest by having official prayer
(khutba) said for him as sovereign, and in the second
place with the less personal object of providing for the
public worship of his co-religionists.1 Thus, even dur-
ing a temporary occupation, mosques were not infre-
quently built, as by the Arabs at Missis in a. d. 703,2
by Harun-al-Rashid at Tyana,3 and (according to tradi-
tion) by Maslama at Galata 4 during the Arab siege of
Constantinople. On the other hand, the first action of
the Ottoman sultan Osman, after the taking of Kara ja
Hisar, was the transformation of the church into a
mosque.5 Mohammed II at Constantinople first trans-

1 Fabri (Evagat. ii, 228) notes that, when either Christians or Sara-
cens take a town, they change the cult, mosques becoming churches and
vice versa. The reason in both cases is propter aptitudinem. Even the
apostles did not destroy temples, but removed the idols and consecrated
the buildings : see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 233 ff.

* Brooks, in y.H.S. xviii, 204-5.

3 Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 250.

4 This seems, however, to be a ‘ discovery ’ of Mohammed Ill’s
reign (1595-1603) : cf. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 71, and
below, pp. 719-20.

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 75.

Churches as Friday Mosques 7

formed S. Sophia into a mosque and later built one of
bis own, the latter being officially the ‘ Friday ’ mosque
of the city. Still later, it is recorded of Suleiman the
Magnificent that he converted churches into mosques
in every one of the towns and fortresses he had won
from Christendom.1 All churches in towns taken by
assault were at the disposal of the conqueror, though
the principle was not always insisted on.3 The signifi-
cance of the ‘ Friday ’ mosque in conquered towns is
thus primarily political rather than religious,з and the
change from church to mosque was in most cases dic-
tated merely by precedent and convenience. When
whole villages of Christians were converted, the village

1 Evliya, Ίravels, 1, i, 82. An inscription at Chios (Hasluck, in
B.S.A. xvi, 154, no. 16 b) testifies to Turkish practice at this same
period. A curious commentary on this is provided by the passage in
Michon, Solution nouv. de la Ques. des Lieux Saints, p. 72. In the
eighteenth century the Cenaculum at Jerusalem was known also as the
Tomb of David. Some Moslems obtained entry to the convent on the
plea of its being David’s tomb, and said their prayers there, after
which it was automatically recognized as a mosque. Omar, on the con-
trary, when he took Jerusalem, said his prayers at the spot now marked
by a minaret near the Holy Sepulchre church (Stanley, Sinai, p. 460).
This was a mark of clemency, because he could have done so within the
church, thereby transforming it into a mosque.

2 At Damascus we find the curious compromise of dividing the great
church between the two religions (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 265 : cf.
Menasik-el-Haj, Kitab, tr. Bianchi, p. 36, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 115).
At Larnaka in Cyprus the church of S. Lazaros was transformed into
a mosque, and afterwards bought back by the Christians (de Villamont,
Voyages, i, 284 : cf. Kootwyck, in Cobham, Excerpta Cypria, p. 190).
At Constantinople part of the city was regarded as taken by storm, part
as surrendered (Mordtmann in Byz. Zeit, xxi, 129-144). The trans-
formation of churches into mosques after this date seems due to special
circumstances, political, religious, or even personal.

3 In the same way the churches on Mount Athos had scarcely suf-
fered from the Turks until the political troubles of the Greek revolution
arose (Hasluck, Athos and its Monasteries, pp. 50 ff.). Miss Durham
found that the Turks had desecrated a church from policy, and states
that this terrorism had a great moral effect {Burden of the Balkans, pp.
122-3).

8 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

church probably became a mosque automatically in the
same way.1

It is further to be noticed that a mosque is only by
exception a holy place 2 in the superstitious sense that
a church often is, since it is not normally a place of
burial 3 or the repository of relics. Both these functions
belong in Islam rather to the turbe or mausoleum. In
towns only a limited number of privileged graves are
gathered round the mosques, the great burial-grounds
being outside the walls. The conjunction of mosque

1 A case in Cappadocia, dating back less than two centuries, is cited
by Oberhummer and Zimmerer {Durch Syrien, ρ. 143) · cf. Rott,
Kleinas. Denkm., ρ. 199· On the other hand, the Vallahadhes of SW.
Macedonia (see Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 29 ;
Μ. M. Hasluck, in Contemp. Rev., Feb. 1924, pp. 225 ff.) have preserved
some churches as such. According to information supplied to me by
a police officer of Chotil, there is at Vrosdan a church of the Anargyri,
whose feast is kept by the local Mohammedan women, if sick ; an
Orthodox priest celebrates at the church, crossing these women’s fore-
heads with oil from the saint’s lamp : the women are particular that
this oil, and no other, should be used. At Vrondiza a church of S.
Nicolas remains unchanged. Once a man stole a tile from the church
but restored it after S. Nicolas had appeared and threatened him in
a dream, and ever since a lamp has been kept burning in honour of the
saint. A shepherd feeding his flocks near Vinyani was rebuked by
Kasim (S. Demetrius), who appeared to him. A man who neglected
to fulfil his vow to light a lamp to S. Demetrius was struck cross-eyed.
[My personal inquiries in 1922 suggested that these and similar
churches survive in some Vallahadhes villages because the villages in
question were till lately chiftliks worked by Christian labourers, for
whose benefit the church was tolerated.· Μ. Μ. H.] Cf. the Moslem
Albanians of Kachanik (Bérard, Macedoine, pp. no f.).

2 Even the great mosque of Mecca is used by poor pilgrims as a
lodging (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 273). They eat and sleep there, but
may not cook.

3 Mohammed himself even forbade the bringing of corpses into
mosques at burial (d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 240). Lane, however, states
that in Cairo bodies are brought into a mosque before burial {Mod.
Egyptians, ii, 263). Mohammed’s own tomb at Medina is separated
from the mosque lest it should become 4 an Object of Idolatrous
Adoration’ (Burton, Pilgrimage to Meccah, 1906, i, 314). For the
Sultan of Egypt and S. Barbara’s body see below, p. 235, n. 1.

S. Sophia 9
and turbe either is, as, e.g., at Eyyub at Constantinople,
a development of the idea that the graves of departed
saints impart a peculiar efficacy to prayer ;1 or, as, e.g.,
at the Ulu Jami at Manisa, it is due to a pious founder’s
desire that prayer for his soul may be suggested by the
presence of his tomb in or near the mosque.1 In cases
where a ‘ transferred ’ church possessed a grave, for
instance, of peculiar sanctity, this sanctity might (but
need not) be inherited by the mosque, either through
the adoption of the tomb under another name or by
some less obvious process.

The following instances of ‘ transferred ’ churches
illustrate the abolition, adoption^ or transference of the
cults involved :

I. S. Sophia, Constantinople. Here, in spite of
the * superstitious ’ sanctity attaching to the Christian
church from the numberless relics and sacred objects
deposited in it, especially the tomb of S. John Chryso-
stom^ the building became at the conquest primarily
a. jami or place of assembly for the Faithful. The case
of S. Sophia is, however, remarkable as illustrating the
tendency, not only of certain old superstitions to sur-
vive—the selection being apparently quite arbitrary—
but also of new ones to come into being after the change
of masters. In this case certainly the resultant mass
of superstitious legend is due at least as much to the 1 2 3 4

1 The mental attitude of Mohammedans with regard to the saintly
dead, which of course varies greatly from class to class, has been ad-
mirably explained by Gibb (Ottoman Poetry, i, 180, n. 2 : quoted
below, pp, 256-7) : the above is a perfect orthodox point of view.
See the fuller treatment below, pp. 250 ff.

2 See below, p. 228.

3 For the assimilation of non-Islamic ideas by Islam see especially
Goldziher, in Rev, Hist. Relig. ii (i860), p. 298. The Holy Land in
particular affords well-documented examples of Christian cults taken
over by the Moslems.

4 See especially an anonymous fifteenth-century pilgrim’s account in
Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, pp. 225-7.

io Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

inherent beauty and impressiveness of the building itself
as to its antecedent consecration.

In S. Sophia, then, though the Christian cults of
saints’ relics were abolished when the church became
a mosque, at least three of the sacred antiquities of the
Christians continued to be recognized as such by the
Turks.1 (i) The doors said by the Christians to have
been constructed from wood of the ark 2 were still an
object of reverence to Moslems, who said a fatiha for
the repose of Noah’s soul before them as a preliminary
to setting out on a voyage.3 (2) The sacred well,
covered, as Christians said, by a stone from the well of
Samaria,4 afforded the Turks a cure for palpitation of
the heart. (3) The curative virtues of the c sweating
column ’, attributed by the Christians to S. Gregorys
were fathered by the Turks on the Moslem saint Khidr :6

1 Of S. Sophia Quiclet says (Voyages, p. 170) : ‘ il y a une pierre de
marbre, sur laquelle les Turcs croyent que la Vierge a lavé les langes de
nostre Seigneur y qu’ils honorent extrêmement pour cette raison

2 Khitrovo, Itin. Russes y pp. 225-7.

3 Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 63, and C. White, Constantinople y i, 272. Cf.
Lonicerus, Chron. Turc., tom. I, vol. ii, cap. i, p. loi : ‘ vnam [januam] e ligno arcae Noae extructam esse fabulantur, qua etiam de caussa per-
forato aere tribus locis lignum osculis adeuntium, & remissionem inde
peccatorum sibi promittentium, patere aiunt Cf. also G. Sandys,
Travels, p. 25 ; Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire (1709), p. 138.

4 Antoniades, eΑγία Σοφία, ii, 169 ff.

5 C. White, Constantinople, i, 270, and Evliya, op. cit. 1, i, 63. Ailing
Christians rubbed their shoulders against it for cure (Antony of Nov-
gorod (1200), in Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 90, and in Lethaby and
Swainson, S. Sophia, p. 102). Aaron Hill {Ottoman Empire, p. 138),
says that in his day both Christians and Turks held the column for that
at which Christ was scourged : 4 and upon this only ground you may see
great numbers of promiscuous People wiping off the Moisture with
their Cloaths or Foreheads, some expecting by its sovereign Power, to
be protected from the least Misfortune The moisture of the column
is held to cure ophthalmia if patients wet their fingers in the hole made
by Khidr’s thumb and touch their eyes with the damp finger (Guthe,
in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303). For the connexion with S. Gregory see Sandys,
Travels, p. 25 ; Antoniades, ‘Αγία Σοφία, ii, 226-7.

6 For Khidr see below, pp. 319 ff.

S. Sophia il

both saints are said to have appeared near the pillar.
Further, a series of legends grew up associating the
building both with the conquest of Constantinople and
with much earlier events in the history of Islam. Thus,
the hole in the Sweating Column was said to have been
made by Khidr as a sign to Mohammed, the conqueror
of the city.1 2 3 * * When the Turks first entered the building,
the corpse of one of their warriors was found in it laid
out ready for burial, with the invocation Y a Vudud
(‘ О All-loving ’) inscribed on his breast in crimson
letters.1 By a further stretch of imagination the ‘ pray-
ing-places ’ of heroes like Eyyub, Sidi Battal, and others
who fought in the Arab sieges of Constantinople, were
pointed out.3

The site and building itself were islamised by various
traditions. The site had been sanctified by the prayers
of Solomon : 4 at the building Justinian’s architect was
aided in his work by the Moslem saint Khidr,5 who
attempted to orientate the building after its construc-
tion :6 7 and, finally, a legend connected the repairs after
the earthquake of a. d. 538 with Mohammed himself.
The dome, so ran the story, fell in on the day the
Prophet was born,7 and could not be repaired till Elias
(Khidr) appeared to the Greeks and prescribed the use
of mortar compounded of sand from Mecca, water from
the well Zem-zem, and saliva of the Prophet. The

1 Guthe in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303.

2 Evliya, I, i, 44 ; 1, ii, 14. The story is possibly influenced by the
legend current in Mandeville’s time (in Wright, Early Travels, p. 135 ;
cf. Bovenschen in Z./. Erdk. 1888, p. 216, for Mandeville’s sources),
that the body of a man was found in S. Sophia with an inscription
showing that he had believed in Christ long before His birth. For this
ante-dating type of legend see below, pp. 72-3.

3 Evliya, I, i, 59 f. 4 Ibid. 1, i, 60. 5 Ibid. 1, i, 55 : cf. 21 f.

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 29. The

Turkish folk-lore regarding S. Sophia collected in the work shows that

many of the traditions of Evliya are probably current in our own day.

7 A church at Erzerum did the same(Haji Khalfa,tr. Armain,p. 651).

12 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

place where Elias appeared was held sacred by the Turks
and pilgrims, who, saying their prayers there for forty
days in succession, were infallibly granted their hearts’
desire by the intercession of Elias. Loss of memory was
cured by seven successive prayers at the spot and the
observance of certain prescribed forms of prayer and
diet.1 2

It appears indeed from Evliya’s account that two
hundred years after the Conquest S. Sophia was as
‘ superstitiously ’ holy to the Turks as it had been to the
Greeks before them. Of this holiness, as we have seen,
part only was actually inherited : the rest may be re-
garded as the outcome of the impression of almost
supernatural magnificence made by the building on the
conquerors, and their natural desire to associate it with
the history of their own religion since it had become
a mosque. Any remarkable ancient building may at-
tract to itself a cycle of legend : the fact that S. Sophia
is now a mosque has more to do with the religious
colouring of its Turkish folk-lore than the fact that it
was once a church. This point is illustrated by the
history of the ‘ Tower of the Winds ’ at Athens, which
had no religious associations till it was adopted by
dervishes,3 4 of which adoption there is no earlier record
than that of Stuart and Revett.3 At a later time the
tower was supposed to be haunted by the Moslem saint
Kara Baba.4 The religious-superstitious association is

1 Evliya, I, i, 55 and 64 ; more fully in C. White’s Constantinople, i,
267 ff. ; Khidr also appeared in S. Sophia in the reign of Sultan
Selim II (Evliya, 1, i, 61).

2 They came or returned between Pococke’s visit in 1740 (Descr. of
the East, 11, ii, 168) and Stuart and Revett’s in 1753 {Ant. of Athens, i,
14 : cf. Le Roy (1754), Mon. de la Grèce, ii, 10, and Chandler (1765),
Ίravs. in As. Min. and Greece, ii, 117).

3 The dervishes then in possession of the building were Kadri, as is
shown by the still remaining plaster finial in the form of a twelve-sided
Kadri mitre {taf).

4 Kambouroglous, Ιστορία, iii, 125 ; for Kara Baba, who was buried

Mohammed IPs Mosque 13

probably here suggested in the first instance by the
resemblance of the building to an octagonal Seljuk
turbe.1

It is noteworthy that, while the greatest respect was
shown to S. Sophia, the mosque of Mohammed II was
by some considered a specially propitious place of
prayer, ‘ because the workmen employed in building it
were all Musulmans ; and to this day neither Jews nor
Christians are allowed to enter its blessed doors,’2
because it had never been a church. This is in direct
contradiction to the theory of inherited sanctity.

2. Parthenon, Athens. The history of the trans-
formed Parthenon offers phenomena exactly similar
though not so fully documented. Of its Christian
marvels at least one continued to attract the admiration
of the new congregation—the transparent marble win-
dows by which light was admitted to the interior. This

at the east end of the Acropolis, see Dodwell’s Tour through Greece,

b 305·

1 Whereas the account of Athens in 1390 by N. da Martoni (below,
p. 181, n. 5) is full of medieval saints, relics, and miracles, the curious
notice of its wonders written about the time of the Turkish conquest
and entitled Τα Θέατρα καί Διδασκαλεία των * Αθηνών by the so-called
Jnon. Viennensis (in Kambouroglous’ Μνημεία, i, 92, and elsewhere)
displays a purely classical interest. Here (§ 2) the Tower of the Winds
is called the school of Socrates, an association kept up till the middle of
the seventeenth century, though the building itself becomes a convent
(tekke) of dervishes called the 4 Tekke of Ibrahim \ This is first men-
tioned by another anonymous author (Anon. Paris., published by För-
ster in Ath. Mitth. viii, 31, and by Kambouroglous in Μνημεία, i, 95,
and *Ιστορία, i, 125, 159). He has been placed by various authors in
the fifteenth, the sixteenth, and even the second half of the seven-
teenth century (Gregorovius, Stadt Athen, ii, 361, note), and considers
the building to have been the 4 temple and school5 of Socrates. The
French missionary Babin, dated with certainty in the middle of the
seventeenth century, considers it, however, a tomb (Babin, Relation
d’Athènes, Lyon, 1674, p. 41 ; cf. Nointel, ap. Laborde, Athènes, i, 122,
and Consul B. Goujon in Omont, Miss. Arch, i, 335 ; see also Perry’s
View of the Levant, p. 492). This is, to my mind, the Turkish contri-
bution to the myth. 2 Evliya, Ίravels, 1, i, 66-7.

14 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

simple miracle, thought by Martoni in 1395 to indicate
the presence of a buried saint,1 was considered by the
seventeenth-century Turks to be a sign given by the
Prophet to Mohammed the Conqueror the day the
church was changed into a mosque.2

The antecedent Christian sanctity з of the building
and the potency of Christian magic were credited with
two miracles of the ‘ black ’ sort.4 (1) A Turk, who
ventured to open a marble chest or tomb, was struck
dead, and his action brought plague on the town.5

(2) Another, who fired at an eikon of the Virgin in
the building, was killed outright by the ricochet of the
bullet, or, according to other accounts, was punished
by the withering of his arm.6 Further, we have evi-
dence, though on the doubtful authority of La Guil-
letière, that about the middle of the seventeenth century
the Parthenon became the centre of an important Mos-
lem pilgrimage administered by dervishes from Asia
Minor, who, however, had been driven out some ten
years before our author wrote ( . about 1659). The

passage concerning this neglected chapter in the Par-
thenon’s history is given in full on p. 755. LaGuilletière’s
statement is denied by Spon on the authority of Consul
Giraud and local Greeks ten years later (1679). ®ut
Giraud was not consul at the time to which La Guil-

1 Martoni in Ath. Mitth. xxii, 429. For other 6 burning stones * of
the same sort see below, p. 181 and n. 5.

2 La Guilletière, Athènes Ancienne et Nouvelle, p. 196.

3 The Parthenon is sometimes supposed to have been a church of the
Wisdom of God, but Lambros has shown it belonged to the Παναγία
*ΑΘηνιώτισσα (Άθηναι π€pl та теЛη τον ф’ αίώνος, p. 34).

4 On such miracles see below, pp. 36-7.

5 Babin, Relation d Athènes, pp. 32-3 ; La Guilletière, op. cit., p.
198 ; Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 364 ; Galland, Journal, i, 38.

6 Babin, Relation dAthènes, pp. 32-3 ; La Guilletière, op. cit.y
p. 193 ; Galland, loc. cit. ; Wheler, loc. cit. During the Turkish occu-
pation of Mount Athos a soldier shot at the Virgin over the gate of the
monastery of Vatopedi : the image bled and the soldier was found hung
(Didron, Iconographie Chrétienne, p. 461).

Parthenon 15

letière refers, and some considerations support the lat-
ter’s testimony. His description of the interior of the
building hung with rags and other offerings rings true,
and the movement against the dervish orders under
Mohammed IV from 1656 onwards1 fits exactly with
the expulsion of the dervishes mentioned by La Guil-
letiere.* It is, however, possible that he has con-
fused the Parthenon with another building. If
not, to whom were the dervish cult and pilgrimage
directed ? Athens was particularly connected by learned
orientals with the Greek philosophers, and on that ac-
count called by them the ‘ City of the Sages ’ {Medinat
al Hokama).з The local traditions of the later Middle

Ages associated nearly every ancient building at Athens
with some philosopher.4 The tradition of Athens as
the dwelling-place of Plato ‘ the divine ’ was still alive
among the Turks in the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury.5 It is quite possible that the Parthenon at Athens,
like the church of S. Amphilochius at Konia,6 figured

1 For this movement see below, pp. 419-23.

2 As to the reputation of La Guilletière, the general verdict of our
own times is that his forgery consisted in his using the material of other
people, notably the Athenian missionaries, passing it off as the fruit of
his own travels.

3 D’Herbelot, Bibl. Orientale, s.v. ‘Athiniah’ : cf. Saad-ed-din, in
Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emf. Ott. i, 351.

4 Anon. Viennensis (ed. L. Ross in Jahrbücher der Litt. 1840) : also
Kambouroglous, Μνημεία, i, 159).

5 Cf. Haji Khalfa, Rumeli und Bosna, p. 109: 4 Atina … der Wohnort
des göttlichen Plato und der berühmtesten Philosophen, und deshalb
die Stadt der Weisen genannt \

6 See below, pp. 364-5. Another house of Plato was shown at
Pergamon in the fourteenth century (Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii,
315 ; tr. Lee, p. 73), though Galen, not Plato, was the philosopher
connected with that town : possibly the two were fused in the popular
mind. A reputed house of Hippocrates (to Arabs, Bokrat) in Kos served
in the eighteenth century as a mosque (Egmont and Heymann, Travels,
i, 263) ; already in 1420 Buondelmonti had spoken of the house and
spring of Hippocrates (Liber Insularum, § 45), the latter at first iden-
tified with a curious built well-house above the town of Kos, and later,

16 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

as Plato’s observatory.1 The dervishes of La Guille-
tière’s time came from Konia,2 where the cult of Plato
was predominant.

3. S. Demetrius, Salonica, was not converted into
a mosque till some years after the taking of the city by
the Turks. The grave of the saint, to which primarily
the church owed its sanctity, was respected and re-
mained a Christian pilgrimage : з it was, further, to some
extent adopted as a place of healing by the Moslems.4

after this had reverted to its classical name of Burinna, with a spring
called κόκκινα vepa (Herzog, Koische Forschungen, p. 161). Other re-
ferences to Hippocrates in Kos are Galland (1673), ed. Schefer, ii, 21 ;
Perry (1743), View of the Levant, p. 481 (‘ imperfect Vestiges of the
house on a high rocky hill about a mile west of Burinna ’) ; ibid., p. 480
(Burinna — dormitory and study of Hippocrates) ; Des Barres, Voyage,
i, 179 (palace of Hippocrates) ; ibid, i, 180 (school in the town, now
turned into a mosque). The Greeks told Michaud (Corresp. d?Orient,
1830-1, iii, 464) that his chamber was in the castle of Kos. Tücher, in
Feyerabend (1480), Reyssbuch, p. 371 B, speaks of the house of Hippo-
crates.

1 It is interesting to note in this connexion the letter (1641) signed
by the Turkish notables of Athens, including the head of the dervishes,
commending the Jesuit missionary Père Blaizeau for his knowledge of
astrology (Carayon, Rei. Ined. de la Compagnie de Jésus, p. 147).

* See the extract given below, p. 755.

3 The profit derived from pilgrims is here of course a consideration :
cf Mackenzie and Irby, Travels in Slavonic Provinces, p. 10 ; G. F.
Abbott, Tale of a Tour in Macedonia, p. 14.

4 Joan. Anagn., De ext. Thessalon. Excid., cap. xvi ; Eustathius3
Opuscula, p. 173 ; L. Garnett, Women of Turkey, ii, 151, n. 1 ; for the
cult in 1489 see Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 263. The Turkish name oi
the mosque, Kasimiyyeh (after Kasim, the sixth Imam), seems merely tc
refer to the original Christian festival, S. Demetrius’ day (Oct. 26)
being also sacred to Kasim (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches,
p. 152). I can find no suggestion that the tomb of S. Demetrius was
regarded as that of Kasim (cf Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. ii, 39) by the
Turks, though this is not an impossible development (cf. especially
below, p. 48 ; Elwan Chelebi) in spite of the fact that a tomb oi
Kasim exists at Bagdad (Southgate, Travels, ii, 167 ; Massignon, ir
Rev. Hist. Relig. lviii (1908), p. 337). For the 4 measuring ’ of S. De-
metrius see below p. 263, quoting de Launay, Chez les Grecs de Turquie

PP· 183-4·

5. Demetrius,Salonica 17

The exact converse of this phenomenon ( .a Mos-

lem place of pilgrimage situated in a church in a Chris-
tian country and respected by Christians) is to be found
in the case of the reputed tomb of a ‘ sister of Moham-
med ’ at the church of SS. Peter and Sophia at Tarsus
under the rule of the Armenian kings.1

4. S. Amphilochius, Konia. Here the miracle-
working grave of S. Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium,
was identified by the Seljuk Turks with that of Plato
the philosopher.2 The church was in the fifteenth cen-
tury a pilgrimage for both religions.3

5. S. Andrew of Crete (Khoja Mustafa Jamisi),
Constantinople. The miracle-working Christian saint
buried here 4 was superseded on the discovery ’ in the
reign of ‘ Sultan Mahmud ’ of apocryphal graves of
Fatima and Zeinab, the daughters of the Imam Husain,
who were said to have been brought captive to Con-
stantinople and to have killed themselves to avoid being

1 Willebrand of Oldenburg (1211), ed. L. Allatius, Συμμικτα, i, 137.
The grave was in angulo quodam extra fores [sic] Ecclesiae. The church
is now replaced by the Ulu Jami (Langlois, Cilicie, p. 3×7). See
further below, p. 698.

2 A parallel case is that of Aristotle at Palermo. Gregorovius, quot-
ing (Wanderjahre, iii (Siciliana), p. 114) Amari’s translation of the tenth
century Ibn Haukal, says 4m Al-Kassar (der Paläopolis des Polybius) be-
wunderte er die grosse Festtagsmoschee [evidently meant for Freitags-
moschee], die ehemalige Kathedrale der Christen, worin man ihm eine
Kapelle zeigte, in welcher der Sarg des Aristoteles in der Luft schwebte.
Zu ihm, so sagt er, beteten ehedem die Christen um Regen \ It is to
be noted that the Arabs took Palermo in 831, the Normans in 1071.
Like Plato at Konia, Aristotle is probably a Christian saint taken over
by the Arabs as Plato by the Seljuks, and re-named. See further,
below, p. 364.

3 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 256 (1466) : 4 il y a là une église chrétienne
[consacrée], selon eux, à Platon, & selon nous, à Amphilothée . .. l’huile
sainte découle de lui jusqu’à présent For the Seljuk cult and legends
of Plato see below, pp. 363 ff. ; for the subsequent history of the
church, see below, chap, iii, no. 9.

4 Van Millingen, Churches in Constantinople, p. 108 ; Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 116.

11ЙГЛ

18 Transference of Urban Sanctuaries

married to Christians, or to have died in prison for
refusing to deny their faith. The transformed church
thus acquired a respectable Mohammedan tradition, and
the Moslem saints continued the miracles of healing with
which the Christian church was formerly associated.1

6. S. Thekla (Toklu Mesjidi), Constantinople.
The saint and healer 2 here celebrated by the Christians
was replaced by a Turkish saint, apparently apocryphal,
called Toklu or Doghlu Dede. This personage is sup-
posed by the. Turks to have acted as a sort of regimental
bhisti at the siege of 1453 ; з the legend is probably
evolved from the name, originally a corruption of Thek-
la, which was borne by a Turkish saint, Doghlu Baba,
buried at Brusa. Doghlu Baba was so called because he
drank sour milk,4 whereas his namesake at Constanti-
nople purveyed it to the troops.

7. S. Elias (Daud Monastir), Brusa. This church
—we know nothing of its Christian past—was given
a new sanctity by the interment in it of the remains of
Sultan Osman. It thus became not only a holy place
for Mohammedans, but a national Ottoman sanctuary.5
It was never a Friday mosque, its small proportions and
circular plan marking it out for a turbe.

1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, loc. cit. ; Meyer’s Konstantinopel, p. 319.
Before this discovery the tomb of a i Companion of Eyyub ’ was shown
at the mosque (‘Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp.

Ott. xviii, 35.(349))·

2 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 135-

3 Paspates, Βυζ. МеХетси, ρ. 359 5 ^an Millingen, op. cit., p. 207 ;
Meyer, op. cit., p. 340 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 16.
The word dogh is represented as an old Turkish word for whey.

4 Seaman, Or chan, p. 120 ; cf. the Toghurtlu Dede of von Hammer
(Brussa, p. 57). But this saint seems also known as Daghli Baba
(‘ Mountain Father ’), cf. Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 364.

5 The church was badly damaged by an earthquake in 1804 and is
now destroyed : see Texier and Pullan, Byz. Architecture, p. 157 ;
G. Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 216; von Hammer, Brussa, pp.
47 ff. ; J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, ii, 24 ff. ; W. Turner, Pour in the
Levant, iii, 175-6.

Isa Bey*s Mosque at Ephesus 19

Though at least one church in every conquered city
was made over to Islam in the way we have described,
it must not be assumed that the local tradition of a
mosque having been a church is in all cases a true one.1
An instance which can be checked is that of the great
mosque of Isa Bey at Ephesus, which down to quite
recent times was pointed out as the church of S. John.
The entirely frivolous reasons for this identification are
discussed and dismissed by Falkener.2 The church of

S. John was indeed transformed into a mosque, and is
mentioned as such down to the middle of the fourteenth
century.3 But the mosque of Isa Bey is a purely Turkish
building dating from 1375.4 In our own times a rela-
tively modern mosque at Uskub has been claimed by
the Serbian conquerors as a church of S. Simeon and
bids fair to change its religion on that obviously untrue
assumption.5

1 Della Valle mentions (Voyages, iv, 61) a mosque claimed by Ar-
menians as an ancient Armenian church, apparently falsely.

2 Falkener, Ephesus, p. 155.

3 Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 308 ; Wilhelm von Boldenseele
(1336). Ibn Batuta wrote about 1340.

4 Austrian Expedition to Ephesus, i, 131. 5 F. W. H.
Ill

ARRESTED URBAN TRANSFERENCES

UMEROUS cases are on record in which the trans-

ference of a church to Islam has been attended

or followed by untoward incidents which have been
regarded by the Christians as miracles and by the Mos-
lems as due to black magic.1 When these warnings are
considered too serious to be neglected, the usual course
is to close the church altogether or to put it to some
secular use,2 not to restore it to Christian worship.
Examples are common, and, though the stories are
usually told by Christians, we shall find that they are
also accepted, and indeed acted upon, by Moslems.

1. A Church at Marsovan was transformed into
a mosque, but it was found impossible to keep its
minaret from falling down as soon as it was built.з

2. S. John, Rhodes. The minaret added to this
transformed church was five times struck by lightning.4

1 The same may happen when a mosque is turned into a church, as
in the case of a mosque at Akka (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 331). Early
Christians also recognized and feared the potency of pagan magic,
taking precautions accordingly ; cf. Allard, L’Art Païen, p. 262 (a law
of 435 {Cod. Theodos. xvi : x, 25) orders pagan ‘ fana, tempia, delubra,
si quae etiam nunc restant integra, praecepto magistratuum destrui,
collocationeque venerandae christianae religionis signi expiari ’).

2 After the fall of Jerusalem the Ascension church was made a
mosque, but, as Christians could not be kept away, the Saracens
spoiled it of its marbles and left it common (Fabri, Evagat. i, 389).

3 Cuinei, Turquie d’Asie, i, 761 ; Haji Khalfa (tr. Armain, ii, 682)
recognized the mosque as a Christian building but without mentioning
the superstition connected with it. At Jerusalem the house of Ananias
is now a mosque, but three attempts to build a minaret have failed
(Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 33). Similarly, infidels could not put image*
in the rebuilt temple (Petachia, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii, 400).

4 Stochove, Voyage, p. 223 ; cf. Veryard, Choice Remarks, p. 330.

Thus :

Minarets Destroyed 21

3. The Metropolis, Yannina, was converted into
a mosque in 1597 ; the same year the minaret fell,
owing, as was said, to the intervention of the Arch-
angels.1

4. ‘ S. John ’, Pergamon (the great ruin now known
as ‘Kizil Avli ’) had a minaret added when it was first
adopted as a mosque. The doorway opening on the
gallery, designed to face Mecca-wards, insisted on turn-
ing to the north, which in some obscure way led to the
fall of the minaret. The building is now abandoned.2

5. £ S. Sophia ’, Sofia, was half ruined by an earth-
quake when transformed into a mosque.3

6. S. Francis, Galata (1701) was struck by lightning
for a similar reason. In this case the miracle was attri-
buted by the Franks to the patron saint.4

1 Contemporary MSS. note published by Lambros in Νέος ‘Ελληνο-
μνημων, vii, 183. We may perhaps infer that the date of the accident
was the feast of the Archangels (Sept. 6) or that the church was dedi-
cated to them : a church of S. Michael in the castle is mentioned in the
MS. History of Yannina published by Leake (N. Greece, iv, 562), but
this seems to have been destroyed in the reign of Murad II in 1431, cf.
however, p. 563.

2 Arundell, Seven Churches, p. 288 ; C. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 126.
The same miracle is told by Rycaut, perhaps owing to some confusion,
of S. Demetrius in the same town : ‘ there are two churches, one
anciently dedicated to S. John, and another to S. Demetrius, both
which the Turks have relinquished, the first because (as report goes)
the Walls fall as much by night as they are built by day ; and the other,
because the Door of the Menar eh or Steeple, which above where they
call to Prayers points always towards Mecha . . . did in a miraculous
manner after it was built turn itself to the North, to which point that
Door now looks, of which I myself have been an Eye-witness ; but
what deceit may have been herein contrived by the Greek Masons I am
not able to aver ’ (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 67).
J. B. S. Morritt, Letters, p. 134, heard that a small mosque near the
church had fallen down every time the Turks attempted to build it.

3 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 295 : this church-mosque was also said to be
haunted by the ghost of ‘ Sophia the daughter of Constantine and
Helen (! !) ’, who was buried there (Benaglia, Viaggio, p. 45).

4 De La Mottraye, Travels, i, 166, 206.

22 Arrested Urban Transferences

7. S. Sophia, Pergamon. Here a cross insisted on
replacing the newly built minaret and became such an
obsession that the Turks built a dome over it.1

8. Church at Thyatira (Akhisar). Here the top
of the minaret fell repeatedly.1 This or another trans-
formed church in the same town possesses a column
which ‘ wept ’ when a Christian entered the building
and ‘ high above the roof is a small cross, the removal
of which would cause the collapse of the mosque ’.3

The destruction of minarets, which are the charac-
teristic Mohammedan feature of a transformed church,
may be attributed either to the anti-Moslem influence
of the building itself, as below in No. 12, or simply to
the ‘ evil eye ’ of the deprived Christians.4 It is suffici-
ently obvious that the tall and slender minaret is in the
nature of things the most likely part of any mosque to
suffer from lightning or earthquake.

Some transformed churches were much more dan-
gerous, e.g. :

9. S. Amphilochius, Konia (see above, p. 17, No. 4),
though transformed into a mosque, as may be seen from
the still existing mihrab, was found to be unlucky for
Moslems, who died 5 after entering it, and it was dis-
used in consequence.6

1 Elliott, op. cit. ii, 127. 2 Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 236.

3 Ramsay, Studies in History and Art, p. 290 : also in his Interm, of
Races in Asia Minor, p. 21.

4 The minaret of the Green Mosque at Bulak (Cairo) falls if a
‘ Frank ’ draws it. David Roberts, whose drawing shows the minaret
much higher than it is now, may have been the innocent cause of the
superstition, see Hasluck, Letters, p. 75.

5 Similarly, Moslems cannot live in the Christian village of Sidnaya
near Damascus (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 462), in the church of S.
Thomas at Jerusalem (Goujon, Lerre Sainte, p. 242 : cf. Thévenot,
Voyages, ii, 650), in the cell of S. Paul at Jerusalem (Goujon, p. 34), or
in the house of Veronica there (Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i,
252). Maundrell (ed. Wright, p. 459) mentions a village Booteshallah
[Beit Jala] near Bethlehem in which no Turk can live more than two
years : none, he adds, will risk it : cf. Robinson, Palestine, ii, 322. The

Fatal Entry 23

io. Jumanun Jamisi, Adalia. A chapel of the * Fri-
day ’ mosque at Adalia (a transformed church) was shut
up because it was found that ah Moslems who entered
it died.7 The whole building is now abandoned and
appears still to have a bad reputation : a few years ago
a wall was built round it on account of an outbreak of
plague in the immediate vicinity.8

Moslems retaliate in kind, saying no Christian can live long in the
Persian city of Chardabago (Maundeville, ed. Wright, p. 205). The
same prejudice exists between Jew and Moslem. Thus, no Jew can
live at Thaurus (Ludolf, De Itinere, ρ. 58) or at Caesarea (Carnoy and
Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 224-6), and Turks die at the
Jewish Jobar (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 461 : cf. the inscription warning
strangers away from the Temple of Herod at Jerusalem on pain of
death, mentioned by Josephus, Antiq. xv, 14). Occasionally, a com-
promise is made : for instance, the house of Judas at Damascus could
not be converted into a mosque, so both Turks and Christians worship
side by side in it (d’Arvieux, ii, 456). The mention of the house
(church) of S. Thomas on Zion raises several very interesting problems.
According to Tobler (Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 446) it was first men-
tioned by Tchudi (1519) as the house of S. Thomas and inhabited by
Indian Christians from India. It was thought the site of Christ’s
appearance to Thomas. In 1586 Zuallart says it was a church but in
ruins [the year 1561 saw the whole group of buildings on Mount Zion
in Moslem hands. F. W. H.] Boucher (1610) says that all Jews and
Moors who entered it died, either immediately or within three days
{cf. also Quaresmius, 1616-26, and Nau, 1674). Troilo (1666- )

heard the story from a Turk. Yet from 1681 onwards a mosque stood
on the site and was seen by Tobler.

6 It is now a clock-house and store {cf. Ramsay, Pauline Studies,
p. 170 ; Studies in History and Art, p. 290). It was probably first in-
tended on account of its conspicuous position for the Friday mosque
of Konia, this place being taken eventually by the adjacent mosque of
Ala-ed-din. In theory the Friday mosque, or at least its minaret,
should overtop all Christian churches.

7 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 245 ; the same author {ibid, i, 95)
notes the case of a church at Kutahia, of which the anti-Moslem
influence was so strong that Turkish houses built near it fell down.

8 H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm.> p. 46 ; cf. above, p. 22. When the
Armenian renegade, Ali Pasha, was governor of Beyrut, he turned the
church of S. George there into a mosque. Although (for a considera-
tion) he allowed the Christians to carry away all the sacred furniture,

24 Arrested Urban Transferences

11. S. Nicolas, Alessio (Albania). This church was
transformed into a mosque at the conquest (1478), but
has since been abandoned as unlucky, three successive
muezzins having fallen from the belfry while announcing
the hour of prayer.1

The explanation given by Lucas in the case of No. 10
is probably good for all.* The Turks held that the
Christians had laid a spell on the building, while the
Christians admitted the working of the holy relics left
inside. In the case of Alessio we know that Skanderbeg
was buried in the church, and that at the conquest his
tomb was rifled by the Turks who used his bones for
charms.3 He was probably held responsible for the
accidents also.

12. Mosque of Zachariah, Aleppo. A curious story
of compromise after hostile manifestations in a con-
verted church comes from Aleppo. At the Moham-
medan conquest of that city a church, now called the
Mosque of Zachariah, was transformed into a mosque.
The first muezzin who gave the call to prayer from its
tower fell and was killed : the second died by a violent
death. His successor prayed to the Christian saint to
spare his life. The request was granted on condition
that the Christian trisagion should take the place of the
orthodox Moslem call to prayer. The office of muezzin
is hereditary in this mosque, and an author of the seven-
ties assures us that the trisagion (in Arabic) 4 is cried
from the minaret once in twenty-four hours.5

pictures, &c., ill-luck pursued the pasha for his sacrilege : falling ill, he
was taken to Constantinople where he was beheaded, his body being
thrust into the sea. See d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 376-7.

1 Von Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 93 ; Hecquard, Haute Albanie,
p. 57 ; Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 241.

* Above, p. 23.

3 Barletius Scodrensis, Vita Skanderbegi, xiii, ad fin. (in Lonicerus,
Chron. Jure, i, 36, and elsewhere). For their motive see also below,

P· 35·

4 Cutts, Christians under the Crescent, 1876, pp. 46 f. : ‘ it is said

Partial Haunting 25

The haunting or bewitching of churches might, as at
first in the case of Adalia (No. 10), be partial only, just
as a visitation might fall upon the minaret and spare the
main building. The sacristy of a church in Belgrade
remained intractable long after the conversion of
the church,6 and one of the galleries of the S. Sophia
mosque at Okhrida seems to have had a bad reputation
down to the Balkan war, without, however, rendering
the building as a whole unfit for Moslem worship.7 The
house of S. Anne at Jerusalem has been turned into a
mosque, but Moslems die if they enter the crypt.8

that the proclamation made at midnight from this minaret, and made
with the hand before the mouth so as to disguise the words, is not the
usual proclamation of the muezzins, but is a proclamation of the Name
of the Holy Trinity … to this day the listener can hear the voice from
the minaret of Zechariah begin : “ Kadoos Allah, kadoos, etc.”, and
go off into an unintelligible cry, clearly different from the usual cry,
and believed to be that which is written above ’ [г. e, 6 Kadoos Allah,
Kadoos el kawi, Kadoos ilezi la iemoot, erhamna,’ the Arabic version
of dγιος 6 Θζός, άγιος 6 Ισχυρός, άγιος 6 αθάνατος, όλόησον ημάς].
It should be remembered that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity is
most repugnant to Moslem theology.

5 Milder versions of the same theme are recorded by Thévenot and
de la Brocquiere. The former states that a certain mosque at Damascus
was reputed a former temple of Serapis and said to contain the body of
S. Simeon Stylites. ‘ Le Muesem n’y peut crier la prière comme aux
autres Mosquées, &… lorsqu’il veut crier, la voix lui manque 9 (Théve-
not, Voyages, iii, 6i). When the muezzins climbed the minaret of the
transformed church of S. Barbara at Beyrut, ‘ they were so beaten that
from that day no one has ventured to return thither 9 (B. de la Broc-
quière, ed. Wright, pp. 296 f.). It is remarkable that the mosque of
S. Simeon Stylites in Antioch of Syria is a recognized Moslem pilgrim-
age (Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in Ree, de Voyages, ii, 105), from
which town the body of the saint was transferred to Damascus, accord-
ing to Thévenot, loc, cit, 6 Poullet, Nouvelles Relations, i, 129.

7 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 140. Wace in 1912 found the
mosque disused (Ridgeway Essays, p. 280). Edmund Spencer in 1850
{Travels, ii, 72) says it was in his time a military store.

8 At the time (1735) of d’Arvieux’ visit to Beyrut Turks no longer
ventured to descend into the crypt of its chief mosque, which had
formerly been a church belonging to the Cordeliers. ‘ Les premiers

гб Arrested Urban Transferences

13. S. Stephen, Batron (near Tripoli in Syria),
offered a still more violent supernatural resistance to
the Moslem usurper. Originally a Benedictine monas-
tery church, it was transformed into a dervish convent.
In the space of a year no less than thirty-five of the
inmates died sudden and violent deaths :

‘ Les uns estoient trouvez renversez par terre, tous livides de
coups, qu’ils disoient leur avoir esté donnez par un phantosme,qui
leur apparoissoit dans cette Église, vestu à la façon des Papazes
Chrestiens. Les autres estoient tous fracassez et meurtris de leur
cheute du haut de la tour de ladite Église, d’où ils estoient
renversez par une vertu occulte et divine qui les ébloüissoit,
lorsqu’ils y montoient. Si bien qu’épouvantez d’un si grand
chastiment, ils n’oserent plus s’opiniastrer à y demeurer, et
l’abandonnèrent malgré eux ; ce qui m’a esté raconté sur les
lieux mesmes, que j’ay veus et visitez.’ 1

If we may attempt to define at all the agency by
which such miracles are supposed to be performed, we
must take into account not only the buried saints and
patrons, but also the spirits belonging to the buildings
concerned.

qui y descendirent depuis que l’Église eut été convertie en Mosquée,
perdirent la vûë, Dieu les punissant ainsi de leur trop grande curiosité.’
To avoid all risk of similar accidents they blocked the door of the stair-
case which led to the crypt (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 347). This was
dangerous to Moslems for the further reason that it contained the
famous ‘ Bleeding Crucifix ’ of Beyrut (d’Arvieux, loc. cit. : Goujon,
Теrre Sainte, p. 325 : de la Brocquière, ed. Wright, p. 297). The story
went that some Jews had outraged the crucifix, whereupon it shed a
quantity of blood. Most of the blood was distributed abroad in bottles,
but one portion was preserved in the crypt of the church, though the
Turks of d’Arvieux’ time refused to allow Christians to see it. The
crucifix also was preserved in the crypt. Once some rich Christians had
subscribed considerable sums in order to buy it, but the Turks were
unable to remove it, some dying then and there, others becoming blind
and dying later (d’Arvieux, loc. cit.). For a possible explanation of the
origin of the legend see Hasluck, Letters, p. 151.

1 Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 46. Savary de Brèves (Voyages>
p. 43) cites other miracles related of this church and admitted by local
Turks. He seems, however, to think the dedication S. James.

Guardian Spirits 27

14. Thus, at the church of S. Nicolas, Canea, now
a mosque, the Greeks hold that unless the picture of the
saint is duly provided with a lamp, the spirit of the
building (not S. Nicolas himself) appears and kills the
guardian for his neglect.1

15. At S. Catherine’s Mosque, Candia, also a trans-
formed church, the spirit of the building contents itself
with a yearly demonstration of a terrifying sort. It has
the form of an ox.2

The presence of such spirits in sacred buildings is not
contingent on the transformation of a church into a
mosque, since churches as such are often inhabited by
spirits of this class.3 They generally appear in animal
form, and, as Polîtes hints,4 probably represent the
spirits of beasts immolated at the erection of the build-
ings to which they are attached. But the transforma-
tion, and still more the destruction, of the church, ex-
cites their hostility,5 as the Turks themselves admit.6

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 517. 3 Ibid.> no. 518.

3 Ibid.y nos. 507 (Zante), 511, 512, 513, 515 (Athens) ; also 503, 509,
cf. 487. On the Mohammedan side similar phenomena occur : for
instance, at the mosque of Muhyi-ed-din at Damascus any khoja who
ascends the minaret is thrown down by an 4 Arab ’ (F. W. H. from
Husain Aga of Chotil) : there is, so far as I know, no Christian tradi-
tion, and the4 Arab ’ is generally a merely secular4 spook ’ or4 demon ’ :
for this see below, pp. 730-5. 4 Note on no. 507.

5 Cf. de Brèves, Voyages, p. 127 : 4 vinsmes à la maison de sainct
Thomas, que la deuote Imperatrice de Constantinople fit eriger en
Eglise, maintenant deserte, & demy ruinée : souuent les Turcs ont
essayé de la reparer, pour s’en servir de Mosquée, mais soudain que les
Architectes y entroient, vn hideux serpent sortant d’entre les ruines
leur faisoit quitter outils & dessein tout ensemble ’. A serpent in the
same way prevented the desecration of the Nativity church by the
Saracens (Fabri, Evagat. i, 474-5) and by Jews (Goujon, Ίerre Sainte,
p. 273). For a similar belief in Albania see Durham, High Albania,
p. 264.

6 Triandaphy Hides, 01 Φυγάδες, i, 36 : υπόθετε i d Τούρκος от ι
εχονσι τά τοιαΰτα οικοδομήματα πνεύμα φύλακα αυτών, καί πας
6 κατακρημνίζων τοιαΰτα κτίρια επ ερεθίζει την οργήν και εκδίκησιν
τον πνεύματος . . . “Ηκουσα αυτούς διηγούμενους πολλά παραδείγ-

28 Arrested Urban Transferences

Merely to threaten a sacred building might bring
down the vengeance of Heaven. Wheler relates a story
connecting the explosion in the Propylaea some twenty
years before his time with the impious action of a Turk,
which was miraculously frustrated :

* A certain Haga of the Castle, a zealous Enemy to Chris-
tianity, resolved one day to batter down a Church ; who having
prepared all things in readiness over Night to do the intended
Execution next day, being a Festival according to their Law,
they meant thus maliciously to celebrate, by the Ruin of a
Christian Church. But were the same Night miraculously pre-
vented by Thunder and Lightning from Heaven ; which set
the Powder on Fire, and blew part of the Roof, whereon the
Hagai s House stood, together with him, and his whole Family,
up into the Air. . . . The next day they found Bows and Arrows,
Shields, and other Armour, all about the Country ; but never
heard they any news of the Haga again.’1

This story is still current in Athens in connexion
with the church of S. Demetrius on the slopes of the

/χατα παθόντων Srjdev, Slotl iτόλμησαν ν’ άφαφόσωσι λίθους μόνον
€κ τοίουτου ipewuoOôvTOÇ οικοδομήματος. Christians are equally
superstitious about taking stones from churches : people who do this
either die suddenly or lose a hand or a foot (H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm.,
p. 192). The sheikh at Angora, who in 1834 pulled down part of the
Augusteum (the property of his own tekke), was nevertheless pursued by
ill-luck (Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. de la Galatie, i, 297). The sultan
who removed three of the columns which supported the dome of S.
Euphemia’SjChalcedon, could not move the fourth : it weeps on the feast-
day of the church (but the priests deliberately arranged this miracle) :
see Sestini, Lettres, iii, 171. The Saracens could not build on the site
of S. Mary of the Swoon, nor could they take away its stones (Fabri,
Evagat. 1,359). The image of the Virgin of Sidnaya near Damascus
turned to flesh when stolen and so frightened the thief into restoring
it (Maundrell, Voyage, p. 220): for this image see further below,
p. 462, n. 7, and Porter, Damascus, p. 130. The Saracens were so
terrified by a vision that they could not remove the columns of the
Nativity church (Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 72).

1 Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 359, who probably had it from the
French consul Giraud (cf. Collignon in Mem. Ac. Ins err. 1897, p. 63).
A similar miracle occurs in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii,

79 (697)·

Punishment for Sacrilege 29

Museum Hill, surnamed ‘the Bombardier ’ (Λουμβαρδιςρης)
on account of the incident. According to the version
related to me in 1914 the agha tried to bombard the
church on a Christian feast-day when it was full of
people, but his cannon turned against himself.

Spoliation of churches is likewise apt to bring with it
untoward results. The bey who stole the famous ‘ burn-
ing stone ’ of Angora went blind till he returned it, and
only recovered his sight by the intercession of a sinless
child.1 Instances of this sort could be multiplied,1 3 * 5 but
they are mostly told by the Christians and seem practi-
cally to have had little or no restraining influence.? It
is interesting to find the Turkish soldiers quartered on
Athos during the Revolution sparing the pictures of
saints in the monastery churches,4 but mutilating those
of devils in representations of the Last Judgement, &c.
Their conduct, both here and in other circumstances
mentioned above, amounts to a tacit confession of Turk-
ish belief in, and fear of, Christian magic.5 This be-
trays itself also in various other ways.6 At the conquest
of Satanica Sultan Murad II, before entering S. Deme-

1 Lucas, Voy. dans la Grèce, i, in-12 : cf. below, p. 181. For the
power of virginity see below, p. 200.

2 Cf, Blancard in Charrière, Négociations dans le Levant, i, 351.

3 Cf, however, Fabri, Evagat, i, 474-5, and the instances given

above, p. 27, n. 6. 4 Slade, Ίravels in Turkey, p. 492.

5 Lamartine, Voyage en Orient, iii, 173, tells the amusing story that,
if a Christian says the Creed continuously, a dervish at the Tower of
the Forty at Ramleh must go on turning (these dervishes are Mevlevi)
until he dies : once the dervishes caught a Christian doing this and
made him recite the creed backwards and so stop the charm. The
stories of defiling mosques and churches seem to indicate that both
religions may also indulge in reckless defiance of the other’s magic :
for such stories see Fabri, Evagat. i, 268 (an exact parallel to which is
in Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 307-8 : cf also Fabri, Evagat. i, 380). Cf. also
E. H. Palmer in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1871, p. 125. Cf. Hasluck, Letters,
p. 177.

6 e.g. Moslems will not cut wood near former Christian churches
(Durham, High Albania, p. 160).

30 Arrested Urban Transferences

trius, sacrificed a ram with his own hands,1 after which
he proceeded without scruple to sack the church. The
sacrifice was of course apotropaic 1 and amounted to an
acknowledgement of the hostile potentialities of the
church.3

The power of the Cross is also admitted by Moslems.4
Ibn Batuta at Constantinople says he was ‘ prevented ’
from entering S. Sophia by the numerous crosses placed
on and around the building to exclude infidels.5 It is
this belief in the hostile potentialities of the Cross,6 not
mere wantonness, which is responsible for the common
defacing of sculptured crosses in occupied Christian
buildings : as a rule the horizontal limbs only are
obliterated.7 On the other hand, Christian magic may
be conciliated, and the Cross itself pressed into the
service of Moslems. A stone decorated with a cross at
Eljik in Galatia cures sickness ;8 the Kizilbash of Pontus
mark their bread before baking with a cross ; 9 in Tunis

1 Ducas, cap. xxix (p. 201 в).

2 The root-idea of all sacrifice (kurban) among Semites seems to
have been that of communion with God : it is now regarded as apo-
tropaic, a life being given for life threatened or spared. In practice
kurban is apt to degenerate into a free meal ; see further below,
PP· 259 ff·

3 Chateaubriand, quoting Père Roger, verbatim, says (Itinér. ii, 373)
that the Turks are so scrupulous about the Sakhra because, all prayers
being efficacious, those of a Christian might succeed in driving out the
Turks altogether.

< Poiré, Tunisie Française, p. 173* says that the Moslem women of Algeria tattoo crosses on their faces and arms. 5 So in G. Temple, Travels, ii, 127; Lee’s translation, however, gives (p. 84) quite a different rendering of the passage. 6 Before ‘ Hamor ’ could build the Dome of the Rock a cross on Mount Olivet had to be removed (Fabri, Evagat. ii, 217). 7 e.g. at S. Sophia (Grelot, Voyage to Constantinople, p. 99); at Adalia (Hasluck, in B.S.A. xv, 271) ; Amastris (Hasluck, in B.S.A. xvii, 136 (1)) ; Smyrna (Hasluck, ibid., 149). In later conquests, e.g. Rhodes and Chios, the crosses were spared. 8 See below, p. 206, n. 3. 9 G. E. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 230. Cross as a Moslem Charm 31 women tattoo a cross on their faces ;1 a phylactery worn by the Moslem women of Egypt is called 4 wood of the Cross5 ;2 * and Sir Edwin Pears has noted at the present day the use by Turks of the prophylactic cross on build- ings in course of erection.3 In 1916 an English resident of Constantinople told me that the building of a mosque at Bulgurlu, a village in Asia opposite Con- stantinople, was constantly interrupted by accidents of various kinds. A learned khoja discovered that the reason of this was that the site chosen was that of an old Christian church, and that the ill-luck could be turned by placing a cross in the crescent crowning the minaret of the mosque. His advice was followed, the accidents ceased, and the cross and crescent are, according to my informant, still to be seen on the minaret of the village mosque. A similar tale was told d’Arvieux of the chief mosque in Beyrut, the former church of the Cordeliers.4 When the Turks captured Beyrut and placed a crescent where the cross had been on this church, the steeple was destroyed by lightning. A second shared the fate of the first, as did a third, a fourth, and a fifth. ‘ A la fin un Renegat qui avoit été Chrétien dans sa jeunesse . . . persuada au Gouverneur & au Peuple, que le seul moyen qu’il y avoit d’y faire tenir un croissant, étoit de mettre une croix au-dessus, les assurant que par ce moyen les sortileges cesseroient & n’auroient plus d’effet.’ The expedient proved successful, as d’Arvieux saw for himself.5 Like the Cross, both the rites of the Church and the gospel itself may be turned to account by Moslems. For example, the baptism of the half pagan Turkoman princes of southern Asia Minor, attributed by Bertran- 1 Covel, Greek Church, p. 391 ; Poiré, loc. cit. 2 Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 317. з Turkey, p. 79. 4 Mentioned above, p. 25, n. 8. 5 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 348. 32 Ârrçsted Urban Transferences don de la Brocquière to their wish to * take off the bad smell5 which distinguished Mohammedans,1 was almost certainly a prophylactic measure. Busbecq in the middle of the sixteenth century knew several Turks who had had their children baptized in secret, the reason being that ‘ they were persuaded that the ceremony contained some good in itself and they were sure that it had not been arbitrarily introduced \2 3 A passage in Story is very interesting and clear on the point. Quot- ing from Casalius,3 he says : 6 These ablutions became much less frequent among the Christians on account of the expiation made upon earth by the blood of Christ, for the innate foetor in the blood of man was expelled by baptism ; and it is related of certain tribes on the confines of Armenia, who generated exceedingly unpleasant smells, that whenever they were washed in the waters of bap- tism they at once lost this bad odour. Indeed, the Patriarch of Constantinople observed, that some of those who came to receive baptism from the Christians demanded it not for the orthodox reason of purifying their souls and obtaining sancti- 1 Ed. Schefer, p. 90 (ed. Wright, p. 315) : 4 Ramadan . . . avoit esté filz d’une femme crestienne laquelle l’avoit fait baptisier à la loy gre- giesque pour luy enlever le flair et le senteur qu’ont ceulx qui ne sont point baptisiez. Il n’estoit ni bon crestien ni bon sarazin.’ Cf. p. 115 (ed. Wright, p. 324), where the prince of Karaman is similarly said to have been 4 baptistié en la loy greguesque pour oster le flair ’. The supposed smell of the unbaptized Turk (see Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 38 ; Durham, High Albania, p. 74) has been used by Greeks in modern times to account for his otherwise inexplicable custom of washing (Hobhouse, Albania, i, 33). 2 Busbecq, Lettres, ii, hi f. The same author cites (p. no) the curious fact that the Turks had the greatest respect for the 4 Blessing of the Waters ’ by the Greek Church at Epiphany, before which they never put to sea, and for the yearly ceremony of the digging of the Lemnian earth, at which a Christian priest regularly presided (for this see below, pp. 675 ff.). The reason given was that 4 there are several ancient customs among them which daily practice has proved very useful and of which the reason is unknown and that their fore- fathers were wiser than themselves. 3 De Jhermis et Balneis Veterum. Mohammedans Baptized 33 fication, but considering it as a sort of incantation by which they could obtain corporal cleanliness. So also, in the same manner and for the same purpose, the Agerini1 sought baptism, as Balsamum 1 3 relates in his commentary on the nineteenth canon of the ( Concilium Sardicense and elsewhere on the forty- ninth canon (Synod VI in Trullo) where he says that these same Agerini were persuaded that their children would be vexed by demons, and smell like dogs, unless they received Christian baptism. In a similar way the Jews stink and are freed there- from by baptism.’ з More worldly reasons are sometimes admitted. Thus, among the Druses ‘ on a même des exemples, que de vieux Emirs & Shechs, qui croyent que leur postérité pourroit avoir quelque avantage de l’amitié des Chré- tiens, se sont fait baptiser sur leur lit de mort9 J A young Druse prince, having been circumcised to please the Turks, was baptized at the instance of his Maronite tutor to get him the political goodwill of the Maronites.5 Later, we find Mohammedan mothers in Albania baptizing their children as a charm against leprosy, witchcraft, and wolves.6 * * A Venetian Relazione of 1579 1 Agareni — Moslems. Cf. Fabri, Evagat. i, 275 (Jerus.) ; iii, 50 (Cairo). 2 Theod. Balsamon (middle of the twelfth century). 3 Story, Roba di Roma, ii, 31. He adds a reference to Fortunatus, Carmina V {de Judaeis baptisatis, A. d. 579), who says 4 5 abluitur Ju- daeus odor baptismate divo ’, and another to Bosio, Relig. di S. Gio- vanni, ii, 1589, who mentions the dogs of Halicarnassus (Budrum) who detected Turks by smell {cf, also Fabri, Evagat, iii, 261-2). Isabel Burton {Inner Life of Syria, p. 203) and Fabri {Evagat, ii, 370) also mention the supposed smell of Jews. 4 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 353. The Druses permit their children to be baptized if a Maronite monk or bishop wishes it. 5 Ibid,, p. 385. Cf, Fabri, i, 275 (Jerusalem Saracens). 6 T. W. Arnold, Preaching of Islam, p. 156, quoting the unpublished seventeenth century MS. of Bizzi, for which see Ranke, Servia, pp. 367 ff. In the acta of the Albanian council of 1703 it is stated that Mohammedan parents baptized their children 4 non ut Christianos 3295-1 D 34 Arrested Urban Transferences says that Turkish mothers generally considered baptism as a protection against the first,1 and another of 1585 says that Sultan Murad III was baptized, the cere- mony being held for a specific against the falling sickness.3 With regard to the superstitious use of Christian symbols and texts Thomas Smith writes of the seven- teenth century Turks : ‘ Some of them, notwithstanding their Zeal for Mahomet and the Religion by him establish’d, retain not only a favourable and honourable Opinion of our Blessed Saviour, but even place some kind of confidence in the usage of his Name, or of the words of the Gospel, though it may seem to be wholly in the way of Superstition. Thus in their Amulets, which they call Chaimaili, being little bits of Paper about two or three fingers breadth, roll’d up in pieces of Silk, containing several short Prayers or Sentences out of the Alcoran, with several Circles with other Figures, they usually inscribe the holy and venerable Name of Jesus or the figure of the Cross, or the first words of St. John*s'* Gospel and the like.’ 4 efficiant sedpro corporali salute, ut liberentur a foetore, comitiali morbo [epilepsy], maleficiorum periculo, et a lupis ’ (Von Hahn, Alban. Studien, i, 38). Conversely, Christian children in Albania (Durazzo) are circumcised (Bérard, Turquie, p. 16) : cf. Pears, Turkey, p. 172. In the same way the conversion and baptism of the Arian tribe cured them of leprosy (Gregory of Tours, De Mir ас. S. Mart. 1, xi) : this idea probably depends on the prototypes of the Jordan baptism and the cure of the leprous Naaman in the Jordan (cf. Gregory, De Glor. Mart. i, xix). 1 Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ili, voi. iii, i, 455 : ‘ le mogli dei Turchi purché possano furtivamente battezzare i figlioli, non mancano, et molti Turchi ancora se ne contentano, siccome molti che hanno figliuoli di moglie turca li fanno battezzare, avendo essi credenza che il battesimo non lascierà venir loro la lebbra \ 2 Alberi, op. cit. ser. Ili, voi. iii, iii, 280 : ‘ una opinione . . . regna fra i Turchi, che i lor figliuoli quando sono battezzati abbiano miglior ventura e non sogliano patire di mal caduco \ 3 Thiers, Traité des Superstitions, i, 315, condemns amulets contain- ing the gospels and, quoting Augustine (Tract. 7 in cap. 1 S. Johan), says the gospel of S. John was placed on the head for headache : cf. S. John's Gospel as a Moslem Charm 35 Georgewicz, an Hungarian Croat, who lived thirteen years in captivity among the Turks, mentions this use much earlier and gives a hint of the thought which underlay it : ‘ Inveniuntur inter eos [sc. Turcos], qui eius sint superstitionis, vt in aciem prodituri, primum caput Evangelij Joannis Graece conscriptum de collo suspendunt, persuasum habentes, certum hoc aduersus hostilem impetum У insidias esse amuletum.5 5 At the time of which our author writes (the reign of Suleiman I, 1520-66), Turkish arms were turned chiefly against Christendom : it is hard to resist the conclusion that the Christian charm was here used expressly to nullify Christian opposition, magical or otherwise.6 Similarly, in the Jewish wars certain Maccabean soldiers killed in a skirmish were found to be wearing idolatrous charms 7 and were supposed to have lost their lives for their impiety. But we may well doubt whether the rest of the troops were so pious as their survival was held to imply. So, in Crete, as late as the revolution of 1897, Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âgey p. 357 (service of exorcism included reading this gospel and passing the priest’s stole round the patient’s neck). Collin de Plancy (Diet, des Reliques, ii, 34, s.v. Jean) says it was used to expel demons, to cure epilepsy, to find treasure, and to avert thunder : further, when Siberian Cossacks plunder a house, they place a key at this chapter of the Bible ; if the key turns, there is money about. Cf. also Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, ii, eh. xxxii, § vii. 4 In Ray’s Voyages, ii, 71. Père Pacifique (Voyage de Perse, p. 31) cites a case of a Turkish woman with a paralysed hand who was cured by having the latter passage read over her, the miracle taking place at the words Verbum caro factum est. For an example of the use of the latter charm against foul weather by a Greek seaman, see Cockerell’s Travels, P* I3°* 5 In Lonicerus, Chron. Turc. 1, iii, 208 (the italics are mine). The date of Georgewicz’ first published work is 1544. 6 Similarly, Mohammed II himself is said to have worn an amulet made of the seamless tunic of Christ and an enkolpion of the Virgin (Francesco Suriano, Trattato di Terra Santa (late fifteenth century), pp. 94 f.). Cf. also the case of Skanderbeg, above, p. 24. 7 'Ιερώμara των από Ίαμνβίας ειδώλων, άφ* ών 6 νόμος άπηργει τούς *Ιουδαίους (2 Масс, xii, 40)· Зб Arrested Urban Transferences we are told that the holy tables of churches in Christian villages sacked by the Turks were systematically broken in pieces : i the explanation given by persons of both creeds was always the same. When the church is consecrated, the bits of candle used are melted together into a lump, and the sacred relics placed in the middle ; the whole is then put into the hollow column which supports the altar-slab. The Moslems believe that if they wear a Christian relic Christian bullets cannot hurt them. What is more curious still is that the Mussulmans, believing that the spell only lasts a few years, actually take back the relics to the Christian priests, who are said, for backsheesh, to place them on the altar during Mass ; having thus regained their power, the charms are handed back to their possessors.’ 1 Much of this participation in Christian superstition certainly arises from the enforced intimacy of Christian and Moslem women, and especially from mixed mar- riages and the introduction of Christian women to harems.2 3 * It does not of necessity imply that the Mos- lem populations which use the Cross or even baptism as prophylactics are converts from Christianity, though in some districts (e. g. Albania and Crete) this is at least an important contributory cause of the anomaly. To sum up, all such miracles of ‘ Arrested Trans- ference 5 are thus seen to be really a subdivision of the theme of ‘ Punishment for Sacrilege \ The instrument is the foundation animal or negro з or the saint (by ap- parition) or relics. The ultimate cause of the fatal 1 Bickford Smith, Cretan Sketches, pp. 71 f. 2 Cf. de la Brocquière and the Venetian Relazioni cited above, and especially, for the form of mixed marriage known as cub in, de la Mot- traye, Travels, i, 335 ; Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ili, voi. ii, 454 f. ; and for an interesting and probably typical case Gédoyn, Journal, ed. Boppe, p. 130. 3 This is almost the same thing as guardian spirit, negro, or snake, the connexion being the guardianship functions commonly exercised by negroes (see below, p. 732). Edessa a Prototype 37 entry seems to be the presence of relics, and of this the Christian type may lie in Edessa. The letter of Christ to Abgarus was preserved there, and its presence was supposed to render the town uninhabitable for heretics and infidels.1 Edessa was in a good situation geogra- phically for the dissemination of its legends and the antiquity of its Christianity gave them considerable prestige. 1 Ludolf, De Itinere, ρ. Ó2. See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 172. IV SECULARIZED URBAN CHURCHES SECOND category of ‘ arrested * transferences is formed by the churches devoted by the Moslem conqueror to civil uses. This seems to have been done when a sufficient number of churches in a conquered city had been converted into mosques. Of the secular- ized churches, some lost their religious character per- manently, some retained a tradition of sanctity among the ousted Christians.1 Others, again, after an interval of secular use, became mosques and accumulated Mos- lem traditions, others, like certain churches in the last chapter, proved c unlucky 5 for Moslems and were in rare cases restored to Christian use. Examples are : 1. S. Irene, Constantinople, transformed at the conquest into an armoury. 2. S. Mark, Rhodes, converted into a bath.2 Other instances of the conversion of sacred buildings into baths are given below (Nos. 3, 4, 5,) : these may ex- plain 3 the Christian religious associations of other baths, where there is no further evidence of an original church. 3. A Bath exists at Marsovan where the Christians still celebrate S. Barbara.4 This bath is said, and prob- ably correctly according to my informant, to have been a church. On S. Barbara’s day the bath is always 1 e. g. the church of S. John at Ephesus was used by the Turks as a market-house, but remained intact and accessible to Christians (Ludolf, De Itinere y p. 24). 2 Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights y p. 153, cf. p. 156. 3 But cf. ch. ix, no. 10 (Kainarja), note. 4 Cumont, Stud. Pont. ii, 142 : the saint seems to be localized in Pontus as well as at Nicomedia, but the original legend, in which a bath figures, locates her in Egypt (at Heliopolis in her acta as set forth by Symeon Metaphrastes—see de la Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 130 : her body was preserved at Cairo according to Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 54)· Churches become Baths 39 accessible to Greeks who come there and light candles in honour of their saint. The bath is said in local legend to have been at one time the abode of Piri Baba, a Moslem (Shia) saint buried on the outskirts of the town.1 2 * 4 5 This legend is at least as early as Evliya Efendi, who records a tradition current in his day that Piri Baba frequented the bath in order to heal the women who resorted there, causing thereby some scandal.* 4. A Bath in Smyrna is called by the Christians after S. Catherine, whose day is still celebrated there by Greek women.3 5. Bath of Yildiz Dede, Constantinople. This bath is said by a Turkish authority to have been origin- ally a church transformed soon after the Conquest. It has to some extent acquired sanctity for Moslems by the burial in its immediate vicinity of the founder, Yildiz Dede (‘ S. Star ’).■» The history of this cult, which comes from a single (eighteenth-century) source, offers considerable oppor- tunity for speculation. ‘ Yildiz Dede ’ may have been (1) an historical personage (from his name a dervish) of the date indicated. But the ‘ time of the Conquest ’ is by the eighteenth century already for the Turks a mythical period to which ancient saints are readily attributed. Or (2) he may have been an imaginary person evolved from a translation of the name of the Greek saint Asterios,5 to whom a monastery at Con- 1 Information kindly supplied me by Professor White of Marsovan. 2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 213-14. A curious Christian parallel for this is recorded in Stephen Graham’s With the Russian pilgrims to Jerusalem, p. 254. 3 Fontrier in Rev. Ét. Anc. ix, 116. 4 Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 52 (489) : ‘ Le fondateur, Yildiz dédé, changea, au temps de la conquête, une église en un bain qui prit son nom ; son tombeau fut reconstruit lorsque le Sultan Mahmoud I monta sur le trône, et un cloître y fut établi en 1166 (1752) \ 5 For another possible connexion between Yildiz and Asterios see below, p. ιοί. 40 Secularized Urban Churches stantinople was dedicated.1 Or (3) he may have been a canonized bath-spirit 2 3 4 5 supposed to be attached to a hammam, whose name or sign was Tildiz Star ’). Of churches which, after an interlude of civil use, again became sacred buildings, probably owing mainly to their suitability for the purpose, we may cite : 6. The church of Pantokrator, Constantinople. It became a mosque after being used some twenty years as a store.3 7. S. Theodosia (Gul Jami), Constantinople, has a similar history, but is from a religious point of view more interesting. The reputation of the saint’s tomb as a place of healing in Byzantine times is brought out especially by Stephen of Novgorod (i35o).4 When the city was taken by the Turks, the tomb was desecrated and the remains of the saint scattered. The church was used as a naval store till the reign of Selim II (1566-74), when it became a mosque. In the seven- teenth century it was held by the Turks to be a founda- tion of the Arab invaders of Constantinople.5 The tomb of the saint, in the south-east pier of the dome, seems to have been rediscovered during repairs in 1832 and is now Turkish in form. The doorway leading to it bears the curiously inappropriate Turkish inscription ‘ Tomb of the Apostles, disciples of Jesus9 ; and it is regarded by some authorities as that of Constantine Palaiologos, but this tradition cannot be traced farther back than the restoration of 1832.6 * * 1 Du Cange, Constant. Christ, iv, 153 ; Siderides in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, κθ', 255· 2 Cf. below, eh. ix, no. io. 3 Van Millingen, Byz. Churches in Constantinople, p. 233. 4 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 125. 5 Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 24 : cf. below, p. 717. 6 Van Millingen, Byz. Churches in Constantinople, pp. 162 ff. : no one with any idea of the meaning of evidence will, I think, dispute van Millingen’s reasoned conclusions as against the fantastic assumptions on which the legend of the grave of Constantine rests. Only one point Fatal Consequences 41 The secularization, however, of a church might, like transformation, bring with it disastrous consequences. Thus : 8. A chapel of S. Nicolas at Emirghian on the Bosporus was desecrated and turned into a private house by a Turk during the Greek revolution. The owner, not content with this, threw down the eikon of the patron saint : he died the same night. Exorcism of the ‘ spirit ’ by a Greek priest proved in vain : suc- cessive tenants of the house were equally unlucky, and it was perforce abandoned. The story was firmly be- lieved by Greeks and Turks alike.1 The phenomena are not confined to Christian places of worship. It is recorded that a synagogue in Rhodes, transformed into a bath by Suleiman I, turned un- lucky on this account.2 In some cases the manifestations following the secula- remains unexplained : why do the Turks call the grave that of the Apostles ? I suspect that this comes from a misunderstanding or wilful perversion of the late Constantine legend, which insists that the re- mains of the Emperor were brought from the church of the Apostles, when the latter was destroyed, to the present Gul Jami (then a naval store). See further below, p. 354, n. 1. 1 J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, ii, 168. A very similar instance is recorded from Sylata by Pharasopoulos (7α Συλατα, p. 28). It is also said that Mustafa Beg in 1618 turned the Chapel of Flagellation at Jerusalem into a stable. In the morning he found his horses dead : each time he renewed the experiment the horses died. At last a c wise man of El Islam ’ told him the Christians venerated the site because of the Flagellation of Christ, so Mustafa Beg abandoned it as a stable, but would not give it back. It fell to ruins eventually, but Ibrahim Pasha gave it to the Franciscans, for whom Maximilian of Bavaria re- built it in 1838 (I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 346 : cf. Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 181). Tobler (Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 347) gives the above and other versions, Quaresmius (1616-26) being the first to tell the tale, with Laffi (1675) copying him, and Roger (1647) and Legrenzi (1673) following him : Legrenzi introduces an earthquake. The pedi- gree of the chapel seems very doubtful, and the site does not appear to have been recognized much, if at all, before the miracle. 2 Egmont and Heymann, Travels, i, 268 f. 42 Secularized Urban Churches rization of a sacred building led to its restoration to its original use. Of this a good instance is that of a church in Cyprus. 9. S. James of Persia, Nicosia, was desecrated, and for some time used by a fanatical janissary as a stable. The saint appeared to the janissary ‘ tout brillant de lumière, vestu d’habits sacerdotaux, tenant un baston pastoral en main ’ and threatened him and his house with disaster if he continued in his sacrilegious course. The janissary tried to treat his ‘ dream ’ lightly, but a second and more terrible vision, followed by the sud- den death of the camels kept in the church-stable, brought him to his senses, and he abandoned the stable and the adjoining house. As no one else dared purchase the property, it eventually came into the hands of the Capuchins at a nominal figure, and the church was re- stored to its original use. It was henceforward greatly reverenced by local Mohammedans, who anointed their sick with oil from the saint’s lamp.1 It is interesting to note that near the mother-church of S. James of Persia at Nisibin there exists, or existed, a small building once used as a granary by a Moham- medan. But S. James appearing to him in a dream and asking him why he profaned his temple, the proprietor abandoned his granary, which was in Niebuhr’s time used as a chapel by the Jacobites.2 3 The connexion is obvious,3 as is the superior handling of the theme in the 1 M. Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, pp. 7 f. : ‘ Il ne se passe pas jour qu’ils n’y viennent faire quelques prières & demander aux Religieux par devotion un peu de l’huile de la lampe qui brûle devant l’image du Saint pour en oindre leurs malades, en reconnoissance de quoy ils don- nent des cierges, ou une phiole d’huile pour entretenir toujours cette lampe allumée. J’en ay veu d’autres qui en passant devant l’Eglise, la saluoient avec une inclination de teste, & touchoient la muraille des deux mains comme pour en attirer la benediction ’. 2 C. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 308-9. 3 For a similar inheritance from the mother-church cf. the case of an Armenian convent at Dar Robat, near Mardin, which was regularly Mamasun Tekke 43 Cypriote version, where the church itself is in question, not an insignificant building in its vicinity. A particularly interesting and well-documented in- stance of similar development is afforded by the church- mosque at Mamasun. 10. Mamasun Tekke, near Nevshehr. Possibly the most extraordinary case of an ambiguous cult in Asia Minor is the worship of the Christian saint Mamas under his own name by Turks and Greeks in the wholly Turkish village of Mamasun. The sanctuary, called Ziaret Kilise (£ Pilgrimage Church ’), was discovered, apparently in the last century,1 by a series of ‘ miracu- lous ’ accidents. The site was apparently an outhouse and was formerly used as a barn,2 but it was found that hay kept in it caught fire. As a stable it proved equally unlucky, the horses kept in it dying one by one.3 These warnings finally induced the Turkish owner to excavate, very possibly in the hope of finding the ‘ talisman ’ which bewitched the building.·» A rock-cut Christian church and human bones were then discovered, the church being attributed to S. Mamas, probably on ac- count of the name of the village^ and later adapted for the modern cult. At the east end stands a Holy Table (at which itinerant Christian priests officiate), with a picture of S. Mamas, while in the south wall is a niche swept out by an exorcised devil (Niebuhr, op. cit. ii, 324, note). This miracle is borrowed from the great monastery of Echmiadzin (Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 406). 1 It is not indicated in the map of the Archbishop Cyril (1812), which generally marks even Moslem tekkes of importance, nor is it noticed in his Περιγραφή (1815). 2 So Nicolaides (in Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 193), but from Rott’s account {Kleinas. Denkm., p. 263) it would appear that the tekke is one of a series of rock-cut churches, many of which are still used as barns. з Cf. above, no. 9. 4 For the procedure see the tale of the ‘ Priest and the Turkish Witch ’ in Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 839. 5 Mamasun would be near enough to the Turkish genitive from Mamas. 44 Secularized Urban Churches (mihrab) for the Turks. There is no partition between the Christian and Moslem worshippers, but the latter, while at their prayers, are allowed to turn the picture from them. The skull and other bones of the saint, discovered on the site, are shown in a box and work miracles for Christian and Turk alike : sick people are also cured by wearing a necklet preserved as a relic. The sanctuary is tended by a dervish.1 The bones of S. Mamas are of course not authentic. He was born at Gangra (Changri) in Paphlagonia 2 3 4 and suffered at Caesarea, near which are ruins of a church still associated with his cult.3 The bones at Mamasun were in all probability identified with the saint on ac- count of the name of the village, which is really derived from the ancient Momoassos.4 The accounts of the sanctuary and cult at Mamasun are given in full below.5 It will be noticed (i) that the Greek versions entirely ignore the miraculous circum- stances attending the discovery and (2) that they re- produce to some extent the ‘ haunted stable 5 motif used in the similar stories of the churches of S. James the 1 For the tradition of the haunted building and the origin of the cult see Carnoy and Nicolaides, loc. cit. : for the church-mosque see Levides, Moval της Καππαδοκίας, pp. 130 f., and Pharasopoulos, Та Σνλατα, ρρ. 74 f It is mentioned also by H. Rott, Kleinas. Denkm., p. 163. I am indebted to Mr. Sirinides of Talas for first-hand information not contained in these authors. The church-mosque is mentioned as a place of pilgrimage of Greeks, Armenians, and T urks by H. Rott, loc. cit. Other churches frequented by both religions, who similarly par- tition the building, are S. John’s at Sebaste in Palestine (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 82) and S. George’s at Lydda (de Breves, Voyages, p. 100). 2 Here a turbe is still associated with his name by Christians (below, P· 95)· 3 Cuinet, Turquie cTAsie, i, 310. For the early cult of S. Mamas see Theodosius, de Situ Terrae Sanctae (c. 530), ed. Geyer, p. 144, and Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, pp. 203 f. 4 The equation Momoassos-Mamasun has Ramsay’s sanction (Hist. Geog., p. 285), and is readily parallelled in the local nomenclature of this district. 5 Pp. 759-61. Mamasun Tekke 45 Persian at Nicosia 1 and the chapel of the Flagellation at Jerusalem.2 It is, however, probable that some foundation for the tale, whether real, alleged, or artifi- cial, existed at Mamasun, since it is otherwise difficult to account for the discovery in a Turkish village and its exploitation by a Turk. A somewhat similar case is related by Lady Duff Gordon from Egypt, in which a Mohammedan mason in Cairo received spontaneously, or at least from no recorded suggestion, instructions in a dream from a Christian saint buried in a Coptic church at Bibbeh to come and repair his church. The instructions were acted on, the mason putting his ser- vices gratuitously at the disposal of the local Coptic community.3 My latest information 4 on the cult at Mamasun, derived from a Greek native of Urgub who has been recently exiled, seems to show that it has become of late years markedly more Mohammedan in type. Ac- cording to my informant, the custodian is no longer a dervish but a ‘ Turk ’—the antithesis is significant— who professes himself a dervish only to conciliate Chris- tian pilgrims. There are no longer pictures (εικόνες) in the church, only the remains of frescoes (αγιογραφίες, Ιστορίες) on the walls : nor are the relics shown or handled.5 The saint, now called Mamasun Baba, is buried in a turbe a short distance from the church, where his tomb is shown and pilgrims go through the common rag- tying ritual. The establishment is supported by the tithes of a neighbouring village called Tekke. 1 Above, p. 42. 2 Above, p. 41, η. I, from Tobler, Jerus. i, 347, and I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 346. The miracle, it will be remembered, is alleged to have occurred in 1618 and is recorded by a contemporary, Quaresmius. 3 Letters from Egypt (1902), p. 30. The saint appears to have been S. George. 4 April, 1916. 5 Turkish religious law insists on immediate burial {cf. d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 235, and the other references given below, p. 235, n. 1.) \6 Secularized Urban Churches The nearest parallel I can find for so amicable a juxta- position of religions is the sanctuary formerly frequented by sailors, Christian and Moslem, at Lampedusa,1 mid- way between Malta and the Barbary coast, where a single rock-cut chapel served by a Catholic priest and at times wholly untenanted, sheltered a Christian altar with a statue of the Virgin and the grave of a Moham- medan saint, receiving in consequence the veneration of both religions.2 Closer in some respects is the analogy between the tekke of Mamas and a Christian monastery of S. George situated in a Mohammedan village near Bethlehem and venerated by both religions.з But S. George is in Syria particularly susceptible to identifica- tion with the Moslem saint Khidr,4 whereas Mamas has no Moslem affinities. 1 See below, p. 757, n. 1. 2 A notice of this sanctuary is given by Ashby in Liverpool Ann. Arch, iv, 26-9. Some seventeenth- and eighteenth-century accounts of it are reprinted below, pp. 755-9. 3 Einsler, in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 49 ; Baldensperger, in P.E.F., Q.S for 1893, p. 208 ; cf. Chaplin, ibid. 1894, p. 36, n., and Hanauer, Folk- Lore of the Holy Landy p. 52. Cf. the similar phenomenon in the churches of S. George at Lydda (Fabri, Evagat. i, 219), Rama (Pococke, Voyages y iii, 15), Homs (La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 191-2) : in the chapel of the Ascension at Jerusalem (Pococke, Voyages, iii, 82), in the Cenaculum at Jerusalem (Robinson, Palestine, i, 356), and in the church of S. John at Sebaste (Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 683). 4 See below, pp. 326 fL V TRANSFERENCE OF RURAL SANCTUARIES WE have now to consider the case of churches out- side towns, where there is a priori no reason for Mohammedan intrusion, since there is no congregation at hand to worship in the converted church. The oc- cupation of such churches, i. e. monasteries or country chapels, was generally effected by the dervish orders, and seems usually actuated by the actual sanctity of the spot,1 especially as manifested by healing miracles. In certain of the cases cited below Christians, retaining their tradition, continue to frequent the converted sanctuaries and to participate in the cult. I set first a group of apparent or reputed instances of the imposition of Mohammedan on Christian cults, in which there is a considerable amount of evidence, historical, archaeological, or traditional, for the change of religion, and in a few cases suggestions of the manner in which it came about. I. Elwan Chelebi, a village fifteen miles east of Chorum (Paphlagonia), is named after a Turkish saint buried there in a now decayed tekke. The village has been identified with the medieval Euchaita,2 which seems to have owed its whole importance to its being the burial-place of S. Theodore.3 The church of S. 1 We arc for the present ignoring as of minor importance for our inquiry the practical considerations of site, &c., including the appro- priateness of buildings. A round or octagonal plan, for instance, in- evitably suggests the turbe of a Mohammedan saint, cf. chap, ii, no. 7. 2 So Anderson (Stud. Pont. i, 9 ff., cf. iii, 207 ff.), who is responsible for the discovery of the ‘ survival \ 3 Originally S. Theodore Stratelates, later S. Theodore Tiron. For the SS. Theodore, see Delehaye, Légendes des SS. Militaires, pp. uff.; 48 Ίταηί/ετύηοά of Rural Sanctuaries Theodore, who was said to have slain a dragon in the neighbourhood, was celebrated as a miracle-working shrine in the eleventh century. Euchaita is now placed at Avghat,1 but Elwan Chelebi is well within the area of S. Theodore’s popularity, and may represent, if not the great shrine, at least a subsidiary one of importance, perhaps the scene of the dragon-slaying.2 In the middle of the sixteenth century Busbecq з and Dernschwam 4 passed through the place, then called Tekke Keui, on their journey to Amasia. They found there a tekke of dervishes devoted to the cult of Khidr, a Mohammedan saint generally identified with S. George, whose horse and dragon-legend he shares.5 The der- vishes showed their visitors some traces of the dragon, a hoof-mark and spring made by Khidr’s horse, and the tomb not of the saint himself (who found the Water of Life and became immortal) 6 but of his groom and of his sister’s son, who accompanied him on his dragon- slaying expedition. Cures were performed at the site by the use of earth and scrapings of the wall which surrounded the place of the dragon. Finally, Haji Khalfa (1648) notices in this district the pilgrimage to the tomb of Sheikh Elwan; 7 the sheikh was an historical personage who died in the reign of Orkhan (1326-60) W. Hengstenberg in Oriens Christianus, N.S. ii (1912), pp. 78 if,. 241 if., and review by Ehrhard in Byz. Zeit, xxii, 179 ff. For another tomb of S. Theodore Tiron shown at Benderegli (Herakleia Pontica) see below, pp. 88-9. The tradition placing the passion of S. Theodore at Benderegli is early (Synaxaria, Feb. 8 ; Conybeare, Monuments of Early Christianity у p. 224), but seems no longer current there (cf. P. Makris, 'Ηρακλζία του Πόντου pp. 115 if.). 1 Grégoire in Byz. Zeit, xix, 59-61 ; cf. Jerphanion, ibid, xx, 492. 2 So in the local dragon-legend of Kruya in Albania, Kruya itself is regarded as the slaying-place, but Alessio is introduced as the place where the dragon fell (see my article in B.S.A. xix, 208, below, p. 436, n. 1). 3 Lettres y i, 166 if. 4 1553-5. See Kiepert in Globus, Hi, 186 if., 202 if., 214 ff., 230 if. 5 See below, pp. 321 ff. 6 Le Strange, E. Caliphate y p. 175. 7 Tr. Armain, p. 681. Kirklar 7ekke 49 and is chiefly known as the translator of a Persian mystic poem.1 From these indications we may reconstruct the his- tory of the sanctuary somewhat as follows. The site of the church of S. Theodore was at some time taken over by the Mohammedans, who identified the saint on the ground of his eikon-tyTpz 2 (he is generally represented on horseback) and dragon-legend, possibly helped by his name, with their own Khidr. After the transference the interment of Sheikh Elwan on the site gave it a new and more concrete sanctity.з 2. Kirklar Tekke, Zile. At three-quarters of an hour from Zile (Zela) in Pontus is the village of Tekke, formerly called Kirklar Tekke or Convent of the Forty. 1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 211 ; Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 178· 2 The ‘ nephew ’ of Khidr does not belong to the original Khidr story, and may be introduced here to explain an eikon depicting both S. Theodore Stratelates and S. Theodore Tiron. The importance of eikonography can scarcely be exaggerated. By it our ideas of the devil, fairies, and even saints are made precise. Carroll made the word 4 Jabberwock ’ and Tenniel drew the idea : but for the drawing, 4 Jab- berwock ’ would convey no precise mental idea. The lack of images is one reason of the fluidity of Turkish saints. Turks generally arrive only at the rough classification, warriors, dervishes, &c., whereas the Greeks, with their eikons, not only use this kind of classification but have their appropriate distinguishing marks. In the case of SS. George and Demetrius, for instance, S. George has a white horse and conquers a dragon, S. Demetrius has a red horse and conquers a pagan. Turks can in Khidr fuse the aged ascete Elias and the young soldier George, Greeks could scarcely do so. J. C. Lawson never could persuade a Greek child to draw his conception of a Kallikantzaros and so prove or disprove his Centaur theory : this is because there is no eikonography of Kallikantzari. For the curious similarity between the influence of oral literature on folk-lore and the influence of eikonography on popular hagiology see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 169-70. 3 There seems no reason to doubt the authenticity of the tomb of Sheikh Elwan. It was shown already, as Dernschwam’s plan of the tekke (Kiepert in Globus, Hi, 232) makes clear, in Busbecq’s time. But the tomb of Khidr’s companions occupies the place of honour right of the entrance. 3295.1 E 50 ‘Transference of Rural Sanctuaries The religious centre of the village is a tekke containing the mausoleum {turbe) of Sheikh Nusr-ed-din Evliya, a fourteenth-century saint of Bokhara. The turbe is of some antiquity and contains Byzantine fragments : parts of it seem to be of Byzantine construction. In it repose the sheikh and his children : a crypt beneath is looked upon as specially holy and is visited by Greek and Armenian as well as Turkish pilgrims. The site of Kirklar Tekke checks exactly with what we know of Sarin, the burial place of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste (Sivas).1 The name Kirklar (‘ the Forty ’) is indeed common in the district, but this is not to be wondered at, considering the vogue of the Forty Martyrs in their own country.2 3 4 In the case of the ‘ Convent of the Forty ’ the name could easily be explained to Moham- medans by supposing a convent originally containing forty dervishes or dedicated to one of the Mohammedan groups of forty saints.3 Both at Kirklar Tekke and at Sheikh Elwan it is to be noted that the transference from Christianity to Islam is made by way of an intermediate stage, in which the cult is directed to rather shadowy and non-commit- tal personages comparable to ‘ Plato ’ in Chapter II, no. 4, above. 3. Kirklar Tekke near Nicosia, Cyprus. This Cypriote tekke4 seems to be an example of a similar Moslem encroachment, though Mr. H. C. Luke informs me that he has had the local archives searched in vain for evidence of the time or process of the transference : 1 Grégoire, in B.C.H. 1909, pp. 25 ff. and Stud. Pont, iii, 243 ; Jerphanion, in Mél. F ac. Or. 1911, p. xxxviii. The latter considers the identification Sarin-Kirklar Tekke possible, but does not think it was the chief burial-place of the Forty Martyrs. 2 Grégoire and Jerphanion, locc. citt. 3 For the Forty in Near Eastern folk-lore and religion see below, pp. 391-402 ; at Zile, p. 574. 4 About ten miles ESE. of Nicosia. Kaliakra 51 there is no dervish establishment on the spot. The sanctuary is frequented not only by Mohammedans but by Christians, who recognize in the Moslem ‘ Kirklar 5 their own 4 Forty Saints V 4. Kirklar Tekke, Kirk Kilise. The precedents afforded by the Mohammedan ‘ Convents of the Forty ’ in Pontus and Cyprus go far towards substantiating the Christian origin of the outwardly modern Convent of the Forty (Kirklar Tekke) at Kirk Kilise in Thrace.2 The Christian cult of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste з flourishes in Thrace, and Kirk Kilise itself has a modern church of that dedication. The town may well take its name from the original church or monastery.4 5. Kaliakra, Bulgaria. A cave at Kaliakra, near Varna, was in the seventeenth century exploited by Bektashi dervishes as the tomb of a saint called Kilgra Sultan, identified with Sari Saltik 5 and the scene of his victory over a dragon. The Bektashi identified their saint with S. Nicolas, to whom probably the Kaliakra site was dedicated in Christian times.6 At the present day the site forms part of a Christian kingdom, but the population is still mixed. The ‘ tomb 5 was till recently visited by Christians as that of S. Nicolas and by Mohammedans as that of a saint called Haji Baba.7 1 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47. On the significance of the number c Forty ’ see the references given below, p. 393, n. 3. 2 F. W. H. The tekke is mentioned by M.Christodoulos, 'Η Θράκη, P-45· 3 At an earlier date the saints were probably identified with the local (Adrianople) group celebrated on 1 Sept. 4 This is one of the explanations put forward by Christodoulos (op, eit., pp. 196, 245). See further below, p. 397. 5 On Sari Saltik and his legend-cycle see below, pp. 429 fii. 6 For this see below, p. 578. 7 Jire£ek in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. 1886, p. 189. Professor Skorpil in- forms me (1913) that the tekke of Kaliakra no longer exists. The cave, which seems to be the seat of the present cult is mentioned by H. C. Barkley, Bulgaria before the War, p. 321. 52 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries 6. At Haidar-es-Sultan, a ‘Kizilbash ’ village south- east of Angora, Crowfoot found a tekke containing the tombs of the eponymous Haidar and his family, to- gether with a well emitting sulphurous fumes and used as an oracle.1 He was informed by the sheikh that the tekke occupied the site of a Christian monastery. In spite of a slight discrepancy as to position, the well is probably to be identified with the Madmen’s Well ’ near Angora mentioned as a ‘ kill-or-cure ’ remedy for lunatics by Haji Khalfa (1648) : the latter says nothing of a tekke but remarks that there was a ruined Christian church near the well.1* The legends of the buried saint as told to Crowfoot belong evidently to two strata : (a) Haidar is apparently identified with the father of Shah Ismail of Persia and the founder of the Haidari sect of Shias. But, in fact, this Haidar neither was, as Crowfoot was told, son of the King of Persia, nor did he die in Asia Minor. The real Haidar з is probably a local hero or tribal ancestor of a Shia clan and elsewhere unknown to fame. ( ) Whoever the buried Haidar may be, he is locally identi- fied with the sheikh Khoja Ahmed of Yasi in Turkestan. In local legend Khoja Ahmed is regarded as one of Haji Bektash’s disciples,4 who, having married a Chris- tian woman of Cæsarea named Mene, settled at the 1 In J. R. Anthr. Inst. XXX (1900), pp. 305-20. 2 Tr. Armain, p. 703 (‘ east of Angora on this side of the Kyzyl Irmak ’). Madmen were made to look into the well and either re- covered or died of this treatment. Sane people only noticed a sul- phurous smell. Near the well was a cemetery where unsuccessful patients were buried. A well, where exactly similar cures are practised at the present day, is cited by Halliday (in Folk-Lore, xxiii, 220) at Sipan Dere in the Taurus. The parallelism is so exact that the two wells can hardly be without connexion. 3 Haidar {lion) is a name specially connected with Ali, the ‘ lion of God \ Haidarli is the name of a tribe of Kizilbash Kurds in the Der- sim (Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv, 1914, p. 68). On such tribal heroes see below, chap. xxi. 4 This seems a local error : see below, p. 404, n. 2. Haidar-es-Sultan 53 village of Haidar-es-Sultan. The apocryphal connexion between Khoja Ahmed and Haji Bektash, discussed below,1 was confirmed by the sheikh of Hasan Dede, a neighbouring ‘ Kizilbash ’ village, and is acknowledged also by the Bektashi dervishes to whose influence the identification is probably due. The marriage of Khoja Ahmed with a Christian woman Mene may, as Crow- foot remarks, point to a connexion between this cult and a Christian predecessor.1 But the only evidence for the latter is (a) the local and Moslem tradition of a monastery on the site, backed by ( the somewhat equivocal testimony of Haji Khalfa and (r) the antece- dent probability of the sulphurous well having been adopted by Christianity. It is probable that in most of the cases cited above the transference of holy places to Islam was actuated to a greater or less degree by religious or superstitious, as op- posed to political or politico-religious motives. Though all religions may share the blessings of a holy place, its actual servants may be regarded as having a special claim on the good offices of its patron, and the revenues to be obtained by discreet exploitation of him must not be ignored as a contributory stimulus. 7. S. Nerses, Rum kale. It is in this spirit, as ap- pears from Christian evidence, that the ancient Arme- nian church of S. Nerses at Rumkale з on the Upper Euphrates was forcibly occupied by Mohammedans in the latter part of the seventeenth century.4 8. A well-documented modern instance of Moslem 1 Pp. 403 f. 2 S, Menas ? See below, p. 403, n. 3. 3 The church is mentioned as a place of Christian pilgrimage by Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, i, 157. Rumkale was the seat of the Armenian patriarchs from 1147 to 1298 (J. A. de Saint-Martin, Mémoires sur Г Arménie, i, 196 ; ii, 443), and was the birth-place of the patriarch Nerses IV Klaietsi. He died there in 1173. 4 Febvre, Théâtre de la Turquie, pp. 45-6 : ‘ il y a environ dix ans qu’ils prirent aux Arméniens l’Église d’Ouroumcala, dite Saint Nerses, qui est fort ancienne, illustre en miracles, & fameuse par la quantité des 54 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries intrusion on a Christian monastery is afforded by the case of Domuz Dere Tekke (near Keshan in Thrace). This (Bektashi) tekke occupies the site and buildings of a small Greek monastery of S. George. The usurpation by the Bektashi is said to have taken place ‘ about sixty years ago the depopulation of the neighbouring Christian village by an epidemic of plague 1 giving the dervishes an opportunity to intrude themselves without opposition. At the present day a fanegyris takes place at the tekke yearly on S. George’s day and is frequented by Turks and Greeks. The original monastery church has been divided by the dervishes into several compart- ments, including living-rooms and a tomb-chamber for the burial of their deceased abbots. The sanctuary end of the church still retains to some extent its original character : the upper part of the screen ( ) is preserved, and on the north wall of the church is hung an ancient eikon of S. George flanked by lighted lamps.1 It need hardly be pointed out that this example of a usurped Christian monastery throws important light on the circumstances in which other such sites were, or may have been, usurped.3 9. To a similar process may tentatively be assigned the transference to Islam of the tekke near Eski Baba (Thrace), which offers a similar example of an ambigu- ous cult. Eski Baba (‘ S. Old ’) is mentioned under that name, thus implying the existence of the Turkish cult, as early as 1553.4 The tekke itself is said by several authors to have been formerly a church of S. Nicolas 5 pèlerins qui y venoient de toutes parts, afin de donner à entendre par là qu'ils reverent les Saints, iff que celuy auquel cette Église est dediée, estoit de leur party, iff Musulman comme eux \ Here one is inclined to suspect dervish, especially Bektashi, influence. 1 For this see below, p. 520. 2 See further below, p. 521. 3 See especially the case of Eski Baba, below, no. 9. 4 Verantius, ap. Jireòek, Heerstrasse, p. 167. 5 Gerlach, Bargrave, and Covel (quoted below) : cf. Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, ii, 140. Eski Baba 55 and the saint buried in it was held by the Turks to be S. Nicolas himself, of whom sundry apocryphal relics were shown.1 The cult seems certainly to have been administered by Bektashi dervishes, who identify their own saint Sari Saltik with S. Nicolas.2 The ζ Baba ’ of Eski Baba was thus one of the usual Bektashi ambiguous saints.з The tekke was evidently an important pilgrimage in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in 1667 pro- voked the remonstrances of the strict Sunni preacher Vani Efendi, who would have abolished the cult as superstitious.4 It continued, however, in spite of op- position, as is seen by Covel’s account in 1675,5 and at the present day is admittedly frequented by Christians as well as Turks.6 It is a nice question whether S. Nicolas has come to his own through these vicissitudes, or whether he is a pure invention of the Bektashi oc- cupants of the sanctuary, devised to attract local Chris- tians of the humbler classes. The building seems quite certainly to have been a church originally, since my 1 Gerlach, quoted below, p. 761. 2 See below, p. 430. з Below, pp. 564 ff. 4 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xi, 250. The saint is here spoken of as Kanbur Dede (‘ S. Humpback ’), but the identification seems cer- tain from the location of the cult near Khavsa, which is half a day’s journey from Eski Baba. 5 Quoted below, p. 257 : cf. also the account of the Serbian patri- arch Arsenij Cernojeviò (a. d. 1683), in Glasnik, xxxiii, 189, quoted by Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 345 (‘ the tomb of a certain Nicolas, a warrior who had accompanied the fatal expedition of Nicephorus [809] and seen a strange warning dream. The Turks had shrouded the head of the corpse with a turban ’). 6 M. Christodoulos, Περιγραφή Σαράντα ' Εκκλησιών ,ρ. 47 (quoted in full below, p. 57^> n· 6) : the fact was confirmed to me in 1907, when
I was told that Christians incubated in the church, and that a round
stone on which patients sat gave oracles by turning under them, right
for recovery and left for death. The tekke-church has not yet fallen
into ruin, and down to the Balkan war was more or less occupied by
dervishes, according to one of my informants

/Ь3

56 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

informants insist on the existence in it of frescoes of
saints (άγιογpatsies’).

io. S. Chariton, Konia. A possible case of the
‘ arrested transference ’ of a rural sanctuary 1 is to be
found at the monastery of S. Chariton, an hour north
of Konia, where a small rock-cut mosque has been ex-
cavated beside the churches of S. Chariton, S. Amphi-
lochius, S. Sabbas, and the Virgin, inside the monastery
enclosure.2 * 4 The mosque is of the simplest possible
form, a small rectangular chamber with a plain rock-
cut prayer-niche. Legend has it that the son of Jelal-
ed-din, the first ‘ Chelebi ’, or General, of the Mevlevi
dervishes, falling from the cliff above the monastery,
was saved from injury by a mysterious old man, after-
wards identified from the eikon as S. Chariton himself.
This is the explanation given of the existence of the
mosque and of the still friendly relations between
the monastery and the tekke of the Mevlevi at Konia.3
There is no hint in the legend of aggression on the part of
the Mevlevi, nor do the local Christians of to-day appear
to resent so apparently unorthodox an intrusion. The
legends of the Mevlevi themselves speak of a great
friendship between the abbot of the ‘ Monastery of
Plato ’ (evidently by the description that of S. Chariton)
and their own founder, who convinced the abbot
of his sainthood by his miracles.4 In the Christian
version, therefore, the Moslem is half converted to
Christianity, in that of the Mevlevi the converse is the
case.

For the presence of a mosque within the monastery
enclosure some approach to a parallel may be found at

1 For another see chap, vi, no. 15 (S. Naum near Okhrida).

г It should be remarked that this enclosure is recent, dating from the
middle of the last century : but the monastery is much older, as is
shown by inscriptions of 1068 and 1290 (repairs) published by the Arch-

bishop Cyril : see below, pp 379-83. з See below, p. 374.

4 Redhouse, Mesnevi, pp. 72, 87 ; cf. chap, vii, below, p. 86.

Agents of Transference 57

the monastery of S. Catherine on Sinai,1 where a
mosque was built at an early date as a concession to
Mohammedans. A somewhat similar concession was
made by the Templars at Jerusalem, who voluntarily
made over to the use of a Saracen emir a chapel of the
mosque El Aksa.2

In the above examples it will be noted (a) that the
transference of cults and holy places of the 4 rural * class
is very often accomplished, not by the representatives
of the official religion, but by the dervish orders.
Dervishes are not only the natural successors to monks,
but are undoubtedly in Turkey the element in Islam
least hostile and most conciliatory to Christianity. As
in Pagan-Christian transferences^ nomenclature some-
times aids the identification,4 Thekla 5 becoming 4 Tok-
lu ’,4 Amphilotheos 4 Eflatun ’,5 and so on.

It will further be noted (b) that the transference, if
it is more than a mere matter of occupation, seems
generally effected by means of a rough identification of
the Christian saint with his Moslem successor, often
a remote or ambiguous figure (like Khidr, Plato, 4 the
Forty ’) who tends in turn to be supplanted by an
actual buried saint.6 In the same way S. Polycarp at
Smyrna, while his alleged tomb was in Turkish hands,
seems to have been frankly accepted as 4 an Evangelist

1 The mosque at Sinai, said by a Russian pilgrim of 1560 to have
been a chapel of S. Basil (Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, p. 303), existed at
least as early as 1381, though traditionally attributed to the reign of
Selim I (1512-20) ; see R. Weil, Sinai, p. 242 ; Burckhardt, Syria,
pp. 543-4, cj\ pp. 546-7 ; Fabri, Evagat. ii, 501 ; Ludolf, on the con-
trary, who returned from his travels in 1341, does not mention the
mosque {De Itinere, p. 65), but says (p. 66) that the monastery was
already favoured by the ‘ soldan 4 qui dare consuevit eis maximas
eleemosynas \

2 Arnold, Preaching of Islam, p. 77 : but the orthodoxy of the Tem-
plars may well be called in question.

3 M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, chap, ii ; Saintyves, Saints Successeurs

des Dieux, pp. 303 ff. 4 Chap, ii, no. 6.

5 See below, p. 368, n. 4. 6 Chap, v, nos. 1, 2 ; cf. no. 5.

58 Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

of God and a friend of the Prophet ’ ;1 but we do not
know what hazy identification underlies this statement.

As to the process by which sites of this class were
transferred from one religion to another, it is obviously
impossible to generalize, but, broadly speaking, there
are three possible processes :

(a) Occupation by force ;

(b) Gradual and peaceful intrusion ;

(ic) Re-occupation of an abandoned site.

{a) Forcible occupation may be said to be regular in the
case of town churches, so often converted into mosques,2 3 *
but exceptional in the case of rural sanctuaries. The
church of S. Nerses at Rumkale з and the tomb of S.
Polycarp at Smyrna 4 are our only proved instances.

(b) Gradual and peaceful intrusion seems rather the
rule than the exception in transferences of the ‘ rural ’
type of sanctuary, to judge from the evidence of tradi-
tion in the cases cited. The form of the transference is
not as in ancient mythology, ‘ reception ’,5 but rather
identification of the supplanter with the old occupier :
this is rendered particularly easy by vaguely current
ideas of metempsychosis. The mystic teaching, as well
as the religious tolerance, of the dervish orders should
be borne in mind throughout. The normal stages of
a peaceful intrusion may perhaps be tabulated hypo-
thetically as follows :

(i) Mohammedans frequent a Christian holy place
and are convinced by miracles of its sanctity and efficacy.6

(ii) The Christian saint is in consequence identified
by his new clientèle with a Mohammedan saint : or
considered to have been a crypto-Mussulman.7 Under

1 Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 12 (quoted below, p. 407) ; cf.
Stochove, Voyage, p. 18 ; and for a full treatment of the subject see

below, pp. 406 Ö. 2 Above, chap. ii.

3 Above, p. 53. « Below, pp. 411-12. 5 See below, pp. 59-60.

6 See below, chap, vi, ad init. 7 See below, pp. 442 ff.

Process of Transference 59

favourable conditions a tekke, turbe, or mosque may be
built in the neighbourhood.1 * * *

(iii) The Mohammedan establishment ousts the
Christians entirely, owing less, probably, to Moham-
medan intolerance than to accidental reasons such
as disappearance (by conversion or otherwise) of the
local Christian population or reluctance of a Christian
minority to mix with Turks at festivals, either from
instinctive social reasons1 or from fear of tampering
with black magic and incurring the wrath of the
Church.

When the process is complete, tradition and, possibly,
the internal evidence of building or continued fré-
quentation by Christians, would be the only traces of
the original religion of the site.

A comparative examination of the legends which re-
late to similar clashing of religions in ancient times and
in the Pagan-Christian transition period shows that such
legends fall into two main groups. The first includes the
legends of violent collision, implying a determined resis-
tance of the old god to the newcomer. This resistance
might result in the victory or the defeat and displacement
of the old god. In myth it takes the form of a physical
struggle ( e. g. Apollo and Python, Apollo and Herakles,
S. George and the Dragon), or of a competition (Posei-
don and Athena, Thekla and Sarpedon,3 cf. Elijah and
the Prophets of Baal) ; the story is of course told from
the winner’s side. The second group of legends records
compromise between the original god and the new-
comer, a compromise which the ancients generally
allegorize as the ‘reception ’ of the new god by the old

1 Cf. chap. V, no. 9.

J An interesting example of the potency of such motives as this is
afforded by a cult of Samson at Bethshemesh, which has been deserted

by its Moslem clientèle on account of its adoption by the inhabitants oi

a recently settled Jewish village (Vincent, in P.E.F., for 1911,

p. 147). 5 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 136.

6o Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

( e. g. Asklepios by Amynos).1 This scheme is in the
nature of things not overtly admissible in the Pagan-
Christian transition legends, owing to the exclusiveness
of Christianity : the limit of Christian concession is the
ante-dating type of legend.2 In Pagan-Christian transi-
tions, therefore, the occupation was generally peaceful.

In the legend-cycle of the Christian-Mohammedan
transition allegories representing the victory of Islam
after struggle or competition are hard to find,3 except
in the late and sophisticated legend of Sari Saltik, which
I have treated separately elsewhere.·» There are a cer-
tain number of ‘ drawn battles ’ commemorated in such
stories as those of the miraculous preservation of the
church of Sylata from Ala-ed-din,s of the monastery of
S. Panteleëmon at Nicomedia from Sultan Murad,6 and
of the monastery of Sumela from Selim I ; 7 in these the
hostile princes are so far converted that they desist from
their hostility and become benefactors of the churches
in question. Our ‘ arrested transferences ’ in Chapter
IV, nos. I to 5, where neither religion can claim a com-
plete victory, fall into a similar category.

(c) Re-occupation of an abandoned site seems to be
exemplified in Chapter V, nos. 6 and 8. In many cases,
probably, wholly deserted Christian sites were thus oc-
cupied either for practical reasons such as site, suitable

1 A. Koerte in Ath. Mitth. xxi, 307 ff. ; Kutsch, Attische Heilgötter
und Heroen, pp. 12 ff.

2 As in the well-known legend of Ara Coeli and in that of the Cyzi-
cene Dindymon, where the dedication of a temple to the ‘ Mother of
the Gods ’ is regarded as a mistake for ‘ Mother of God * (Hasluck,
Cyzicus, p. 161).

3 For a possible case in Asia Minor see Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 261
(Niksar).

4 Below, pp. 429 ff.

5 Pharasopoulos, Τα Σνλατα, p. 132 ; cf. above, chap, iv, no. 8.

6 Kleonymos and Papadopoulos, Βιθυνικά, p. 68 ; M. Walker, Old
Ίracks, pp. 34 f. (Murad IV is probably meant ; cf. below, p. 603).

7 Ioannides, *Ιστορία Τραπ€ζοΰντος, p. 127 ; Palgrave, Ulysses9ip.
4°, cf. p. 33, where a similar legend is related of Murad IV.

Process of Transference 61

buildings, &C.,1 or on account of ‘ revelations but
these can hardly be reckoned as more than ‘ material ’
transferences, since the new cult is spiritually inde-
pendent of its predecessor. To simple and devout
minds the discovery of ruins, especially if accompanied
by dreams2 or other accidental phenomena (cf. Chapter
IV, no. io), suggests the previous existence of a holy
place, generally of the finder’s religion, and anything
remotely resembling a sacred buildings a tomb,4 or a
cultus-object 5 readily evokes a suitable legend and
saint. So the recently ‘ revealed ’ church of S. Chara-
lambos in Pontus,6 though it actually occupies the site

1 The Khalveti order in Egypt systematically occupied the deserted
Christian monasteries (Sell, Relig. Orders of Islam, p. 55).

2 It is impossible to estimate the purely accidental influence of
dreams and visions on all departments of Oriental life, though its im-
portance cannot be denied. This influence, as also the fantastic and
arbitrary methods of interpreting dreams, is exemplified by the follow-
ing story, told me of himself by a Cypriote friend. Having been long
ill and under medical treatment, he was visited by an apparition which
bade him abstain from doctors’ stuff. He was convinced that the
apparition was Dr. D. G. Hogarth. His daughter, however, assured
him that it was S. Panteleëmon, as it had no beard, and to S. Pantele-
ëmon he went successfully for cure. But to himself the vision is still
Dr. Hogarth. A similar story from an ancient source would un-
doubtedly be accepted as evidence that in Cyprus the hero Hogarth
was identified with the god Panteleëmon. A confirmatory vision
proved the genuineness of the tradition that Hasan’s head was in the
mosque of Hasaneyn in Cairo (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 270).

3 See the unvarnished account by Hobhouse (an eyewitness) of the
discovery by a dream of a 4 church of S. Nicolas ’ at Athens {Albania,
Ü, 53°)·

4 The cult of Hülfet Ghazi at Amasia (Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 169)
is probably based on no more than the discovery of the (ancient) sar-
cophagus in which the hero is said to rest : similarly, in Karpathos two
ancient sarcophagi are supposed to be those of Digenes Akritas and his
wife (Polîtes, ΠαραΖόσζις, no. 122).

5 The acceptance by Greeks at Koron of a Hellenistic terra-cotta as
S. Luke (Wace, in Liverpool Ann. Arch. iii, 24) is an extreme case.

6 Th. Reinach, in Rev. Arch, xxi (1913), p. 42. The Moslem cult
occupying a site formerly sacred to Zeus Stratios in Pontus (Cumont,

6г Transference of Rural Sanctuaries

of a temple of Apollo, has no more than an accidental
connexion with the ancient cult ; nor have the cults,
Christian and Moslem, at pre-historic buildings in
Cyprus 1 any proved connexion with the ancient re-
ligious past of those buildings till the lacunae in their
history are satisfactorily bridged.

Stud. Pont, ii, 172) is probably another case of accidental superposi-
tion.

1 See below, p. 704.
VI

CHRISTIAN SANCTUARIES
FREQUENTED BY MOSLEMS

IN the preceding chapters we have touched incident-
ally on several points illustrating the popular Turkish
attitude towards the ‘ magic 5 side of Christianity, and
we have reached the following conclusions :

(i) Christian ritual is looked on as capable of setting
in motion a supernatural world which is harmful to
Mohammedans. For instance, a Christian building
may be rendered antagonistic to Moslems by Christian
spells, and the cross is a piece of pro-Christian magic,
the hostile potency of which must be taken into account
by Mohammedans.

(2) The supernatural powers set in motion by Chris-
tian ritual may, however, be conciliated by Moham-
medan : for instance, baptism may be regarded as giving
an additional security to Mohammedan children, or
Christian charms may be worn with salutary effect
by Mohammedans. Similarly, an outraged Christian
church-spirit, if properly approached, may become
beneficent, or at least neutral, in its action towards
Mohammedans.

We have next to consider the attitude of Turkish
peasants towards the God and the saints of the Chris-
tians.

In the face of a common disaster, such as a prolonged
drought or an epidemic, Christian and Moslem will
combine in supplication and even share the same pro-
cession. Such a combination of Mohammedans, Chris-
tians, and Jews is recorded at Aleppo during a plague
of locusts.1 At Athens, in Turkish times, a continued

1 Bousquet, Actes des Apôtres Modernes, ii, 95 ; cj. Rycaut, Greek
and Armenian Churches, pp. 375 ff., where there is a description of the

β\ Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems
drought occasioned a public supplication of Christians
and Turks together, which, failing of its effect, was
followed by a second of Turks alone. This likewise
proving without result, the negro quarter prayed and
obtained rain at once. The frank comment of Athenians,
Christian and Moslem, was, ‘ Why, the negroes have
more faith than we have ! ’1 A similar occurrence is
reported by a Jesuit missionary from Chios. At a time
of prolonged drought the Turks and Greeks in turn
made prayer for rain without success. Finally, the
Catholics organized a procession, in which an image of
the Virgin was carried, and were rewarded by a copious
shower. The Turks attributed the miracle directly to
the Catholic Virgin.1 One explanation of the friendli-
ness of the fanatical sultan, Selim I, to Christians is that
at a time of plague their intercessions had been success-
ful, when the Turks had prayed in vain.3 In the same
way the heads of all religions at Cairo, including Catho-
lics, Copts, Greeks, and Jews, meet at the mosque of
Amr to implore the mercy of God whenever an in-
sufficient inundation of the Nile is feared.4 The mosque
of the prophet Daniel at Alexandria is similarly vener-
ated for the same reason by Jews, Christians, and
Moslems.5

proceedings too long for insertion here, yet heartily recommended to
the curious.

* ‘Bpé, oi Άραπάδςς Ζχονν mò mari από μας ’ (Kambouroglous,
Μνημεία, i, 312)· At the tomb of the Virgin in Jerusalem, Greeks,
Armenians, Copts, and Abyssinians have each a chapel, while the Turks
have a mihrab (d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 180). During a drought at
Saida, Greeks, Latins, and Jews prayed without result for rain, which
was, however, obtained by a Mussulman procession, ending in a ritual
ploughing by the Pasha (La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 7 ff.).

2 ‘ Les Turcs disoient que la Meriem des papas francs étoit la plus
puissante , (Carayon, Rei. Inéd. de la Compagnie de Jésus, p. 23).

3 Schepper, Missions Diplomatiques, p. 181. A similar story is re-
lated of the caliph Mamun (dOhsson, Tableau, i, 220).

4 De Vaujany, Caire, p. 297.

5 De Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 112. In Savary de Breves (Voyages,

Moslem Appeals to Christianity 65

A story still more remarkable than the above was
related to me in 1916 by a Greek native of Urgub in
Cappadocia. This town possesses the mummified body
of an Orthodox neo-saint, S. John * the Russian who
is supposed to have lived and died in the eighteenth
century.1 The body enjoys considerable respect both
from Christians and Mussulmans. On the occasion of
an epidemic of cholera in 1908 among the children of
the Turks, the latter begged and obtained as a favour
from the Greeks that the saint should be paraded
through their quarters. During the procession the
Turkish women threw costly embroidered handker-
chiefs on the bier as offerings to the saint, who in
answer to their faith immediately put an end to the
epidemic. In a strongly Moslem village in Albania
Miss Durham saw two men and four women, all Moham-
medans, and three of the women with ailing infants,
crawl under the altar during mass and stay there until
it was over. Afterwards the priest blessed them :

‘ Moslem charms had not succeeded, so they were try-
ing Christian ones ’ for their sickness.2

Again, the fréquentation of Christian healing-shrines

pp. 246 ft.) there is an interesting account of the inundation and at-
tendant ceremonies. In August and September the daily increase is
cried by small boys, inciting the people to praise God. Maillet (Descr.
de VÉgypte, i, 78-9) records the miraculous prediction of the height of
the Nile by means of a well, Bir-el-jernus, in a Coptic church in Upper
Egypt. On the night of the Drop the governor goes to this church,
a mass is celebrated on an altar placed over this well, and a cord is hung
and left to soak in the well : the prediction is made according to the
length of cord wetted during the mass (cf. also i, 81 for another such
church). Chastel (Hist, du Paganisme, p. 90) says paganism was un-
usually tenacious in Egypt on account of the importance of the Nile
flood ; Constantine removed to a Christian church the measure of the
flood kept in a temple at Memphis (ibid.,. p. 73), Julian replaced it
(ibid., p. 134). Analogous is the story of Omar’s letter to the Nile
(Savary, Lettres sur VÉgypte, i, 86-7 ; Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 230).
See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 57.

1 See below, pp. 440-I. 2 High Albania, p. 316.

66 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

by Turks is so common a phenomenon at the present
day that it would deserve no more than a passing men-
tion here but for the fact that it may have been an
important stage in the transference of many holy places
from Christianity to Islam. We therefore give a selec-
tion of cases showing that the practice was of early date
and common to the whole Turkish area from Bosnia to
Trebizond and Egypt.

(Λ) GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCHES.

I. ‘ Notre Dame du Plomb ’ (Kurshunlu Jami),
Sarajevo. This church, possessing a miracle-working
picture of the Virgin, was frequented for cures by
Greeks, Latins, and Turks.1

2 and 3. The churches of S. Michael at Syki 1 and
Tepejik 3 in Bithynia, both famous for cures of mad-
ness, are frequented by Turks as well as Greeks.

4. S. Photine, Smyrna. The holy well in the church
is frequented for the cure of eye-diseases by Turks.4

5. Virgin of Sumela, Trebizond. The picture,
painted by S. Luke, has special virtue against locusts
and is visited by the surrounding population, irrespec-
tive of religion, for relief from all kinds of misfortune.5

6. Assumption, Adrianople (Marash). Turks and
Jews participate in the mud-bath cure for rheumatism
associated with the Greek Church and Festival of the
Assumption.6

1 Des Hayes, Voiage, p. 57.

2 MacFarlane, Furkey and its Destiny, ii, 87.

3 Covel, cited by M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 222. Both here and
at Syki there are cells for raving patients, an unusual feature of such
places (Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 62).

4 M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, p. 64 ; cf. below, p. 409, n. 2.

5 Fallmerayer, Fragmente, p. 121.

6 Covel, Diaries y p. 247 ; cf, below, p. 680, n. I ; for Jewish par-
ticipation see Danon in Onzième Congrès d* Orientalistes, Paris, 1897,
sect, vii, p. 264. Similarly, Turks assisted at the yearly miracle of the
Sealed Earth at Lemnos, connected with the Festival of Transfiguration
(see below, p. 675 ; cf, Busbecq, cited above, p. 32, n. 2).

Moslem Appeals to Christianity 67

7. Annunciation, Tenos. Turks have come even
here successfully for cure, though the cult dates only
from 1821, is strongly pervaded by Greek national
ideals, and is comparatively inconveniently situated for
Turkish pilgrims.1

8. S. George, Cairo. Turks, having a great venera-
tion for S. George, frequently say their prayers on
Friday in this church, where mad people are cured with
certainty if detained three days in the church.2

(B) ARMENIAN CHURCHES.

9. A church at Angora, possessing a miracle-work-
ing cross of transparent marble, was a Turkish pilgrim-
age at least as early as the fifteenth century.3

* 10. The same is true of the church of S. John the
Baptist at Cæsarea in Cappadocia, which is famous
for its cures of animals.4

II. The church of S. Chrysostom, Bezirieh (Pontus)5
is frequented by Turks as by Christians of all three rites.

1 12. So also is the Monastery of Armasha near Ismid,
which is a comparatively modern holy place, its founda-
tion dating only from 1608.6

(C) A LATIN SAINT.

13. An instance of a Latin saint reverenced by Turks
is to be found in S. Anthony of Padua, Chios. A
picture of the saint in this church was famous for its
miracles and venerated both by Latin and Greek Chris-
tians. A Turkish bey, who was anxious for news of
a ship long overdue, abstracted the picture, placed it in

1 M. Hamilton, Incubation, p. 200.

2 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 28 ; cf. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie,
i, 100 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 439 ; Vaujany, Caire, pp. 293 f.

3 Schiitberger, Reisey ed. Penzel, p. 85 (ed. Hakluyt, p. 40). For the
church and miracles see Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, in ; Tourne-
fort. Voyage, Letter xxi ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, 11, ii, 89 ; Walker,
Old Tracks, p. 71, cf. p. 65.

4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad. Pop. de Г Asie Mineure, p. 203.

5 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 735. 6 Ibid, iv, 365.

68 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

his house, and placated it with flowers and candles,
hoping by this means to bring his ship safely to port.
This treatment proving unsuccessful, he took away the
candles and flowers, beating the picture and threatening
the 6 infamous Christian ’ who dared to ‘ mock a Mus-
sulman ’ that he would cut him to pieces (i. e. the
picture), if he did not 4 give up 5 the ship. At this
juncture the ship came to port, and the picture was re-
turned to the church with a gift of a hundred piastres.1

The above instances suffice to show that throughout
Turkey the fréquentation of Christian holy places by
Moslems is not conditional on the antiquity of the
sanctuary in question or on any particular form of
Christianity being professed in it. Nor is it to be pi^t
off by any cult practices theoretically repugnant to
Moslems, such, e.g. as involve the use of the cross or of
pictures. Practically any of the religions of Turkey may
share the use of a sanctuary administered by another, if
this sanctuary has a sufficient reputation for beneficent

1 Dumont, Nouv. Voyage, pp. 221 ff. Moslems used to reverence
the tomb of the Sieur de Chateuil in the Lebanon (d’Arvieux, Mé-
moires, ii, 418). The naïveté of threatening an inanimate representa-
tion of a saint can be paralleled in the West : Sébillot (Folk-Lore de
France, iv, 166) gives examples from France. Lucius (.Anfänge des
Heiligenk., p. 287) gives others from early Christian times : for instance,
S. Dominus’ lamps were broken by a Syrian crowd because he had
healed a Jew and left a Christian unhealed. Gregory of Tours {De
Glor. Conf.y cap. lxxi, cited also by Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques,
ii, 202) records that a bishop of Aix, indignant at having one of his vil-
lages stolen, cut off the candles offered to S. Mitre of Aix until the
village should be restored, which it eventually was. The image of
S. George of Villeneuve was thrown into the Seine because frost on his
day damaged vines (Collin de Plancy, op. cit. i, 430) ; the same fate
threatened S. Peter in Navarre {ibid, ii, 434). His own monks threatened
S. Étienne de Grandmont with dismemberment if he did not cease to
work the miracles for whose sake pilgrims crowded to his tomb and so
disturbed the repose of the monks {ibid, iii, 225). A Jew entrusted his
house to an image of S. Nicolas, but the house was robbed notwith-
standing, so the Jew beat the image, whereupon S. Nicolas at once
ordered the robbers to return the spoil {ibid, ii, 217).

Fréquentation without Usurpation 69

miracles,1 among which miracles of healing play a pre-
dominant part.

14. Ruined Church, Philadelphia (Alashehr).
Particularly curious is the fréquentation by Turks of
a ruined and abandoned Christian church at Phila-
delphia (Alashehr), which was, moreover, reputed to be
haunted by Christian ghosts.2 The explanation is the
usual one : a candle lighted in the ruins ensured relief
from toothache.

The tendency to participation is of course strongest
where the level of culture is lowest and all sects meet on
a common basis of secular superstition. Consequently,
we may be fairly sure that what is true of to-day is true
also of the period of Turkish conquest. It is further
important to remark that this fréquentation of Christian
sanctuaries by Moslems does not seem to imply any
desire on the part of the Moslem population to usurp
the administration of the sanctuary in question. Parti-
cipation is in normal circumstances sufficient for them,
and they are perfectly content to leave Christian saints
in the hands of Christian priests. Usurpation comes
from the organized priesthood or the dervish orders,
who, in the event of successful aggression, stand to gain
both in prestige and materially. Where, as in many

1 Montct (Culte des Saints Musulmans, p. 24) gives a case where
Jewish women frequent a Moslem saint for sterility. Moors frequented
the synagogue of Bona at prayer-time on Friday evening ‘ pour obtenir
la guérison de leurs maladies, la fécondité, ou la réussite de leurs pro-
jets 9 (Poiret, Voyage en Barbarie, i, 132). A miracle, acknowledged
by both Moslems and Jews, justified this faith : when the Jews were
building the synagogue, the Book of the Law was seen floating on the
waves : no Moslem could seize it, but it came readily to a Jew, who de-
posited it in the synagogue. This miracle is noteworthy as being the
favourite Christian theme of a picture or image cast up by the sea, but
transferred to the sacred book, the ‘ Book of the Law ’ taking the place
in the estimation of Jews which images hold in the imagination of
Christians.

3 C. B. Elliott, Ίravels, ii, 90. The ruins are now built up among
Turkish houses (Lambakis, Επτά ‘Aarépcç, p. 375).

70 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems
rustic chapels, there was no permanent Christian organ-
ization or endowment, the intrusion of a dervish guardian
need make little or no immediate difference to Christian
worshippers. But in many cases such sanctuaries were
doubtless left throughout their history without this ad-
ministration and took their religious colouring simply
from the population which happened to use them.

In the following instance, probably not isolated,
Moslem pilgrimage to a Christian church seems to have
been attracted, not only by the material benefits of
healing to be obtained from it, but also by the direct
stimulus offered by a Mohammedan sect.

15. S. Naum, Okhrida. The tomb of the saint, one
of the ‘ Seven Apostles of the Slavs ’, has curative
powers especially for lunatics.1 2 * 4 It is frequented by
Bektashi Mohammedans from the surrounding district,
who identify the saint with their own Sari Saltik.1 Even
the orthodox Sunni recognize the saint as one of their own,
alleging (a) that he lived before the rise of the Bektashi
heresy and (b) that the Christians usurped his tomb.3

I have endeavoured in another place 4 to show that
the cult of S. Naum by Bektashi Mohammedans dates
from the propagation of their faith under, and with the
secret connivance of, Ali Pasha of Yannina, and is in all
probability to be regarded as a preliminary, checked by
the opportune revival of Christianity, to the occupation
of the church as a tekke by Bektashi dervishes. It is in
fact an arrested transference somewhat similar to our
examples in Chapter III.

All these Christian holy places, and numberless others,
are frequented by Moslems primarily on account of the

1 Spencer, Travels (1851), ii, 76 ; von Hahn, Drin und Wardar, p.
108. Walsh (Constantinople, ii, 376) says the Turks claim S. Naum as
a holy man of their religion.

2 From information collected on the spot : for Sari Saltik see below,

pp. 429 ff. 3 From an orthodox Mohammedan at Okhrida.

4 See below, pp. 586 ff.

Turkish Belief in Christian Saints 71

acknowledged power of the saints or relics in question
as manifested by beneficent miracles. There are also
cases where Turks have been led to believe in the power
of the Christian saints by the manifestation of their
hostility. Cantimir cites that of a Turkish bey in the
Dobruja who reverenced S. Phocas and kept his feast as
a holiday, since he had been convinced by a disaster to his
crops that neglect of this precaution brought upon him the
anger of the saint.1 * * 4 Similarly, Ali Pasha of Yannina,
having seized a plot of ground belonging to a church of
S. John, was visited by the saint in a dream ; he promptly
restored the land and contributed to the church.1

In the same category of hostile manifestations by Chris-
tian saints, often admitted (at least tacitly) by Turks,
may be ranged the protection of, churches by these
patrons against Turkish aggression з and the miracu-
lous working of transformed churches against their
new owners.4 It is clear that in the Turkish popular
mind Christian saints, like Christian magic, have power
and may be offended or placated. The sentiment with
which they are regarded depends simply on the nature,
beneficent or maleficent, of their manifestations, but,
as we have seen from the case of S. James at Nicosia,5
a manifestation of hostile power implies the possibility
of beneficence. A saint who has power to avenge an
insult has power also to reward an act of homage.

1 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 237. The reason given in some parts of Bosnia
for the observance of S. Procopius’ day by local Moslems is identical
(Ugljen, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, i, 488).

1 Aravantinos, Άλη Πασά, p. 418. Similarly, and probably for
similar reasons, the Moslems of Albania, many of whom are of course
converts of comparatively recent date, are said to reverence S. George
and S. Nicolas (Hecquard, Haute Albanie, pp. 153, 200). It is said that
a Catholic bishop of Skutari was desired from Rome to give less pro-
minence to the Feast of S. Nicolas, but he replied that he was powerless
in the matter, as the bulk of the people who attended the festival were

not his own parishioners but Moslems. з Chap, v, ad fin.

4 Chap, iii, ad init. 5 Chap, iv, no. 9.

72 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

This is an extremely simple rustic point of view,
little if at all removed from that which instigates the
placation of jinns and peris : it would probably be
reprobated as a vulgar error by most instructed Mus-
sulmans.1 A higher reading of the phenomena of mi-
raculous healings and other supernatural manifestations
by alien saints is quite easy for those imbued with the
teaching of the dervish orders, and is not impossible for
orthodox Mussulmans. By the latitudinarian Bektashi,
for instance, the religion professed during his lifetime
by a dead saint is a matter of indifference ; ‘ a saint ’,
as I have heard it put, ‘ is for all the world ’. In an
aphoristic story in the (Mevlevi) Acts of the Adepts ‘one
of the greatest of God’s cherished saints ’ is recognized
in a poor Frank, who had been insulted by a Mussulman.1
Identifications of Christian with Moslem saints are,
again, rendered possible by the theory of metem-
psychosis, which is current even in stricter circles : and
thoroughly orthodox Moslem divines have considered
Khidr and Elias, for example, as the same person rein-
carnated at different periods. Further, certain pro-
minent Christian saints, of whom the type is Christ
Himself,3 are regarded as pre-Islamic Mussulmans, just
as certain pre-Christian pagans, like ‘ Hermogenes the
Wise Man ’,4 Plato,5 Aristotle,6 and Virgil, were con-

1 Cf. Einsler in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 69, where a distinguished, sheikh asked
how it came about that Moslems who made vows to Khidr often paid
them in churches of S. George, did not dispute the fact, but was of
opinion that only very ignorant Moslems could so act.

3 In Redhouse’s Mesnevi, p. 34.

3 Also S. John : cf. the eighteenth-century pilgrim’s book (Menasik-
el-Haj, Kitab, tr. Bianchi, in Ree. de Voyages, ii, 116) and Thévenot,
Voyages, ii, 445.

* Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 135 : this is probably an error for
‘ Hermes Trismegistus \ Gregory the Great got Trajan salvation in
consideration of his virtues (Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 135).

5 Cf. Cousin, Hist, de Г Église, ι, χ, 203. Michael Psellos (in Ram-
baud, Ét. Byz.y p. 145) interprets Homer in a Christian sense and calls
Plato a precursor of Christianity. 6 Cf. Comparetti, Virgilio, i, 287.

Secret Conversion to Islam 73

sidered by medieval Christendom to have been to some
extent Christians born out of due time. On some such
footing the tomb of 4 Hazret Shimun9 (S. Simeon) at
Antioch of Syria takes a place among the official pil-
grimages for Moslems,1 as did also ‘ S. John Polycarp ’
at Smyrna.2 3 4 5 6 7

More than this, it is held that even since the revela-
tion of Mohammed certain persons among the Christians
were recognized by Allah as of His Elect,з and after
their death were transported from their graves among
the Christians to the cemeteries of the Mussulmans 4
by 72,000 camels set apart for the purpose. This tradi-
tion is only a slightly wider and more liberal version of
others current in our own day. Two stories using the
theme were recently told to Gervais-Courtellemont at
Mecca itself. In one, the mysterious camels were seen
at their work in the famous Meccan cemetery of El
Maala ; in the other, the body of a Christian (Rumi)
princess,5 who, being in love with an enslaved Moorish
prince, had made the Profession of Faith in secret,6 was
substituted by the agency of the camels for that of a
professing but reprobate Mussulman buried in the same
cemetery.7

1 See above, p. 25, n. 5.

2 See above, p. 58 ; below, p. 408.

3 See below, p. 443.

4 De Brèves, Voyages, pp. 24 f. (quoted in full below, pp. 446-7).

5 Is this a story of North African origin connected with the 4 tomb
of the Christian Woman ’ near Algiers (Berbrugger, Tombeau de la
Chrétienne) ?

6 Cf. below, p. 448.

7 Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage à la Mecque, pp. 105 ff. ; the
writer’s informant was a sheikh of the strict Hanifite sect. Lady Duff-
Gordon heard a similar story told in Egypt as an actual occurrence of
Mohammed All’s time (Letters from Egypt, pp. 198 ff.). At Monastir
the favourite place for praying for rain in times of drought is a turbe
said to cover the remains of a non-Mohammedan princess, which were
miraculously substituted for those of a khoja ; see further below,
p. 360.

74 Christian Sanctuaries frequented by Moslems

The same theory of secret believers 1 is used in the
following :

16. Chapel at Adalia. De Brèves found at Adalia
a cave-chapel, still retaining traces of Christian frescoes,
in which was shown the tomb of a Christian hermit. The
latter, according to the Turks, had on his deathbed
confessed himself a Mussulman, and on this account
received from Believers the honour due to one of their
own saints.3 This is an exact Moslem counterpart to
the Christian legend of Shems-ed-din at Konia.3

1 For the similar secret conversion of a Christian princess of Genoa
see Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 202.

3 De Breves, Voyages, p. 23 : ‘ Comme nous estions là, vn renié nous
mena voir vne grotte, qui est au pied des murailles de ce chasteau, sur
le bord d’vn haut et noir precipice, que la fente du roc fait en cest
endroit : Il y a dedans vn tombeau de pierre éleué enuiron de deux
pieds, où on dit qu’est inhumé le sainct homme qui y residoit. Ceste
grotte seruoit de Chapelle, du temps des Chrestiens, & s’y void encore
la peinture de la Vierge Marie, demy effacée : auiourd’huy les Turcs
s’en seruent de Mosquée, font voeu au Sainct, en leurs maladies, prient
Dieu sur son tombeau, & y bruslent de l’encens, disans auoir eu reue-
lation qu’encore qu’il eust vescu en la Religion des Iaours, qu’ils appel-
lent, ou Infidelles, (ainsi nôment-ils les Chrestiens) il estoit neantmoins
en son ame bon Musulman, & qu’en mourant il s’estoit déclaré tel.’

3 Below, chap, vii, no. 6.
VII

MOHAMMEDAN SANCTUARIES
FREQUENTED BY CHRISTIANS

IT seems then, in default of historical evidence, im-
possible to distinguish between the three classes of
occupation. The material evidence of building is com-
mon to all three and we are thus thrown back on (i)
tradition, which is more or less circumstantial but
generally ambiguous and unreliable, and (2) the in-
ference we may draw from the fréquentation by Chris-
tians of outwardly Mohammedan holy places. The
latter is a fairly constant phenomenon in the better-
documented transferred cults1 and at first sight appears
to be the last vestige and the most tangible evidence of
previous Christian occupation. May we then, in de-
fault of other evidence, regard the fréquentation of a
Mohammedan sanctuary by Christians as proof that the
sanctuary in question was originally Christian ? It is
true that the orthodox Christian peasant theoretically
regards the Mohammedan religion as unclean, whereas
the Turk has no such prejudice against Christianity :
even if Sunni and learned, he considers it less as bad in
itself than as imperfect,* as being based on an earlier
revelation than Islam, and degenerate as regards the
worship of ‘ idols \з An outward expression of this
point of view is the fact that in the reconquered coun-

1 Such as S. Sophia, Constantinople ; the Parthenon, Athens ; S.
Demetrius, Salonica ; Elwan Chelebi ; Kirklar Tekke, Zile.

* When a Christian marries a Jewess, Moslem law says the children
must be brought up in the Christian as ‘ the better faith ’ (Lane, Mod.
Egyptians, i, 123.)

3 On this subject see the answer given by the strict Sunni preacher

j6 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

tries a mosque, unless it has been (or is thought to have
been) a church is rarely, if ever, taken over as a church
by the Orthodox.1 On the other hand, when we come
to consider the popular Christian attitude towards
Moslem saints in Turkey, as manifested practically, i.e.
in the fréquentation of Mohammedan sanctuaries by
Christians, we shall find that it is little if at all different
from the Mohammedan attitude towards Christian
saints.

Of Syria it is said that Christian holy places are less
frequented by Mohammedans than Mohammedan by
Christians.2 In Turkey, probably owing to the superior
education of the Christian element, the reverse seems
to be the case at the present day. On the other hand,
despite the strong theoretical prejudices of Christians,
the popular religious thought, and still more the ritual
practice, of Oriental Christendom have much in com-
mon with those of Islam. In the case of saints the
attraction of healing miracles goes far to overcome all
scruples, and Greek no less than Turk admits the idea

Vani Efendi to Sir Thomas Baines (J. Covel, Diaries, p. 270). As to
the personal uncleanness of Christians, the Turks hold, and not without
reason, very decided views (cf. Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 21).

1 I know of no instance. The beautiful disused mosque at Sofia, like
those at Athens, Nauplia, Chalkis, and Monemvasia, is turned to civil
uses. At Nauplia one mosque is adapted as a church, but by Latins.
In the later Venetian period one mosque at Athens became a Catholic
and another a Lutheran church (Philadelpheus, *Ιστορία * Αθηνών, p.
178). A mosque at Theodosia (KafiFa) in the Crimea was taken over as a
church by the Armenians (Demidoff, Southern Russia, ii, 205). Doutté,
Marabouts, p. 70, states that the Catholic cathedral of Algiers was
formerly a mosque. The resources of the community concerned would
naturally count for much in such things. [This no doubt explains the
most exceptional conversion into a Greek church of the mosque at
Balchik in Thessaly, one hour from Mavrokhor station and two from
Tempe, though the villagers do not pretend that the mosque was
originally a church. I owe its discovery to the accident of being
trapped in Thessaly in the winter of 1922 by the flooded Peneios.
M. M. H.]

2 Einsler in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 42 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 21.

Christian Appeals to Islam ηη

that, if his own saints fail him, an alien ma y be invoked.
This unorthodox theory was enunciated to me in so
many words by a Cappadocian Greek, and is, as we shall
see, borne out in practice. An amusing instance of the
actual conversion of a Christian Albanian to Islam on
these lines is related by the renegade Ibrahim Manzur
Efendi. The Albanian in question, finding himself, as
he believed, pursued by a run of ill-luck, solicited in
vain the help of Christ, the Virgin, and S. Nicolas. As
these did nothing for him, he turned to Mohammed
with satisfactory results, especially, as he naively re-
marks, to his pocket, and on the strength of his experi-
ence he became a Mohammedan.1 2

1 If a common Turk hath a horse sick/ says an acute and ex-
perienced observer, Sir Dudley North, ‘ he will have the Al-
coran read over it, and, rather than fail, the law of Moses or the
Gospel of Christ. And there are poor Christians that will get
a holy man, though a Turk, to read over a sick child ; and the
poor Jews the like. It is the reading over that they value, to-
gether with the venerable phiz of the holy man that performs,
without much distinction what it is he reads.’3 *

Scarlatos Byzantios, writing in the fifties, says frankly
that in his own time Christians, and frequently even
priests, when ill, invited emirs and dervishes to 6 read
over ’ them, while Turks frequented Christian priests
for the same purpose.з Exorcism by ‘ reading over 5
being largely considered as a specific against witchcraft,

1 Mémoires, p. xxii.

2 R. North, Lives of the Norths, ii, 146 ; Père Pacifique, Voyage de
Perse, p. 31.

3 Κωνσταντινούπολης (1869), iii, 583. Cf. also Biliotti and Cottret,
p. 634 ; Pears, Turkey, p. 78 ; Dorys, Femme Turque, p. 76 ; Lane,

Mod. Egyptians, i, 297. Selim III being seriously ill, his mother called
in Procopius, the Greek patriarch of Jerusalem and much respected for

his goodness : bringing his deacons and apparatus, he came and prayed

successfully for the sultan’s recovery (Dorys, Femme Turque, p. 78 : he
gives no authority but great detail).

78 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

‘ overlooking &c., it is easy to understand that, just as
the Turkish soldiers ‘ in aciem prodituri ’ wore Christian
charms to render Christian weapons ineffectual,1 2 3 4 so
Christians, when they suspected the hostile working
against them of black arts, possibly or probably put in
motion by Moslems, resorted to Moslem incantations
to avert or overcome them. So in a Greek folk-story of
a priest whose wife was bewitched, the priest ‘ began
with prayers and readings, but when he found that
was no good, he went off to a Turkish witch ’, who
was eventually successful in removing the (Turkish)
spell.1

The following story is given on the excellent authority
of a French missionary priest working among the Uniate
Bulgarians of Thrace.3 In one of their villages an
epidemic of measles made its appearance. A child of
Bulgar-Uniate parentage, apparently healthy in the
first instance, was placed as a prophylactic measure in
an oven, a fire being lighted at the mouth.4 The child

1 See above, chap, iii, ad fin.

2 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 839 : ο παπάς την άρχισε με таîs εύχαΐς
καί τα διαβάσματα, άλλα σαν εΐδε πώς Scv εκανε τίποτα, ετρεξε σε
μια τουρκισσα μάγισσα ; cf. Durham, High Albania, p. 88.

3 They occupy a small group of hill-villages above Kirk Kilise.

4 The practice of putting children in ovens to cure fever is con-
demned as superstitious by Bede and others (see J. B. Thiers, Traité
des Superstitions, p* 433)· The oven motif recurs in the Êvang. de VEn-
fance (in Migne, Diet. des Apocryphes, i, 997), where a child protégé of
the Virgin is placed in an oven by his wicked stepmother, but escapes
unharmed. Migne (note ad loc.) says a similar tale was told by the
Arabs of Moses, who was hidden from the emissaries of Pharaoh in an
oven by his mother : though a fire was inadvertently lit underneath,
the child was unhurt : the story is also told by Spiro, Hist. de Joseph,
p. 61. Cf the tale of the Imam Bakir (Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ.
xliv (1914), p. 65 ; below, p. 147, where there is a play on the word
bakir (Tk. = copper) and a cauldron is substituted for the oven. The
same motif is found in a tale told by Greg. Turon. {de Glor. Mart. i, x)
after Evagr. iv, 36, and Niceph. xvii, 25. A Jewish child, who had
taken the sacrament with his Christian playmates, was put in an oven

Christian Appeals to Islam 79

was so frightened that it became epileptic. This was
put down to the evil eye, and a cousin was called in to
treat it : the treatment consisted in burning a lock of
the child’s hair and a candle before an eikon with appro-
priate incantation. This proving unsuccessful, a khoja
was consulted, who prescribed a written amulet. This
in turn failing, the parents, against the priest’s advice,
took the child secretly to a Greek Orthodox church of
the Archangels for a course of forty days’ incubation.1

Another story, illustrating a slightly more sophisti-
cated point of view, is told of Constantinople Greeks by
N. Basileiadou.* This, though put into literary form,
rings so true that one can hardly doubt its essential
authenticity. The theme is the dilemma of a Christian
mother who had tried in vain all the resources of
Christian pilgrimages for the cure of her sick daughter,
and was at length, against the advice of her own con-
fessor, induced by a (Christian) neighbour to go to the
Turkish sanctuary of Eyyub as a last resort.3 In the
course of the ceremony, which consisted in a ‘ reading
over ’ by the khoja of the mosque, the patient and her
mother suffered so severely from nervous strain that the
former died within three months and the latter lost her
reason. The comments of the neighbours on the double
tragedy are characteristic. Some said the guilty pair
had been punished for their sin against God : others
that the devil was irritated by their half-heartedness in
seeking his aid and then repenting : others that the
whole affair was due to witchcraft : and others, again,
that you should not mix religion and the black art, but

by his father as a punishment, but was preserved by the Virgin who
appeared to him in a vision : the same miracle is said to have taken
place at Bourges.

1 Marcelle Tinayre, Notes d’une Voyageuse, pp. 148 if.

2 ‘Ημερολ. Φ. Σκόκου, içi 3, pp. 288-95.

3 The neighbours’ words are : νΟλα της θρησκείας μας τα εκαμες.
Тора θά κάμουμε εξωτικά. *Ο κουντουρντισμενος [i.e. the devil, lit.
* the mad one ’], ας εϊνε καί εξω απ’ εδώ, παντού φθάνει.

8o Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

keep to one or the other.1 All thus agreed that Turkish
miracles were sorcery and nothing more.

From one point of view Christian priest and Moham-
medan khoja are medicine-men differentiated for their
respective sects ; side by side with them certain laymen
practise magic, black or white, for all indiscriminately.
Experience has shown that the help of the religious, as
of the lay, medicine-man can be enlisted on behalf of
a client of whatever religion he may be by the use of
a very concrete argument.2 The saints are in popular
thought similar intermediaries, though of a higher grade,
and are treated in exactly the same way. It must
further be remarked that the actual procedure at a
Mohammedan healing-shrine is familiar to Christians
through4 folk-lore5 usages common to the whole popula-
tion if not shared or countenanced by their own religion
as are knotting rags, driving nails, incubation, contact
with relics, propitiatory sacrifice (kurban),з the offering
of votive candles, and exorcism by 4 reading over \
Even ritual practices generally considered quite ex-
ceptional, such as ‘ walking over ’ ailing children by
the Rifai dervishes,4 are paralleled in the Orthodox

1 ‘Καλέ, η αμαρτία τονς εΰρε. Τούς τωπε к* 6 πνευματικός

‘Καλέ, τούς εβλαφε 6 εξω άπ* εδώ \i.e. the devil]. Πήγαν στα
πόδια τον και το μετάνοιωσαν.’

‘ Τίποτε. Τα μάγια έχουν τέτοιο θάνατο.’

19Από τ9 αγιάσματα στα ξωτικά. Αυτά θά πάθονν. Ή τό ενα ή
τό άλλο:

Εις ενα μόνον συμφωνούσαν όλες, πού έφτυναν τον κόρφο τους.

2 This is true even where great opposition exists officially between
the two religions ; cf. Saint Clair and Brophy, Residence in Bulgaria,

p. 68.

3 For this practice among Anatolian Christians see White, in Trans.

Viet. Inst. xxxix (1907), p. 154 ; cf. Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de
Г Asie Mineure, p. 196 (sacrifice of cocks by Armenians) ; Polîtes,
Παραδόσεις, no. 503 (sacrifice to S. George near Kalamata) ; Miller,
Greek Life, p. 196 (sacrifice of cock at Athens). For a sacrifice of bulls
in Thrace, at which an Orthodox priest presides, see G. Megas in
Λαογραφία> iii, 148-71. 4 W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 367.

Imam Baghevi 8i

Church1 as is the ceremony, apparently common among
the Shia Mussulmans,2 of the 6 selling ’ of them to the
saint.3

The difference between a Mohammedan and a Chris-
tian saint thus reduces itself largely to a matter of
names. The instances cited below of outwardly Moham-
medan holy places frequented by Christians exemplify
this point of view and tend to show that the alleged
Christian origin of such ‘ mixed cults 5, unless supported
by more tangible evidence, must be regarded as ‘ not
proven just as a tradition that a certain mosque was
once a church must not be accepted without scrutiny,
though churches have been changed into mosques often
enough.

Our first instance of a Moslem sanctuary frequented
by both religions has no vestige of a tradition linking it
with Christianity. It is an example of the thesis we
have put forward above that religious prejudice suc-
cumbs to the desire of healing.4

I. Imam Baghevi, Konia. Outside the humble turbe
of the Imam Baghevi in the station suburb at Konia are
two stones, popularly supposed to represent the horses
of the Imam turned to stone : the idea is easily ex-
plained by their rough resemblance to pack-saddles.5

1 At the Tenos festival. A similar ritual existed formerly in the
Latin church at Andros (La Mottraye, Travels, i, 277).

2 Haji Khan and Sparroy, With the Pilgrims to Mecca, p. 273
(children so sold are called 4 dogs of Abbas ’) ; cf, the Yuruk ceremonies
on Ida (Leaf in Geog. Journ. xl (1912), p. 37). For the same custom
in Syria see Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., p. 167.

3 It is done by the Orthodox at Balukli (Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Folklore de Cons tant., p. 64), Selymbria (Prodikos, in Θρςικική Έπζτηρίς,
i, 67), and elsewhere (M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp. 56 f.).

4 This example is selected only for its detail. 4 Folk-lore ’ practices

by Christians (especially women) at Mohammedan shrines could pro-
bably be found in any mixed town. In Rumeli at Lule Burgas a dede
named Tendern Baba is similarly frequented by Christians and placated
with candles, though he has no turbe or establishment whatever
(F. W. H.). 5 See further below, p. 196.

3*95·1

G

82 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

Cures are worked in two ways. If the patient is a child
who cannot walk or a woman who cannot conceive, he
or she sits astride the stones as if they were a horse.
Persons afflicted with pains in the belly prostrate them-
selves over the stones so as to touch them with the
afflicted part.1 The cure is used by Christian and
Turkish women indifferently.

A similar women’s cult is that of :

2. Esef Dai, Thyatira (Akhisar). The tomb of
Esef (Eshref?) Dai is visited by Christian as well as#
Moslem women, who light candles in his honour. The
adjoining mosque is held by the Christians to replace
a church of S. John, of which, however, no trace now
remains.1

3. Mosque of Eyyub, Constantinople. This his-
toric mosque has Christian traditions, but they are
demonstrably of small value. The mosque owes its
sanctity for Moslems to the supposed grave of the Arab
warrior Eyyub, which was discovered on the site shortly
after the conquest.3 But the reputation for healing of
its sacred well attracted to it a Greek clientèle who ex-
plained its virtues by the assumption that the Moslem
saint Eyyub, buried in the mosque, was identical with
the Job of the Old Testament 4 or with Samuel ! 5 A
third identification of the site with that of an earlier

1 The first procedure is evidently suggested by the form of the
saddle-like stones. The cure of belly-pains (tekke of the Mevlevi dervishes in Konia Lucas was told by an Armenian that a Christian bishop Efsepi (Eusebius ?) 6 was buried beside Jelal-ed-din, the founder of the 1 Talking animals are elsewhere recorded ; cf. Spiro, Hist. de Joseph, p. 39. 2 For this saint see further, below, pp. 290 f. 3 Told by an Anatolian to Mr. W. H. Peckham, formerly H. B. M/s consul at Uskub. It is to be noted that in the Christian legend of S. Eustathius the stag episode is merely picturesque. In the Moslem version it falls into place ; the stag which becomes a dervish, and the tree which cries out, alike symbolize the unity of nature, full comprehension of which is one aim of the dervish’s life of contemplation. Both Christian and Mohammedan legends probably come ultimately from a Buddhist source. On the connexion of deer with dervishes see further, below, pp.460 ff. 4 F. W. H. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21 ; cf, ii, 215. 6 No such bishop occurs in the Greek lists of Iconium bishops which have come down to us. 86 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians Mevlevi order, at the latter’s special request. The legend explaining this anomaly tells how the ‘ Chelebi ’ Jelal-ed-din, going on pilgrimage, charged his great friend the bishop with the care of his household and the government of the city during his absence. The bishop gave into his hands at his departure a small box, bidding him keep it closed till his return, and accepted the charge on this condition. On the return of Jelal-ed-din his wives and household slaves accused the bishop of evil conduct towards them, and the {Chelebi ’ in a fit of anger ordered his instant execution. The unfor- tunate bishop implored as a last favour an interview with the ‘ Chelebi ’, in the course of which he called on him to open the mysterious box committed to his charge. It was found of course to contain indisputable proof of the bishop’s innocence. The ‘ Chelebi ’ in his remorse insisted that, when the good bishop died, he should be buried beside his own tomb as a mark of their indissoluble friendship.1 2 3 This story was told me with the omission of the bishop’s name by Prodromos Petrides of Konia in 1913. In a variant story told by Levidesand, a hundred years ago, by the archbishop Cyril,з the hero is the abbot of S. Chariton. The Mevlevi dervishes them- selves acknowledge that there is truth in the legend, but in their version of it the ‘ bishop ’ or ‘ abbot ’ becomes a monk, who came from Constantinople and was con- verted by Jelal-ed-din to the Mevlevi doctrines. 6. Tekke of Shems-ed-din, Konia. Another in- stance from Konia of a similar ambiguous cult is given by Schiltberger (c. 1400). 1 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 151 ff. 2 Moral της Καππαδοκίας, p. 156 ; cj\ N. Rizos, Καππαδοκικά, p. 130, and above, chap, v, no. 10. 3 Περιγραφή, p. 42 (quoted below, p. 375, n. 2). The ‘ tomb of the monk ’ is mentioned in general terms by Macarius of Antioch (Travels (c. 1650), i, 8) and by Miss Pardoe (City of the Sultans, i, 52). Secret Conversion to Christianity 87 ‘ There is also,’ says he,6 in this country [Karaman] a city called Konia, in which lies the saint, Schenisis, who was first an Infidel priest, and was secretly baptised ; and when his end approached, received from an Armenian priest the body of God in an apple. He has worked great miracles.’1 This early legend refers of course to the tomb of Shems-ed-din of Tabriz, the friend and instructor of Jelal-ed-din, which is situated in Konia, but at some distance from the great tekke of the Mevlevi. It is naturally a tomb much revered by that order as being that of their founder’s master. The story is remarkable as the converse of the Mevlevi version of the ‘ Eusebius 9 legend ; here a Mohammedan is converted to Chris- tianity, there a Christian to Islam. In each case the sanc- tuary in question is made accessible to both religions.3 7. S. Arab, Larnaka (Cyprus). This is another ambiguous cult first mentioned by Mariti (eighteenth century).3 At the present day this sanctuary is still frequented both by Turks and Greeks. By the former it is known as Turabi Tekke, by the latter as S. Thera- pon.4 Turabi is the name of a wandering dervish from Kastamuni in northern Anatolia, who lived in the reign of Mohammed II and was noted for his liberal views as to religions outside Islam.5 S. Therapon is a well- known saint and healer in Cyprus, where he has several churches ; he is not, however, specially connected with Larnaka.6 As to the origins of a cult of this sort, it is impossible to be dogmatic. From the evidence we have it seems probable that it began as a secular cult of an 1 Hakluyt society’s edition (ed. Telfer), p. 40. 2 See below, p. 377. 3 Travels, tr. Cobham, p. 41 (quoted in full below, p. 735). 4 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47 : there is now, Mr. Luke tells me, no dervish establishment attached to the tomb. 5 Von Hammer, Osman. Dichtkunst, i, 214. 6 For the S. Therapon of Cyprus see Delehaye in Anal. Boll. xxvi, 247 я. 88 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians ‘ Arab ’ jinn,1 later identified with Turabi (perhaps through the Greek τ ονΆ 6 from which it is an easy step to the Christian Therapon. If this theory is correct, we have here a cult now shared by both religions, whose origins were neither Christian nor Mohammedan, but secular.1 3 * 5 8. ‘Tomb of S. Theodore,’ Benderegli (Herakleia Pontica). Herakleia on the south coast of the Black Sea has been celebrated for many centuries as the place of martyrdom of S. Theodore Stratelates (‘ the General ’), who, according to legend, suffered under Licinius and was buried at Euchaita, the scene of his conquest of a dragon which infested the country. His tomb at Euchaita was a famous pilgrimage in the early Middle Ages.3 It is possibly owing to his connexion with other localities besides Euchaita (Amasia and Herakleia) that his rather shadowy twin, S. Theodore Tiron (‘ the recruit ’),4 came into existence. In 1389, when the whole coast was already in Turkish hands, we hear from a Russian pilgrim of a church and tomb of S. Theodore Tiron at Herakleia.5 Halfway through the seventeenth century a reference to the martyrdom of a S. Theodore (this time the ‘ general ’) at Herakleia in the Travels of Macarius 6 shows that the tradition was not forgotten. At the present day a turbe in a cemetery on a hill above Arapli a few miles west of the town is visited yearly by 1 For the ‘ Arab ’ in folk-lore and cult see below, pp. 730-5, The cult of a ‘S. Arab’ could be reconciled to Greeks by the assump- tion of their conversion. Cf. the case of ‘ S. Barbarus ’ at Iveron on Athos (Smyrnakes, * Αγιον *Ορος, p. 471 ; Tozer, Highlands of Turkey, i, 83 ; Hasluck, Athos y p. 165, n. 1) and that of ‘ S. Schenisis9 above, p. 87. 2 Synaxariay 9 Feb. 3 For the legends of S. Theodore and their development see refer- ences above, p. 47, n. 3. 4 Synaxariay 17 Feb. 5 Ignatius of Smolensk in Khitrovo, I tin, Russes, p. 134 : ‘ il y a là [viz. à Pandoraklia] l’église de saint Théodore Tiron, bâtie sur le lieu même de son martyre & contenant son tombeau \ 6 Tr. Belfour, ii, 424. Stages of Fréquentation 89 Christians as containing the tomb of S. Theodore ‘ the general V The turbe seems to be no more than a wooden hut, and contains two outwardly Turkish tombs,1 2 3 4 5 * * * attributed by the Greeks to S. Theodore and his disciple Varrò, and by the Turks to a warrior-saint named Ghazi Shahid Mustafa and his son. These are tended by a Turkish woman, who receives offerings from pilgrims of both religions in money or candles. In view of this graduated series of compromises be- tween the competing religions it seems clear that, while some of the Moslem sanctuaries claimed by Christians as originally Christian may really be so, the development indicated above in Chapter V from Christianity to Islam is paralleled by a converse development from Islam towards Christianity, the stages being : (i) A Moslem sanctuary attracts by its miracles a clientèle of Christians (Chapter VII, no. 6).з (ii) These justify their participation in the cult by the assumption that the site, building, or saint in question was originally Christian 4 and by the fabrica- tion of a suitable legend 5 (Chapter VII, no. 4). 1 P. Makris, 9 Ηράκλειά του Πόντου, pp. I15 ff. 2 See below, p. 575, n. 2. 3 So a Turkish pasha, buried at Drivasto in Albania, works miracles for Christians, when he sees that their hearts are secretly inclined to Islam (Hecquard, Haute Albanie, p. 326) : the latter clause of course ‘ saves the face 9 of the saint in case of failure. 4 There is at least a possibility that a similar process of thought un- derlay the recognition by the Christians of the Holy Sepulchre beneath the temple of Venus, if we assume that, as is not unlikely in Syria (cj'. especially Frazer, Adonis,i, 13 ff.; Heisenberg, Grabeskirche, i, 197#.)» the death, burial, and resurrection of Adonis were there celebrated. 5 An extremely interesting illustration of the ‘ white 9 or ‘ black ’ interpretation of Moslem saints is afforded by two folk-stories from Greece cited by Polîtes (Παραδόσεις, nos. 209, 446), in which (1) a Turkish saint called Delikli Baba (‘ Old Man of the Hole 9) at Pylos is accepted as originally Christian, while (2) his namesake at Nauplia be- comes a specialized form of the ‘ guardian Arab 9 demon common in Greco-Turkish folk-lore. In all probability both ‘ saints9 were Turkish 90 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians (iii) It is quite possible to imagine a Christian poli- tical and ecclesiastical ascendency completing the pro- cess of conversion by the formal recognition as Christian of such indeterminate sanctuaries, for instance, as those of Haji Bektash and S. Mamas.1 9. At the Tekke of Akyazili Baba (Hafiz Khalil Baba near Balchik (now in Rumania) a transformation on the lines indicated seems in a fair way to be com- pleted. Of this sanctuary we have luckily three inde- pendent accounts written before and after the liberation of Bulgaria. (1) Kanitz, writing in 1872, describes the tekke as one of the most celebrated Mohammedan shrines in the Euxine district, in point of size probably unsurpassed in European Turkey, and still sheltering twenty-six dervishes. The magnificent turbe was built by Sulei- man II1 and contained various relics of the saint, in- cluding a Moslem pilgrim’s staff, a pair of shoes, besides a tomb of orthodox Mohammedan form. The tekke was burnt by the Russians in 1829, which looks as if the Ortho- dox at that date held it in no particular reverence.3 (2) Jirecek, writing apparently of the eighties, gives interesting particulars of the development of the cult in his day. The saint was then known as Akyazili Baba.4 ‘ pierced stone ’ or cave cults anthropomorphized ; one of them, and not the other, performed miracles for Christians. Cf. below, p. 223. 1 Professor White of Marsovan declares he has ‘ seen shrines now Christian once Mohammedan, and, conversely, shrines now Moham- medan which were once in Christian keeping ’ {Trans, Vid. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 156). For the transition to Islam from Christianity in Syria see Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., pp. 239 if. 2 It appears to have been dated : Jireciek’s account supports the idea that the turbe was purely Turkish. 3 Kanitz, Donau-Bulgarien, iii, 211 ff. (in the French translation, pp. 474 ff.) : the passage in Haji Khalfa {Rumeli und Bosna, tr. von Hammer, p. 27), cited by Kanitz as mentioning this tekke, really refers to that of Kilgra (see below, p. 431). 4 This may be designed to facilitate the identification with Athana- sius. Akyaztli Baba 91 His main function was the recovery of stolen cattle,1 but his powers, down to the period of the Crimean War, were available only for his co-religionists. After this, evidently under the pressure of a change in popula- tion, he began to exert himself in favour of Christians also as S. Athanasius. In 1883 (i. e. after the founda- tion of the Bulgarian principality) his two personalities were recognized. The gifts made by Moslems to Akyazili Baba were kept separate from those made by Christians to S. Athanasius, and the latter contributed to a Christian school, then in building at Balchik. The Moslem side of the saint was evidently on the wane. We now hear first of the development of the medical side of the cult (doubtless, however, older), fever patients making the circuit of the tomb in the saint’s slippers. A copy of the Koran was still kept on the tomb.2 (3) Nikolaos,3 a local Greek author of the ’nineties, speaks of the tekke as an undoubted Christian church, though tended by dervishes, and standing in a village of Circassian refugees. It holds festival on 2 May, the day of S. Athanasius of Alexandria, whose tomb it contains. Miracles of healing are frequently wrought at the place. Patients incubate all night, locked in the 4 church ’, inserting the ailing part, if possible, in a hole near the tomb of 4 Athanasius ’ ; on the tomb are placed a gospel, lamps, and a pair of shoes which the saint wears when he appears to patients.4 The 1 A refugee of 1878 from Varna, now resident at Beikoz, informed me that the herds of the saint went out and returned from pasture un- tended and unharmed, whereas strange animals sent out with them did not return. 2 Jireiek, Bulgarien (1891), p. 533 ; also in Arch. Epigr. Mitth.9 1886, p. 182. The former passage is given in full on p. 763 below. 3 J. Nikolaos, *08ησσός, pp. 248-50, quoted below, p. 764, at length. 4 Cf, the somewhat similar Christian superstition with regard to S. Michael at Syki (Bithynia) in B.S.A, xiii, 297 (Hasluck), and Polîtes, Παρα8όσ€ΐς9 no. 200, with notes. 92 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians incubation seems still to be supervised entirely by a dervish.1 According to information gleaned in 1914 from a resi- dent of Varna, the village by the tekke is now inhabited by Bulgarians, and a transference of the sanctuary to Christianity, such as has been suggested above, actually took place during the late Balkan War, when the Bul- garian priest of the village erected a cross on the turbe. The crescent was, however, shortly afterwards replaced by the invading Rumanian army. In such cases as this it is impossible to prove, except by the argument a silentio, that the Moslem cult had not ultimately a Christian predecessor. But at Balchik especially we have at least a strong presumption in favour of Moslem origin, since (1) there is no natural feature of the site which renders an antecedent cult probable ; (2) the buildings seem to be entirely Turkish ; (3) the tomb of Athanasius is obviously unauthentic ; (4) 2 May is only a secondary festival of S. Athanasius, his great day being 18 January. It is possible that the coincidence of the original feast-day ( mevlof Hafiz Khalil with 2 May has determined his Christian pseudonym. 10. Tekke Keui, near Uskub. The case of Balchik has an exact parallel in Serbian Macedonia. Before the Balkan War Evans found at Tekke Keui near Uskub a purely Mohammedan (Bektashi) sanctuary, with the grave of a Mohammedan saint, to which Christians also resorted on S. George’s day.2 A local Mohammedan informed me in 1914 that the place was now formally claimed for S. George by the erection of a cross, though the dervish in charge was not (as yet) evicted.3 11. Turbali Tekke, near Pharsala. The last re- 1 Professor Skorpil informs me (1913), through Mr. Gilliat Smith, H. B. M.’s consul at Varna, that the tekke is now ruined, only part of a kitchen of Turkish construction remaining besides the tomb. * In J.H.S. xxi, 202, and in Archaeologia, xlix, no: cj. below, pp. 274-7 ff· 3 [^e had g°ne by 1923. M. M. H.] Impending Transferences from Islam 93 maining Bektashi convent in Thessaly, near the village of Aivali in the district of Pharsala, seems to be a similar case. The mausoleum of the saint Turbe Ali, which is purely Turkish in form like all the buildings of the tekke, and probably dates from the sixteenth century, is visited by Christians as a sanctuary of S. George, and a £ tradition ’ is current that the tekke was once a monastery dedicated to that saint. When the Bektashi community follows the example of its once numerous neighbours and abandons the site, a church, as a local Christian admitted as a matter of course, will probably take its place on the strength of the tradition.1 12. Sersem Ali Tekke, Kalkandelen. Similarly, in Serbian Macedonia the once flourishing Bektashi just outside Kalkandelen, founded by a certain Riza Pasha less than a hundred and fifty years ago and now doomed to extinction under the pressure of Serbian taxation, is quite likely to be replaced by a church of S. Elias, with whom the Bektashi saint buried there (Sersem Ali) is identified by the local Christians. For this identification there seems to be no other warrant than the likeness between the names Ali and Elias : 1 the site is not an eminence, as are most of those dedi- cated by the Orthodox to Elias, and the buildings are perfectly in keeping with the date given on the founder’s tombstone (a.h. 12з8).з It thus seems clear that a certain number of Moslem holy places manage to perpetuate their sanctity through a period of Christian conquest and even Moslem emi- 1 F. W. H. See further details below, pp. 531-2. 2 A Christian from Premet, where the Bektashi sect is influential, told me, independently of the above example, that Ali and Elias were commonly identified in Bektashism. In Bosnia the Mohammedan (Bektashi ?) festival of S. Elias is known as Alijun (Lilek in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, viii, 273). It should be noted that the Albanian for S. Elias is Shen Li. It may be that the saint Abbas Ali, who haunts Mount Tomor in S. Albania, is also equated locally to S. Elias, see below, p. 548, n. 2. 3 Further below, pp. 524-5. 94 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians gration : this at first sight bears out the view that the religious traditions of a locality cannot be extinguished. But it is equally clear that such of these holy places as have come under our view owe their survival not to well- authenticated traditions of previous Christian sanc- tity but to adroit management (aided by good luck) on the part of their dervish administrators. We thus arrive at the negative result that, in default of more cogent evidence, it is not safe to accept that of ‘ tradi- tion ’ backed by Christian fréquentation, as proof of the antecedent occupation by Christians of a sanctuary now outwardly Mohammedan. In several of the ambiguous cults cited above the Christian version of the local religious legend is not only accepted but welcomed, and even, to judge by Gerlach’s account of the c of Eski Baba, promoted (for Christian consumption) by the Moham- medans in charge of the sanctuary in question. This tendency is specially prominent in the case of ambigu- ous sanctuaries administered by or connected with the Bektashi1 order. The two following sanctuaries, which are insufficiently known, are recommended for investi- gation on these lines. 13. SHAMASPURTEKKE,îALAjA(inPaphlagonia). This is a half-ruined sanctuary under Bektashi administra- tion. Sir Charles Wilson calls it a cruciform church,з but Hamilton’s description makes it clear that it was a tekke, probably of Seljuk date, planned like the Konia medresehs as a cross inscribed in a square.4 It is signifi- 1 See below, pp. 564 ff. 2 See below, pp. 710 f. 3 In Murray’s Asia Minor> p. 36.

4 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 402 f. : ‘ The building is square … on
the east side is a handsome marble entrance in Saraceno-Gothic style,
while within it is built in the form of a Greek cross, having one of the
four recesses facing the east ’. H. J. Ross (.Letters from the East, p. 243)
recognized the building as Mohammedan, as did Perrot (Souvenirs d’un
Voyage, p. 418), who found two or three Bektashi dervishes there in
1861.

Christian and Moslem Buried Together 95

cant that the Turks of Alaja ‘ said the building was an
old Greek monastery V The saint buried at this tekke
is Husain, the father of Sidi Battal. Its name, however,
connects it with Shamas, the Christian governor of a
castle near Kirshehr, who was converted after being
defeated in single combat by Sidi Battal himself.1 It
seems likely that the tomb of the converted Shamas was
shown beside that of the Moslem hero, just as that of
the Christian princess was shown beside the grave of
Sidi Battal,3 and that of the Christian monk beside
Jelal-ed-din’s at Konia,4 as an attraction to Christian
pilgrims.

14. The skeleton of a similar double legend is pro-
bably to be recognized 5 in two notices of a building
called Mejid Tash,outside Changri (Gangra) in Paphla-
gonia. Ainsworth speaks of this as a Mohammedan
monument, apparently a Seljuk turbe, containing several
tombs, which the local Christians vehemently claimed
as those of their own saints ; 6 Cuinet in his description
of Changri notices ‘ un turbe ou chapelle funéraire
musulmane, autrefois couvent grec orthodoxe dédié à
S. Mamas ’.7

15. Рлмвик Baba,8 Osmanjik. My account of the

1 Hamilton, loc. cit. 2 See below, p. 711, n. 3.

3 See below, pp. 705-8. * See above, p. 86.

5 The suggestion here made is, of course, subject to correction, and
is designed to stimulate further inquiry.

6 Travels, i, no : the monument was dated by an Arabic inscription
referring it to the reign of John Laskaris. Cf. Wilson (in Murray’s Asia
Minor, p. 10), who says it is the * reported site of a massacre of
Christians \

7 Turquie d’Asie, iv, 553. But S. Mamas, born at Gangra, was buried
at Caesarea (Theodosius, De Situ Terrae Sanctae, ed. Geyer, p. 144,
who mentions S. Galenicius at Gangra) : see above, p. 44.

8 Pambuk Baba (‘ Cotton Saint ’) seems to have succeeded, or to be
identical with, the Bektashi saint Koyun Baba (‘ Sheep saint ’), whose
convent at Osmanjik is mentioned by Evliya {Travels, ii, 96). The con-
vent is still of importance, though it seems to have passed into other
hands.

96 Mohammedan Sanctuaries frequented by Christians

cult is derived from a single source, a Greek native of
Urgub, and is given for what it is worth. Pambuk Baba
is reputed the builder of the stone bridge 1 across the
river Halys which divides the two quarters of the town.
My informant told me that the saintly architect, ‘ being
unwilling to use the oxen of unbelievers ’ for the trans-
port of material, had cursed the townspeople, and to
this day the inhabitants of one quarter were one-eyed
and those of the other afflicted with ringworm. He
added that the stones for the bridge were eventually
brought by stags.

This outline has certainly to be filled in somewhat as
follows. Former bridges had been swept away by the
river ; the saint, not yet recognized as such, promised
to build a substantial structure if the inhabitants would
lend their draught animals : they, doubting his ability
and laughing at him for pretending to know about
bridges, refused : he then cursed them, manifesting his
supernatural power, not only by building the present
wonderful bridge, but by pressing wild deer (the
favourite animals or familiars of dervishes)2 into his
service for the transport of the stone required.

So far, we have no more than a naïve piece of local
mythology. The special interest of Pambuk Baba for
us is that he is said to have been a converted Christian
named S. Gerasimos. This may be read as an admission
that the site of Pambuk Baba’s convent was once
Christian and so dedicated : but (i) Osmanjik is a town
of purely Turkish origin and has probably never had
a Christian church ; з and (2) if it had, S. Gerasimos
is a very unlikely dedication. The latter consideration
renders it equally difficult to assume that the tradition
is one of those devised to attract Christians like that of

1 A photograph of this bridge, really the work of Bayezid II, is given
by Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 103. 2 See below, pp. 460 f.

3 It is, however, in a Kizilbash district : cf. v. Flottwell, Stromgebiet
des Qyzyl-Trmaq, ρ. il.

Pambuk Baba 97

Shems-ed-din at Konia.1 In the Greek Church the
Palestinian monk, S. Gerasimos, has no wide vogue, and
the importance of the neo-saint Gerasimos of Zante,
though great locally, is confined to that island and its
neighbourhood. On the other hand, in Russia S. Gera-
simos of Palestine is widely reverenced and Gerasimos
is a common name among the laity. We know that
after the Russo-Turkish war of 1807-8 Russian prisoners
were brought into this district as slaves, many of whom
turned Turk and settled in the country.2 Is S. Gera-
simos a reminiscence of one of these Russian renegades
turned dervish ? з

1 Above, p. 86-7.

2 Kinneir, Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88 : ‘ During my stay
[1813] at Ooscat [Yuzgat] I was frequently visited by several Russians
. . . who had been taken in the wars and brought here by this Pasha.
They had changed their religion, married Mahomedan women, and,
following their respective professions, enjoyed, as they said, a much
happier life than they had ever done before ’ (cj’. Oberhummer and
Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, ρ. zìi, note, for Russian renegades at Urgub).
Are these the real ancestors of the fair-haired ‘ survivals of the Gala-
tians ’ seen by several over-sanguine travellers in this district ? See
further below, p. 441, n. 6.

3 Some confirmation of this still hazardous theory exists in the
prestige enjoyed by renegade marabouts. The saint of Mogador, for
example, is Sidi Mogdul, Mogador being a Portuguese distortion of
Mogdul, but the saint’s real name was MacDonald (? MacDougall) :
see Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans, p. 15.
vin

TRANSFERENCE OF NATURAL
SANCTUARIES—MOUNTAINS

WHEN we turn to consider the transference of cults
at holy places chosen primarily for their physical
peculiarities, that is, 6 natural5 as opposed to ‘ artificial ’
sanctuaries, we are confronted by serious difficulties,
material and psychological. The rustic nature of these
cults often deprives us of the evidence afforded by
buildings,1 and, further, the idea of the sanctity of
mountains and springs (to choose the commonest forms
of 4 natural’ holy places) is very widespread among
primitive peoples. Both mountains and springs are
held sacred by the nomad Yuruks, who can hardly have
been greatly influenced, like town-dwellers, by the be-
liefs of their Christian neighbours. Hence, even where
one religion is demonstrably superseded by another, it
must remain doubtful whether a site has been chosen
by the new-comers on account of its inherited sanctity
or independently, merely because it struck them as an
appropriate place for worship. Still less, where, as in
the majority of cases, no proof of pre-Mohammedan
religious occupation is obtainable, must the primitive
type of the cultus be held to prove its chronologically
ancient, and therefore inherited, origin.2 In dealing
with mountain cults, then, we have not only to consider
their inheritance of sanctity, proved or possible, but
also to take into account certain ideas predisposing men

1 Among the ancients also temples were rarely built on mountains,
a precinct and altar being held more appropriate.

2 For more adequate illustration I have admitted in this section
several cases of ‘ natural9 cults of which Christian origins have not
been suspected.

Types of Mountain Cults 99

in general, and especially Moslems, to their selection.
These include :

(. cit., p. 19. Vambéry (p. 391) found a subdivision
of a central Asian Turkoman tribe so named.

7 Tsakyroglous, p. 21.

Turuk Organization 129

The head of the tribe is called bey or sheikh.1 The
tribe is subdivided into kabilehs (‘ clans ’) or mahallas
(‘ quarters ’,‘ wards ’), the latter a word in common use
as a division of a town among the settled populations.
Divisions of the same tribe are found in widely separated
districts in Asia Minor : evidence of such splitting up
is to be found in the occurrence of certain tribal names
all over the map. On the other hand, some tribes have
a well defined area within which their settlements are
thickly planted. Of this the Afshar tribe of the Taurus
affords a notable instance.2 Similarly, the original home
of the Farsak tribe in Asia Minor seems to have been
the mountainous region north-west of Selefke which
bears their name.3 But scattered units of both tribes,
to judge by the evidence of the map, wandered
far.

The languages current among the Yuruks are varied.
They are mostly rough dialects of Turkish, among
which those of Azerbeijan and Jaghatai have been recog-
nized.4 Dr. Chasseaud of Smyrna tells me he has
found that Yuruks from different parts (presumably of
the Aidin vilayet), even when they acknowledge kinship,
are unable to understand each other. Tsakyroglous
says, further, that some tribes speak Kurdish, i. e. prob-
ably, that some nomads are Kurds, and that the Abdal
speak a language of their own.5

As to the religion of the Yuruks, on which subject
they are extremely reticent, very varied accounts have
been given. Humann speaks of them in western Asia
Minor as entirely without religion.6 Drs. Tsakyroglous

1 Tsakyroglous, p. 17.

2 Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 135 and map. See also Ramsay,
Impressions of Turkey, pp. 108 fF. ; Tschihatscheff, Reisen, p. 14 ; Skene,
Anadol, p. 184 ; van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, ii, 96.

3 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 665.

4 Tsakyroglous, op. cit., p. 23.

5 Tsakyroglous, p. 26, where samples are given.

6 Verb. Ges.f. Erdkunde, 1880, p. 248.

3295-1 К

130 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

and Chasseaud, with their more intimate knowledge,
concur in considering them (negatively) heretical. Some
nomad tribes are certainly Shia,1 while the Yuruks of
Lycia are reported by Bent to be good Sunni Moham-
medans.3 These discrepant accounts are intelligible
only when we realize that the Yuruks are not a homo-
geneous race, but a collection of tribes and sub-tribes
which, originally pagan, have fallen to a greater or less
degree under various missionary influences.

It is generally reported of Yuruks that circumcision
is not usually practised among them, and that, when
the operation is performed from motives of policy, they
prefer that it should not be done by a Sunni in orthodox
fashion. A similar prejudice is implied by the story
quoted by Tsakyroglous з from the Turkish newspaper
Hakikat to the effect that a Jew from the Dardanelles
is habitually invited by the Yuruks of Mount Ida to
perform for them some ritual act at marriages. This is
probably a confusion, the same word (duyun) being
commonly used by the Turks both for marriage and
circumcision (properly sunnet).* Dr. Chasseaud tells me
that, when he has operated on Yuruks, the feast was
made several days after, and a khoja duly invited. It
was then explained to the latter that the operation had
been already performed, and his scruples silenced by
a present of money. The object of this manoeuvre is
probably to ensure the proper disposal of the part
amputated in order that it may not come into the

1 С. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 107 (Turkomans near Akhisar) ; Haji
Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 656 (Turkomans near Trebizond) ; ibid. p. 683
(liva of Bozuk = Kirshehr). The Afshars are Sunni (Karolides, 7α
Κόμανα, p. 42) but do not veil women.

2 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX, 274 ; ef. von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 216.

3 77cpt Γιονρονκων, p. 33.

4 So apparently in India the Persian word for marriage (sbadì) is
used for both ceremonies (Hastings, Encycl. of Religion, s.v. Circum-
cision, p. 678). For the performance of the operation by non-Mussul-
mans, see the same article, p. 677.

Turuk Circumcision 131

wrong hands.1 Similarly, Dr. Chasseaud tells me both
Yuruk women and Turkish midwives in towns are ex-
ceedingly scrupulous that th & p should be properly

disposed of.2 Some Cappadocian Greeks hide the um-
bilical cord of new-born children in a chink in the wall
of church or school, which ensures that the child grows
up devout or learned.3 It is natural to compare the
similar superstitions about nail-parings and extracted
teeth.«

1 Hastings (Ettcycl. of Religion, s.v. Circumcision, p. 678) says ‘ the
exuviae seem generally to be burned or buried, sometimes in a mosque \
At an imperial circumcision in 1582 the part amputated was presented
in a golden box to the Queen Mother (de Vigenère, Illustr. sur Chai-
condile, p. 271, in de Mezeray’s Hist, des Turcs, ii). In the seventeenth
century the Turks burnt it (Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire, p. 47). Among
Persians of the same date aut gallinis edendum dabatur aut a feminis
sterilibus spe progeniei consumebatur (Raphael du Mans, Estât de Perse,
ed. Schefer, p. 77). Byzantios in the middle of the last century writes :
To άποτμηθέν μέρος θάπτεται η φέρεται ώς φυλακτηριον έπϊ της
κεφαλής υπό τοΰ νεοφώτιστου (Κωνσταντινούπολή, iii, 485) · Osman
Bey states that the part amputated is presented to the parents on
a plate, where they in return place the customary gifts (Les Imans et
les Derviches y p. 121). The magic power of the part in question is
thus proved : it might be used actively as a charm or merely put out
of harm’s way. The modern Turks in towns are said to be very careless
in the matter, doubtless regarding the superstitions concerned as old
wives’ tales : hence possibly the scruples of the Yuruks, who are still
punctilious in the matter.

2 On the importance attached to the placenta in Egypt and else-
where, see Seligman and Murray in Man, 1911, p. 168, and in Ridgeway
Essays, p. 451. For Turkey, cf Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 123.

3 Pharasopoulos, 7α Σύλατα, p. 41.

4 Frazer (Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 267 ff.) shows that
superstitious care in the disposal of nails and teeth is world-wide, the
original idea being to prevent their malicious use by sorcerers. In
Bosnia nail-parings are placed where contact with unclean things is not
likely, in fountains, in the earth, or in a mosque (Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien,
vii, 279). For the superstition in Asia Minor, see White, Trans. Viet.
Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 159 ; de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, p. 147 ; Aucher-
Eloy, Voyages, p. 71 (hole in mosque wall at Angora used for extracted
teeth and toothache so cured ) ; in Macedonia, Abbott, Macedonian

К 2

132 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

When a Sunni preacher visits the Yuruk villages of
Mount Ida during Ramazan, he is lodged in the best
tent and royally entertained, but induced by a present
of money to abstain from meddling with the Yuruks’
ceremonies and from preaching and teaching.1

All this merely shows that the tribes in question are
not Sunni. Little has been extracted from them as to
the positive side of their religion. According to Dr.
Chasseaud, the Yuruks have an initiation ceremony corre-
sponding to circumcision at which he has himself been
present, though he was unable to see what took place.
Further, their holy places—called, as all over Turkey,
dedes—are frequently trees or bushes, not remarkable
to the outside observer, which they hang with rags ;
certain springs, also not outwardly remarkable, are held
sacred. On two occasions Dr. Chasseaud, when in the
company of Yuruks, was prevented by them from draw-
ing water at such springs, though the tabu did not
extend to the Yuruks themselves. A Yuruk mountain-
cult with a festival on 15 August on the summit of Ida
and vaguely connected with two giants (male and
female), to whom small offerings of money are madè,
has come under my own observation.2 These hints, so
far as they go, point to a primitive animistic religion
slightly touched with anthropomorphism.

The Lycian Yuruks (as opposed to the heretical
Takhtaji) are regarded by both Bent з and von Lus-
chan 4 as good Sunni Mohammedans : they have khojas,
the Koran, and circumcision, say their five prayers,
eschew pork and wine, and make pilgrimage to Mecca.

Folklore y p. 214 ; in Lesbos, Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos y
Ρ· ЗЗ1·

* Hakikaty ap. Tsakyroglous, p. 33 ; cf. for Persian nomads Malcolm,
Hist, of Per sidy ii, 433.

2 Cf. Leaf, in Geog. Journ. xl, 1912, p. 37. The date seems at first
sight to be a link with Christianity, but see above, p. 100, n. 3.

3 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX, 274. 4 Lykieny ii, 216.

Turuk Religion 133

In villages they assimilate themselves to the settled
population, though intermarriage is rare.1 Sunni pro-
paganda, as we have seen, exists among the Yuruks of
Ida : it is said to have made great strides elsewhere*
especially in the Konia vilayet.2 The Yuruks of Lycia
are probably of comparatively recent conversion.

Of the Shia heresy there is little or no trace except
among the confessedly ‘ Kizilbash ’ tribes,з which we
shall discuss at length ; 4 we do not know whether Shia
missionaries are at work among the pagan nomads. Nor
are there among the Yuruks any positive traces of
Christianity, though the idea is widely, if vaguely, cur-
rent. The evidence we have points to the conclusion
that, except where they have been affected by Shia or
Sunni propaganda, the Yuruk tribes are ‘ primitive 5 in
religion; further, that by race and speech they are
largely Turkish, and may be regarded as still unsettled
fragments of the nomad hordes which strayed into Asia
Minor in the Middle Ages.

The Turks, before they left their home in Central
Asia, worshipped the sky-god (Tanri) 5 and spirits of

1 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 216.

2 Tsakyroglous, TIçpl Γιουρούκων, p. 35.

3 I here note the frequency of the name Haidar among Yuruks, per-
haps a link with the Kizilbash. The Yuruks are said by the writer of the
Hakikat article to drink wine, which is still negative evidence of
Shiism, and to be visited yearly by an itinerant holy man (? from
Syria), which is true of the Lycian Kizilbash and may be merely a con-
fusion.

4 Below, pp. 139 ff. Some include the Chepni in this category ;
see Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 393· Wilson, in
J.R.G.S. 1884, 314, calls them Nosairi by religion. See also von Diest,
Reisen und Forschungen, i, 27.

5 On the word see Vambéry, Prim. Cultur des Turko-Tatarischen
Volkes, pp. 240 ff. This seems to have been the current word for ‘ God ’
in Turkish till quite a late date, cf. Schiltberger, ed. Hakluyt, p. 74, ed.
Penzel, p. 149 ; Leunclavius, Pandectesy § 177 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist.
Emp. Ott. iv, 64. It occurs frequently in the modern folk-tales col-
lected by Kunos. [Among the Turkish-speaking Moslems of Mace-
donia it is still used as a synonym for Allah. Μ. Μ. H.]

134 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

earth and water ; they had no priestly caste.1 That
ancestor-worship developed early is clear from the
present comprehensive use of dede (lit. ‘ grandfather ’)
to describe any holy place :1 3 4 5 gaining ground, possibly
because more or less permitted in Islam, it seems to have
been fused with the original elements of their religion,
and especially with the cult of ‘ high places ’, originally
doubtless the places where the sky-god was worshipped,
especially for rain.3 We consequently find that moun-
tains in Turkey frequently bear human names, which
are, or are said to be, those of saints. When these
saints’ names are also those of tribes, it seems probable
that they are regarded as the eponymous ancestors of
the tribes concerned. In tribes still without a priestly
caste the tribal chief is the natural person to invoke the
sky-god on behalf of the tribe, and the eventual con-
fusion between the sky-god who sends rain and the
tribal chief whose prayers induce him to send it, is
merely the confusion between deity and intercessor
which is familiar enough in Christendom. The rain-
maker-sheikh and the magician or dervish are hardly
distinguishable, so that we are not surprised if Tur
Hasan Veli,4 the saint of the Hasan Dagh in Cappadocia,
and his tribesmen are said in folk-tales to have been
dervishes,5 or if Ibn Batuta 6 says of Baba Saltuk,7 the
tribal saint of a group of Crimean Tatars, that he was

1 Eliot, Turkey in Europe, p. 79. The latter is still true of the nomads.
The first Turkish ruler to embrace Islam is said to have been Satok
Bogra, Khan of Turkestan, died 1048 (Grenard in Journ. Asiat, xv,
1900, pp. s ff.).

2 See below, p. 256. For dede with the meaning of numen, cf. Ram-
say, Pauline Studies, p. 172.

3 This custom is preserved among the Shia Turks (Kizilbash) of Pon-
tus (White, in Trans. Viet. Inst. xxxix (1907), p. 154). They have also
a festival at the summer solstice held on mountain tops.

4 See below, p. 339.

5 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, pp. 212 ff.

6 Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445. 7 See below, p. 340.

Turkish Tribal Formations 135

‘ said to have been a diviner Haji Bektash himself,
before the usurpation of his tomb by the Hurufi sect,1
seems to have been no more than a tribal ancestor.*
Many of the ‘ seven hundred dervishes ’ of his cycle,
who came with him from Khorasan at the bidding of
Khoja Ahmed of Yasi for the conversion of Rum,з must
have been tribal heroes of the same kind.

This grouping round tribal leaders seems to be the
basis of the early Turkish polity : the tribal tie was not
always one of blood, since powerful tribes or leaders
included under their own name less important allies.
The tribe known from its leader as Osmanli was a poli-
tical combination of this sort, and is said to have been
composed of seven tribes, of which at least one (the
Farsak 4) still exists independently as a Yuruk tribe.
A similar political grouping in recent times is that of
the Shah Savand Kurds, which was formed artificially
and purely for political reasons by Shah Abbas of Persia
in the seventeenth century.5 Such probably was the
grouping of tribes round the Seljuk dynasty, which
succeeded in attaining to a considerable degree of
material civilization and political cohesion, dominating
the greater part of Asia Minor.

When the central power became weakened, however,
the combination disintegrated into smaller territorial
units, resting probably on similar tribal groupings,
which kept their names in some cases for many cen-
turies.6 The province of Tekke (Adalia) is a notable
instance. Tekke or Tekkeli is a ‘ Yuruk ’ tribe in Asia

1 See below, p. 160. 2 See below, pp. 488-9 ff.

3 Evliya, Travels, ii, 70 ff.

4 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 361.

5 Bent, Report Brit. Ass., 1889 (Newcastle), Sect. H, p. 3.

6 Kizil Ahmedli (in Paphlagonia) and Mentesh (in Lycia) are pro-
bable examples. In 1564 the Venetian Relazioni (Alberi, ser. Ill,
voi. ii, 19) mention as leading families in Asia Minor the Kizil Ahmedli
(Paphlagonia), Diercanli (Sarukhan ?), Durcadurli (Zulkadr), and
Ramadanli (Cilicia).

136 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

Minor to this day1—the name occurs also in central Asia
—and the Tekke-oglu, descendants or reputed descen-
dants of the tribal eponym, were still important derebeys
in the Adalia district asiate as the reforms of Mahmud II.2

Down to the reforms and centralization of the early
nineteenth century the nomad tribes were allowed a
great deal of liberty and were administered by their
own beys,3 only occasionally by strangers appointed from
Constantinople.4 They seem to have been turbulent
and easily excited to rebellion. Their risings were often
fomented by sheikhs, probably Persian emissaries sent
over the frontier to embarrass the Sultan.

In the wooded mountains of Anatolia and in the
steppe land of the central plateau, notably in the dis-
tricts of Bozuk (Kirshehr) and Haimaneh, where the
natural conditions—thin soil and lack of water—are
against permanent settlement, the Yuruks have been able
to maintain themselves in compact masses without aban-
doning their primitive social conditions : the moun-
taineers turn to wood-cutting and the men of the plains
to herding. Various attempts have been made to break
up their solidarity and wean them to settled life, the
first by the importation of Kurds,5 the second by the
formation of town-centres. Many towns of the dis-

1 Settled according to Tsakyroglous, IJepl Γωυρούκων, p. 15, about
Nazli in the Aidin vilayet : see below, p. 477.

2 Cuinet, Turquie (T Asie, i, 860 ; W. Turner, Tour in the Lev ant,
iii, 386 ; Beaufort, Karamaniay pp. 118 ff. ; Cockerell, Travels, p. 182.

3 Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 61 ; a 4 chief of the tribes ’, Durgut, is
mentioned as a feudatory of the Karamanoglu dynasty in the time of
Murad II (1421-51) by Hammer (Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 288). The
Yuruks of Rumeli in the eighteenth century supplied a contingent of
57,000 troops under their own leaders (Perry, View of the Levant, p. 48).

4 A Circassian, Abaza Hasan, was appointed Voivode of the Anatolian
Turkomans (see below, p. 138) in the seventeenth century (Hammer-
Heilert, op. cit. x, 300). Abaza Hasan’s palace at the modern Vizir
Kupru is mentioned by Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 683.

5 The Kurds of the Haimaneh district are Sunni (Cuinet, Turquie
PA sie y i, 253).

Yuruk Diversity 13 7

tricts mentioned seem to be of recent origin and arti-
ficial foundation. Ak Serai is a Seljuk foundation of

1171.1 Nevshehr was founded by Damad Ibrahim in

1720.2 3 and Yuzgat, the capital of the Chapanoglu, dates
from the eighteenth century.3 The two latter certainly
are not spontaneous growths but artificial settlements.4

The more backward tribes are still nomadic in the
restricted sense—that is, they have definite summer
pasturages and fixed winter quarters, between which
they alternate.5 The winter quarters tend gradually to
become fixed villages, and despite the mutual anti-
pathies of ‘ Turk ? and ‘ Yuruk ’, some tribes are said
to be absorbed by towns.6 7 But government pressure
has not yet succeeded in weaning the Yuruks from their
old life, and their conversion to Islam is also incomplete.

In view of all we have said, it would be surprising not
to find among these heterogeneous tribes great diversity
in physical type, as well as customs and religion, within
the restrictions imposed on them by their manner of
life, and future investigators will perhaps do best to
consider the tribes known as 4 Yuruk 5 more as separate
units than has been done hitherto. Their apparent and
obvious similarities, such as the absence of mosques,
relatively high status of women,7 and hospitality, are
probably due to the habits of life shared by the whole
group irrespective of race.

1 It was founded by Kilij Arslan in 1171 (Le Strange, E. Caliphate,
p. 149).

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiv, 190. Damad Ibrahim was
Vizir 1718-30 (Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xiii, 336, xiv, 225).

3 W. J. Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 387, speaks of Yuzgat as being

4 ninety years old \ There was another attempt in the fifties to settle
nomad Kurds near Yuzgat (H. J. Ross, Letters from the East, p. 248).

4 None of these towns is an important centre at the present day, and
in antiquity the districts in question contained no towns of great note.

5 Cf the nomads of Adana, who winter there and summer at Caesarea

(Langlois, Cilicie, p. 23). 6 Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 101.

7 Women are not veiled even among Sunni tribes : this is categori-

Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

138

§ 3. The Turkomans

The word Turkmen (Turkoman) seems properly ap-
plied to an important tribe of the Yuruk group. This
tribe is widely distributed, being found in the districts
of the Bithynian Olympus, Dineir, Konia, Sivas, and
even Cyprus.1 Dr. Chasseaud considers that the term
denotes a markedly Mongolian type and is synony-
mous with Tatar.2 The Turkmens with whom he is
acquainted are herdsmen by calling, not rich, and
frequently serving others.

This tallies with the account given by Burckhardt з
of the Turkomans he knew. He divides them into five
main tribes, namely, the ‘ Ryhanlu ’ with thirteen sub-
tribes, the * Jerid’ with six sub-tribes, the ‘Pehluvanlu’,
the ‘ Rishwans ’ with four sub-tribes, and the ‘ Kara-
shukli \ Of these, the{ Karashukli ’ are a mixed tribe of
Turkomans and Arabs, living near Bir on the Euphrates.
The Pehlivanli are the most numerous, while both the
Jerid and the Rishvans are more numerous than
the Rihanli, who have 3,000 tents, each containing two
to fifteen inmates, and muster 2,510 horsemen all
told. The Pehlivanli and the Rihanli are tributary to
the Chapanoglu, the Jerid to the governors of ‘ Bad-
jazze ’ (Baias ?) and Adana, between which they live.
The Rishvans also are now tributary to the Chapanoglu,
though formerly to the governor of Besna (Behesneh)
near Aintab. The Pehlivanli drive sheep as far as Con-
stantinople, and their camels form almost exclusively
the caravans of Smyrna and the interior of Anatolia.
The Rishvans are notorious liars. If Rihanli families

cally stated by Karolides of the Afshars (ΤάΚόμανa, p. 42) ; the veiling
of women is not an original Turkish usage.

1 Tsakyroglous, op. cit. p. 11.

2 So Tsakyroglous, p. 34, von Luschan, J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli, 227,
and van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 296.

3 Travels in Syria, App. I, pp. 633 ff.

Turkomans 139

dislike their chief, they join another tribe. Some of the
Pehlivanli have long been cultivators, but the Rihanli
employ fellahs to cultivate for them.

The word Turkmen, however, has for long had a
wider signification, exactly corresponding to the ordi-
nary use of the word Yuruk, i.e. it denotes nomadic as
opposed to settled Turks. It is found with this meaning
as early as Cinnamus1 and is still so used by the modern
Turks.2 In his correspondence with Bayezid, Tamer-
lane calls himself and his fellow Moguls ‘ Turks’, and
stigmatizes the Ottomans as 4 Turkmans \з

§4. The Kizilbash4

A. General

The word Kizilbash (lit. 4red-head5) is said by all
authorities to be of comparatively recent origin, dating
only from the establishment of the Safavi dynasty of
Persia by the Shah Ismail in 1499.5 4 Kizilbash 5 was
originally a nickname given to the new Shah’s supporters
on account of their having adopted as a distinguishing
mark a red cap : the name continued in Persia to desig-
nate a kind of warrior-caste or order of knighthood.6
The Persian change of dynasty brought with it a change
in the official religion, since the preceding monarchs

1 P. 12ip : cf. Ducange’s note ad loc. ; Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 61 ;
Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 213, and Cit. and Bish., p. 696.

2 Tsakyroglous (op. cit.9 p. 11) says that the words ‘Turkmen’,
‘ Yuruk,’ ‘ Geuchebeh ’ (Tk. geuch etmek — to move house ; Koche is
the Turkoman word for nomad according to Vambéry, op. cit.9 p. 385)
are used by the Turks indiscriminately for nomads, except that the last
implies a tribe on the move. Turks and Turkomans are distinguished
by Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 690.

3 Conder, Turkey, p. 11, n., a reference M. M. H. owes to Dr. Mal-
colm Burr.

4 This section was written up by M. M. H.

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 90 and iv, 94, n. ; cf.
Leunclavius, Pandectes, § 188 ; d’Herbelot, В ibi. Orientale s.v. Haidar ;
Knolles, Turk. Hist., p. 316. See below, p. 169.

6 P. della Valle, Viaggi9 ii, 46-7.

140 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

had been of Turkish origin and Sunni, whereas Shah
Ismail adhered to the Shia doctrines of his father. The
name ‘ Kizilbash \ therefore, is associated from the first
both with Persian nationality andPersian (Shia) religion,
but has no ethnological significance whatever. In
modern popular Turkish, owing to the long enmity
between the two nations and the two religions, and to
the suspicion and dislike with which the Turks regard
the ‘ Kizilbash ’ of their own country, the word is used
merely to designate a person of loose morals.1

As regards Anatolia, 4 Kizilbash 5 is a contemptuous
term used to denote the adherents of all sects of the
Shia religion, including, e. g., the Nosairi and Yezidi,
irrespective of race or language : the corresponding
inoffensive term, by which the Anatolian Kizilbash
designate themselves, is Alevi (‘ worshippers of Ali ’).
Both terms include the Shia tribes of northern Asia
Minor, who are said to be Iranian Turks2 * and speak
Turkish, and the so-called ‘ Western Kurds ’, whose
speech is a distinct dialect (‘ Zaza ’) of Kurdish or
Turkish, and whose race is generally thought to contain
a strong admixture of Armenian blood. This opinion,
based not only on the physical characteristics of the
tribes concerned but on tradition of various kinds, is of
some importance as bearing on the question of the
Christian element in the Kizilbash religion : we shall
return to it later.

In the west of Asia Minor the ‘ Kizilbash 5 are found
only sporadically. In the Smyrna vilayet they are
numerous in the sanjak of Tekke (Lycia), where they
are called ‘ Takhtaji ’,3 and are reported by Tsakyro-
glous to inhabit certain valleys of the Hermus 4 and

1 Similarly, dervish is used of a person lax in the performance of his
religious duties or suspected of free thought.

2 Vambéry, Das Türkenvolk, p. 607. з See below, p. 158.

4 On the slopes of Mounts Tmolus and Sipylus and in the districts

of Nymphi and Salikli.

Kizilbash Distribution 141

Maeander,1 where they are nomadic or semi-nomadic.2 * * *
The Kizilbash of Kaz Dagh (probably Ida, which other
considerations point out as a Kizilbash district) are
mentioned by Cantimir,3 and Oberhummer found Kizil-
bash villages in the neighbourhood of Afiun-Kara-Hisar,4
which forms a link on the main highway between the
eastern and western groups.

As to the eastern group of Kizilbash, they are known
to inhabit certain parts of the vilayet of Angora,5 and
are admitted even by Turkish statistics to be numerous
in those of Sivas (279,834),6 7 Diarbekr (6,000),7 and
Kharput (182,58ο).8 9 In the case of the Sivas vilayet the
official figures represent them as exactly half as numer-
ous as the Sunni Moslems, not only in the vilayet as a
whole but in every kaza composing it. The inference
is that they are in reality much more numerous than the
government is willing to admit. Grenard, the only
writer who has treated the eastern Kizilbash area as a
connected whole, estimates the total number of the
sect as upwards of a million.9 Of these, he places

1 At Denizli and Apa. 2 Tlepl Γίουρούκων, p. 29.

3 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 179. * Durch Syrien, p. 393.

5 Crowfoot, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx (1900), pp. 305-20 ; Perrot,
Souvenirs d’un Voyage, p. 423 ; Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie^ i, 253.

6 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 617 ; for further information on the

Kizilbash of this vilayet see van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 30
(cf. Jewett in Amer. Miss. Her. liv, 109 f., Nutting, ibid. Ivi, 345, Liv-
ingston, ibid, lxi, 246, Winchester, ibid, lvii, 71 ; Prof. G. White (of
Marsovan College), Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), pp. 225-36, and Con-

temp. Rev. Nov. 1913, pp. 690 ff.). Jerphanion’s Carte du Véchil lrmaq
is the first attempt to show the distribution of the Kizilbash villages.

7 Cuinet, op. cit.y ii, 322.

8 Ibid. ii, 412. Further information on the Kizilbash of Kurdistan
is given by Taylor in J.R.G.S. 1865, pp. 28 ff., 1868, pp. 304 ff. ;
Richardson, in Amer. Miss. Her. lii, 296 f., Perkins, ibid, liii, 304 ff. ;
Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, pp. [63] and 276 ; Bent, Report Brit.
Ass. 1889 ; Huntington in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), pp. 186 ff. ; Moly-
neux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), pp. 51 ff·

9 Journ. Asiat. 1904 (xe série, ili), p. 521.

142 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

365.000 in the vilayet of Sivas (kazas of Sivas, Divriji,
Tonus, Yildizili, Hafik, Zile, Mejid Euzu, Haji Keui),

300.000 in that of Kharput, and 107,000 in that of
Erzerum (sanjak of Erzinjian, especially kazas of Bai-
burt, Terjian, and part of Kighi). It is thus in the
4 Armenian 5 vilayets that the ‘ Kizilbash 5 are strongest.

The great importance of Grenard’s statistics consists
in the fact that they clearly show the close geographical
contact of the Kizilbash communities of western Kurdi-
stan with those of eastern Anatolia. We may probably
assume that the eastern Anatolian Kizilbash are similarly
connected with the more scattered communities of
western Anatolia.

The Kizilbash religion, if we make allowances for
variation due to locality and to the natural intelligence,
candour, and knowledge of different informants, is
similarly homogeneous, though fluid ; there are indica-
tions that the whole sect is linked together by its
alliance with the Bektashi dervishes. Thus, in Cilicia
the woodcutter caste has embraced a form of the Shia
faith and would be reckoned by the Turks as Kizilbash :
some have identified their religion with that of the
Syrian Nosairi.1 In the province of Tekke (Lycia) also
the Kizilbash are generally known as Takhtaji (‘ wood-
cutters ’) on account of their employment, but, like the
Kizilbash elsewhere, they call themselves Alevi2 3 4 and are
connected with the Bektashi order of dervishes,з whose
local centre is at Elmali.

Side by side with the Lycian Takhtaji von Luschan
found traces of what appeared to be a second heterodox
sect, the Bektashi.4 Similarly, Crowfoot, finding that
the Kizilbash of the Halys district (vilayet of Angora)

1 Tsakyroglous, op. cit., p. 18 ; but this identity is denied by F
Schaffer, Cilicia (Petermanns MitthErgänzungsheft cxli, p. 27).

2 On the Lycian Takhtaji see below, p. 158, n. 5.

3 See below, p. 158.

4 Von Luschan, Lykien,, ii, 203, n.

Kizilbash and Bektashi 143

hailed each other as ‘ Bektash ’, suspected that this was
the name of a local sect of Kizilbash.1 The real ex-
planation of the apparent second sect or subdivision
lies in the close association of many Kizilbash with the
Bektashi order of dervishes. Lycia has long been a field
of Bektashi propaganda, and the Kizilbash villages of
the Halys are not far from the central sanctuary of the
Bektashi, near Kirshehr,2 3 4 5 * which contains the tomb of
their titular founder, Haji Bektash, and is visited as a
pilgrimage even by the distant Kizilbash Kurds.з The
Bektashi-Kizilbash of Lycia are probably Kizilbash who
have become affiliated as lay adherents (muhib) of the
Bektashi order of dervishes. As to the ‘ Bektash 9 of the
Halys district, which are nearer the Bektashi centre,
they may either be inhabitants of villages forming part
of the endowments (vakuf) of the tekke of Haji Bektash,
or, if (as I have suggested elsewhere) 4 ‘ Haji Bektash 9
himself represents the original tribal-chief and medi-
cine-man eponymous of a tribe Bektashli, they may be
a portion of this tribe.

Kizilbash, in the Turkish sense at least, are to be
reckoned the inhabitants of certain heterodox villages
in the Hermus valley, regarding the population of which
Ramsay gleaned the following details. Like the nomads,
they do not conform to orthodox Mohammedan custom
in the details of veiling women, polygamy, abstention
from wine, and worship in mosques. They fast twelve
days in spring, their women are called by Christian
names, they have no aversion to Christian holy books, and
are visited by an itinerant holy man called a Karabash5
(Tk. ‘ black head ’). It happens that, among the Yezidi

1 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XXX (1900), p. 305 ; cf. Grothe, Vorderasien-

expedition,, ii, 148, n. 4. 2 See below, p. 502.

3 Molyneux-Seel, Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 66.

4 B.S.A. xxi (1914-16), p. 89 : cf. below, p. 341.

5 Ramsay, Pauline Studies, pp. 180 f. and Interm, of Races in Asia

Minor y p. 20.

144 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

of Syria (Jebel Siman),1 there is a tribe possessing a kind
of Levitical status and called Karabash.2 The Yezidi
religion is, of course, known to contain Christian ele-
ments, and the Yezidi view of Christianity and the
Bible is somewhat similar to that of the Kizilbash. It
would thus appear that the heterodox villages of the
Hermus valley are connected with the Yezidi, which
implies that they were converted or colonized from
Syria. But it will be observed that the whole argument
depends on the word ‘ Karabash ’, which is ambiguous,
having been applied, till recently, to Christian monks
and priests з (as wearing black caps) in general. It is
safer to suppose for the present that the story is a
garbled version of an annual visitation of Kizilbash
villages, which are known to exist in this district^ by
Bektashi sheikhs.

B. Religion

The following is a summary of the information at our
disposal on the religion of the Kizilbash, compiled from
several sources and referring chiefly to the Kizilbash of
the Kurdish and Armenian vilayets.

(i) Theology.

God is one and omnipotent, without son or companion.5

Ali is God incarnate, identical with Christ, and will
appear again.6

1 This is a colony of their main settlement, grouped round the shrine
of Sheikh Adi in the Mosul vilayet. For the Yezidi see Menzel in
Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, i, pp. lxxxix ff.

2 Jerphanion, in Mil. Fac. Or. (Beyrut), ii, 376. The Yezidi itinerant
preachers wear black turbans (Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia,
p. 288).

3 Cf. O. F. von Richter, W allfahr ten, p. 333 ; Fallmerayer, Frag-

mente, p. 125 ; also Schiitberger, Reise, ed. Penzel, p. 149, ed. Telfer,
p. 74. Hammer mentions a Khalveti called Karabash {Hist. Emp. Ott.
xviii, 97 (805)). 4 Above, p. 140.

5 Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 65.

6 Grenard in Journ. Asiat. 1904 (xe série, iii), pp. 514 ff.

Kizilbash Religion 145

Ali is identical with Christ and is the spirit of God.

‘ Ali is the best of men, excelling even Mohammed in
goodness ; if Ali had not existed, God could not have
created the world, but Ali is emphatically not divine.5 1

Ali is identical with Christ, but the Kizilbash call
him Ali to deceive the Turks.3

The Kizilbash Trinity is perhaps Ali, Jesus, and
Mohammed (Father, Son, and Holy Spirit respectively),
but the intrusion of Mohammed, for whom they have
no reverence, is to be suspected.з

Their prayers are directed chiefly to Allah, Ali, and
Husain.4

The Devil is a person and is re-incarnated to oppose
each incarnation of God : he is not worshipped.5

Intermediaries are the five archangels, twelve ministers
of God, and forty prophets, including ‘ Selman \ The
prophet Khidr is identified with S. Sergius.6

The twelve Imams are the twelve Apostles ; Hasan
and Husain are SS. Peter and Paul.7

The twelfth Imam is in hiding, and the Kizilbash
await his coming.8

The great prophets are Jesus, Mohammed, Moses,
Abraham, and Ali.9

The great prophets are Adam, Moses, David, and
Jesus.10

The great prophets are Adam, Noah, Abraham,
Moses, Christ, Mohammed, and Ali.11

Moses, David, Christ, and Ali are all incarnations of
the same person.13

I M. Sykes, Dar-ul-Islam, pp. 121-2.

3 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), p. 219.

3 Grenard, op. cit., p. 51$.

4 Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 153.

5 Grenard, p. 516.

6 Ibid., p. 515, and (for the last part) Molyneux-Seel, p. 66.

7 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 8 Sykes, p. 122. 9 Ibid., p. 121.

10 Ellsworth Huntington in Geog. Journ. xx (1902), p. 187.

II Molyneux-Seel, p. 65. 13 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 201.

3295*1

L

146 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

Jesus is the greatest of the prophets.1

The Virgin is regarded as the Mother of God and
much venerated.2

(ii) Mythology.

When the Mohammedans of Damascus killed Husain,
the son of Ali, they cut off his head and carried it away.
It was stolen from them by an Armenian priest, Akh
Murtaza Keshish, who substituted for it the head of his
eldest son, at the proposal of the latter. As the Turks
discovered the fraud, the priest cut off the heads of all
his seven sons and offered each in turn as the head of
Husain. In the case of the last head he received a
divine warning to smear it with the blood of Husain, and
by this means deceived the ‘ Turks 5 and kept the holy
relic for himself.3

He placed it in a special apartment, which he adorned
with gold and silver and silk. His only daughter, enter-
ing that apartment one day, saw not the head of Husain
but a plate of gold filled with honey. She tasted the
honey and became with child. ‘ One day the girl com-
plained of a cold, and on sneezing her father saw sud-
denly issue from her nose a bright flame, which changed
at the same instant into the form of a child. Thus did
Imam Bakir, son of Hussein, come into the world.’

‘ The fact that a descendant of Ali had been born imme-
diately became known to the sorcerers of the Turks, who there-

1 Huntington, p. 187. 2 Grenard, p. 515.

3 Molyneux-Seel, p. 64. A variation is related by White from the
Cappadocian Kizilbash country (Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 698)
as follows : ‘ There is a story that when the great Ali was put to death
by his enemies, his head by some chance was placed for safe keeping in
the hands of a Christian priest. Afterwards the persecutors wanted it
to gloat over it or abuse it, but the priest refused to deliver it up. On
being pressed, he cut off the head of his eldest son and offered that
instead, but it was refused. So he did with his second and other sons,
to the number of seven. Then his wife asked her husband to cut off
and offer her head. He did so, and this was accepted.’

Kizilbash Hierarchy 147

upon sent people to search for the child and slay it. They came
to the priest’s house. At this time the young mother was en-
gaged in washing the household linen, and, being told the reason
of the visit of the Turks, hastily put her child into a copper
cauldron which was on the fire and covered him with linen.
The Turks knew by their magic arts that the child was in a house
of copper, but unable to find any such house in the precincts of
the priest’s dwelling were baffled, and the child’s life was saved.
On account of this incident the child received the name of Bakir,
which in Turkish means copper.’ 1

Ali as a child went to Khubyar and was put into
a furnace for seven days as his enemies wished to kill
him.2

(iii) Hierarchy.

The priests are called Dede : above them are bishops
and patriarchs. Of the latter there are two, one of
whom resides in a tekke at Khubyar, fifty-five kilo-
metres north-east of Sivas. The patriarchs are descen-
dants of Ali and infallible in doctrine.3

The religious head of the Kizilbash resides in the
Dersim.4

Priests are called Said ; above them are bishops
{Murshid) and archbishops{Murshidun Murshidu). Saids
give religious instruction and receive tribute.5

The Kizilbash are visited once a year, but at no fixed
time, by a murshid, who holds a service, recites the law.
and gives definite readings and interpretations of the
sacred books. If he pays a second visit in the year he
holds no religious conversation.6

Priests are allowed to marry,7 but celibates enjoy
greater prestige.8

Once or twice a year every village is visited by a dede>

1 Molyneux-Seel, p. 65. 2 Grenard, p. 518. 3 Ibid.

4 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 394*

5 Molyneux-Seel, p. 64. 6 Ibid., p. 66.

7 Cf. the Takhtaji (below, p. 159).

8 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 236.

L 2

148 Heterodox Ίribes of Asia Minor

a kind of communion takes place, as also preaching,
prayers, and a religious dance in which both sexes
participate.1

The hierarchy is composed of ‘ Deydees ’ and ‘ Seyds ’ ;
the latter are hereditary, the former apostolically con-
secrated.2

Peripatetic dedes are mentioned by Grothe.3

(iv) Fasts and Feasts and Public Worship.

The twelve days’ fast and feast of Moharrem is
observed.4

They fast twelve days for the twelve Imams and three
days for Khidr.5

They fast before Khidr’s feast (9 February) and at
the Armenian Easter.6

< On the night of January ist (O.S.) 7 they meet at the house of the Seïds for a ceremony resembling the Communion. After prayers the Seid blesses the bread, which is called Haqq loqmase,8 and distributes it to the communicants, who approach two by two. The blessed bread is not distributed to any person who may be declared by the inhabitants of his village to be unworthy. The communicants are called Musseib9 The Kizilbash have neither mosque nor church, but both sexes meet for prayer at the house of the Said on Fridays.10 They have a perverted mass : the priest chants prayers in honour of Christ, Moses, and David. Water is consecrated by the priest dipping a stick into it. There is a public confession of sins, which are punished by 1 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 231. 2 Taylor, in J.R.G.S. xxxviii (1868), p. 319. 3 Grothe, ii, 155. 4 Grenard, p. 514 ; Sykes, p. 122. 5 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 6 Grenard, p. 518. 7 This is one of the days on which the Nosairi celebrate their com- munion, the others being Christmas, Epiphany, and the Persian New Year (Nevruz). For some notes on Nevruz see Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), pp. 308-9. 8 ‘ Morsel of the Just9 (t. e. God). 9 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 10 Ibid. Kizilbash Prayers 149 fines : lights are put out while the congregation mourns its sins.1 When they are re-lighted, the priest givesabsolu- tion,2 and, having blessed bread and wine, gives a sop to the congregation. Morsels (loqmd) of the flesh of a sacrificed lamb are given at the same time. Known evil livers are not admitted to the service.3 As to the consecrating of water the following is in- forming : 6 All the Seids keep with them a certain stick and a leather bag, about the uses of which there is some mystery, and which are said to be employed in the performance of certain pagan rites. However, the Seids say that the stick is a portion of the rod of Moses, and the bag an imitation of that carried by St. John the Baptist.’ 4 (v) Private Prayer. Private prayer is enjoined once a day. This prayer is secret, but contains reference to all the great prophets.5 They pray privately every morning.6 They never pray in private.7 They adore the sun rising and setting,8 reverence fire, and sacrifice at the sources of rivers, in particular that of the Mezur.9 (vi) Sacred Books. The Kizilbash have no sacred books, but recognize as 1 Cf. Grothe, ii, 155. 2 Cf. the Lycian Takhtaji (below, p. 159). 3 Grenard, p. 5 i 7. A ‘sort of sacrament’ is reported of the eastern Kizilbash by Huntington (loc. cit., p. 188), a communion of bread and wine by White (Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 696). 4 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 5 Sykes, p. 121. 6 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. 7 Huntington, p. 187. 8 Cf. the similar custom of the Yezidi, mentioned by W. B. Heard in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli (1911), p. 213. 9 Taylor, J.R.G.S. xxxviii (1868), p. 320. A local legend connects the source of the Mezur with a shepherd saint of the same name, who is said to have disappeared there (Molyneux-Seel, loc. cit., p. 60). It is probably a nature cult anthropomorphized. 150 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor inspired the Pentateuch, the New Testament, and the Koran.1 They admit the five collections of Traditions, but do not recognize Jews or fire-worshippers as ‘ People of the Book \2 3 4 * They have four holy books, which are the Gospels.? They have two books, the Bovyourouk,* which con- tains selections from the Old Testament, and the Tusef Kitab,5 which contains extracts from the New Testa- ment.6 7 They have a book, which is only in the possession of the priesthood, but it does not seem to be a corpus of dogma.7 The Lycian Takhtaji claim to have a book.8 (vii) Pilgrimage. The Kizilbash do not make pilgrimage to Mecca but to the Shia sanctuaries of Bagdad, Kufa, and Kerbela, and to certain Anatolian holy places, the most impor- tant being Haji Bektash (near Kirshehr), the centre of the Bektashi dervishes, and a reputed tomb of Hasan at Sivas.9 1 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. Van Lennep says vaguely that they read the Christian scriptures ( Travels in Asia Minor, pp. 30 ff.). * Sykes, p. 122. Mills records an attempt in 1841 to convert the Samaritans forcibly on the plea that they had no book. The Jews got them off on the plea that they accept the Pentateuch ( Months, pp. 277 ff.). 3 Huntington, p. 187. This author recognizes that the Kizilbash, when questioned as to their religion by Christians, colour their answers to make its analogies to Christianity closer. This seems to be an ex- treme case. 4 [‘ Book of Commandments’ from buyurmak = to command.— M. M. H.] 5 [‘ Joseph’s book.’—M. M. H.] 6 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), p. 220· 7 Grothe, ii, 151, 154. 8 Von Luschan, ii, 200. 9 Molyneux-Seel, p. 66. This is presumably the tomb of the Holy Children (Maksutn Pak), discovered in recent times in the town of Sivas. The Holy Children are not Hasan and Husain but the infant Kizilbash Marriage 151 (viii) Marriage. The Kizilbash may marry three wives ; divorce and temporary marriage are prohibited. An unfaithful wife may be killed.1 Divorce is prohibited. Armenians are accepted as parrains at marriages.1 Divorce is prohibited.3 Strictly the Kizilbash are only permitted to take one wife, but many have lapsed into polygamy. The peri- patetic dede presides at marriages when possible.4 Prostitution of virgins to guests, and especially to itinerant dedes, is recorded, on the authority of a bigoted Sunni by Grothe.5 It is fairly apparent that the predominating element in the Kizilbash religion is Shia Mohammedanism, and the secondary Christian, the whole having a substratum of pagan animistic elements,6 many of which might be found in slightly changed form among professedly ortho- dox Turks or oriental Christians. On the Shia side note the exalted position held by Ali, Hasan, and Husain, and the importance of their pilgrimages, as compared with the neglect of Mohammed and Mecca : note also the importance of the Imams and the Second Advent. The Christian elements, apart from the formal identi- fication of Shia with Christian sacred figures, reduce themselves to the celebration of certain Armenian feasts, and the ritual of the ‘ perverted mass ’. It should be noted that the ‘ ritual meal ’ is an idea by no means foreign to Islam,7 the Semitic element being, as in Christianity, partly responsible. Nor must it be over- sons of two of the Imams : the confusion in popular thought is natural (see below, pp. 511-2). 1 Sykes, p. 121. 2 Grenard, pp. 518, 521. з Taylor, p. 319. 4 Grothe, ii, 154. 5 Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 150. 6 Grenard, loc. cit., brings this out in detail. 7 G. Jacob, in Der biavi (ii, 232), for £ Bektashi ’ communion. 152 Heterodox Ίribes of Asia Minor looked that one of the prototypes of the Christian com- munion is found in Persian Mithraism. As regards the hierarchy it seems clear that the parish priest, who is generally called Said by our authorities, is normally married, his office being hereditary, and he himself, as his name implies, a descendant of the Pro- phet and therefore of Ali. A celibate monk can, how- ever, as in oriental Christianity, officiate, if in orders, as parish priest. The peripatetic ‘ bishop 5 or murshid 1 seems to be a (celibate ?) dervish of the Bektashi order. On this point Tsakyroglous, speaking of the Kizilbash in general but probably more particularly of those in his own vilayet of Aidin, is very explicit. He says that the communities are visited yearly by Bektashi sheikhs, who confess, catechize, and instruct their flocks.2 Pro- fessor White, speaking of Pontus, says that the Kizilbash villages there are organized in groups, each group hav- ing its tekke of dervishes.3 The ‘ patriarchs ’, of whom one resides at Khubyar (the other is probably the É Chelebi ’ of the Bektashi 4) are again hereditary (the ‘ Chelebi ’ certainly), their descent being important. The doubling of the office reminds us of the Armenian and Greek churches. Certain points in the Kizilbash system, mostly nega- 1 The word is in general use amongst dervishes for a 4 spiritual director 9 ; every sheikh of a convent, for instance, is a murshid in re- lation to his pupils (shagird). 2 Περί Γιουρούκων, p. 30 : Έκ τής μονής ταυτης (sc. του Χατζή Βεκτας) εξέρχονται έτησίως εις περιοδείαν Σειχαι έπισκε- 7ττόμενοι τάς κώμας και τα χωρία ένθα υπάρχουσι κοινότητες των Κιζίλ-μπας, έξομολογοΰσιν αυτούς, κατήχουσι καί ποδηγετοϋσιν αυτούς εις την οδόν τής αλήθειας και εχοντες συνάμα δικαστικήν ούτως είπειν δικαιοδοσίαν έξομαλύνουσι διηνέξεις και διαφοράς υφιστάμενος μεταξύ των κοινοτήτων. Ούτοι εν τελεί λαμβάνουσιν παρ αυτών καί το έτησίως ώρισμένον δηνάριον. 3 Trans. Viet. Inst. xl (1908), p. 231. 4 Cf. White, in Contemp. Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 693. But Oberhummer speaks of a supreme religious head of the Kizilbash as resident in the Dersim (op. cit., p. 394)· Kizilbash and Sunnis 153 tive, sever them from, and form a stumbling-block to, their Sunni neighbours. Thus, they do not conform to Sunni practice in the matter of veiling women, the five prayers, circumcision, and other religious duties ; they are said to eat pork and drink wine, to marry within the prohibited degrees, and to indulge in immoral orgies, men and women being assembled in a great room in which the lights are suddenly extinguished. This is evidently a prejudiced version of the 4 perverted mass 5 ceremony described above. Impartial investigators have found that, while marriage between brother and sister is countenanced by the Takhtaji,1 the Kizilbash are very strict about divorce and monogamy, and the grave charge of promiscuity, which has been much exploited by (chiefly ignorant) Sunni partisans and has earned for the Kizilbash the opprobrious nicknames of 7communities to be ready to resist, and no steps were taken by the government.4 As regards the connexion between Christianity and the religion of the Kizilbash the latter claim that there is very little difference between the two faiths ; 5 they are certainly in their personal relations more sympa- thetic to Christians than to Sunni Mohammedans. An agha of Kizilbash Kurds was actually converted to 142 ; Fabri, Evagat. ii, 92 ; Maundrell, Travels, ed. Wright, p. 182. CJ. also what Lucius says of the festivals of martyrs in early times (Anfänge des Heiligenk., pp. 319-23). In the case of Jerusalem there is also an idea that a child begotten in such circumstances and surround- ings is particularly fortunate (Tobler, Bethlehem, pp. 75, 139 ; Tobler, Golgatha, p. 427). 1 Cf. Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 405. 2 See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 16. 3 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 228. 4 Ibid., p. 235 : too much stress will not be laid on this story by those who know the country. 5 Ibid., p. 231. Kizilbash änd Armenians 155 Christianity by American missionaries in the fifties.1 An obvious link between the two religions is the fact that both are regarded as inferiors, socially and poli- tically, by the dominant Sunni religion. Further, we have found that the Kizilbash celebrate certain Ar- menian feasts and are thickest in the ‘ Armenian * vila- yets. A number of traditions also connect the two. Thus, the Kurdish, and probably also the Anatolian, Kizilbash represent their Imam as born of the virgin daughter of an Armenian priest.2 The Armenians on their side claim the Kizilbash Kurds as perverted co- religionists.3 Other examples of traditions recording the conversion of Armenians en bloc to Islam are to be found in the cases (1) of a tribe classed as Turkoman and called Pehlivanli, settled between Sivas and Angora 4 (a ‘ Kizilbash ’ country, be it remarked), and (2) of the Mahalemi ‘ Kurds ’, who are said to have been con- verted ‘ two hundred years ago ’.5 According to Mrs. 1 Dunmore in Amer. Miss. Her. liii (1857), pp. 219 f. 2 Above, p. 146. 3 Molyneux-Seel in Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), pp. 64-7 : cf. Hunting- ton, ibid. XX (1902), p. 186. 4 Niebuhr (who had it from Patrick Russell of Aleppo), Voyage en Arabie, ii, 341 : see below, pp. 479, 481. 5 Sir Mark Sykes in Geog. Journ. xxx (1907), p. 387. Both these and the Pehlivanli (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 341) are said to have turned Mussulman on account of the severity of Armenian fasts. The motif is a ‘ stock ’ one {cf. Pococke, Descr. of the East, ii, 133 ; G. Kam- mas, in Μίκρασ. 'Ημ€ρολ. 1915, ρ. 281), but the conversion may never- theless be a fact : on the other hand, it may be merely a reflection on the character of the tribes in question, put into currency by rivals or enemies. The Maronite villages are said to convert regularly to Pro- testantism when oppressed by their priests : when this pressure has gained them their point, they as regularly revert to Catholicism (Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 286). If it were as easy and safe to revert from Islam as from Protestantism, we should doubtless find fewer Mos- lems in Turkey at the present day : cf. the cases of the Presba villages (Bérard, Macédoine, p. 20), of the Karamuratadhes (Pouqueville, Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 259-61), and of the Vallahadhes (Bérard, Macé- doine, p. no ; Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 29). 156 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor Scott-Stevenson the (Sunni) Afshars1 2 3 4 5 of the Anti- Taurus claim Armenian descent,* which though prob- ably false of the Afshars as a whole, may still be true of some sections of the tribe. TschihatschefPs picture of Pharasa (a Greek village of the Anti-Taurus) in the fifties, ruled by Afshar chiefs and taking part with them in their forays against the Turks,з may show a phase in such a developments As regards the Kizilbash, it is important to note that all traditions speak of them as converted Armenians, not Greeks. It must not, however, be imagined that the question of the ‘ Kizilbash ’ religion is finally disposed of by classing it as Shia, since the Shia religion is sub-divided into numerous sects and heresies. Sir Charles Wilson compares the religion of the Anatolian Kizilbash, not with that of orthodox Persian Shias, but rather with that of the Nosairi of Syria.5 Bent, speaking of the Takhtaji in particular, classes their religion with that of the Nosairi and Yezidi,6 7 and von Luschan 7 and Ober- hummer 8 are of the same opinion. It cannot be ex- pected that the religion practised by these scattered 1 For the Afshars see Grothe, Vor der asienexp edition, ii, 135 f. 2 Ride through Asia Minor, p. 218. Others have called them rene- gade Greeks (Tsakyroglous, Ilcpi Γιουρουκων, p. 13). 3 TschihatschefPs Reisen, ed. Kiepert, p. 14. We may compare the conditions noticed in the early years of the nineteenth century by Burckhardt in the Cilician plain (Barker, Lares and Penates, pp. 355 ff.). Here the Greek villages were subjected to Turkoman chiefs and had largely assimilated themselves to their protectors, from whom only de- tails of headgear distinguished them. This gives an idea how rural populations may have been gradually converted to Islam. 4 The recent (‘ fifty years ago,’ i.e. about 1830) conversion of Burun- guz, an Armenian village near Tomarza, in the district of Caesarea, noted by J. F. Skene (Anadol, p. 175), is worth putting on record in this connexion : both period and locality point to the Afshars as the ‘ missionaries ’ responsible for the change. 5 Geog. Journ. vi (1884), p. 313. 6 J, R. Anthr. Inst. XX (1890), p. 270. 7 Lykien, ii, 202. 8 Durch Syrien, p. 394. Bridge-Land Kizilbash 157 and possibly heterogeneous communities is identical. But in the present vague state of our knowledge it would be worse than useless to attempt a more exact classifi- cation. It is at least fairly clear that the Kizilbash religion from Mardin and Erzerum to Smyrna is identical in its main lines and an offshoot of Shia Islam containing considerable elements of Christianity, with an animistic basis, according to Grenard’s information, and that the Bektashi, the only dervish order in Turkey openly pro- fessing the Shia faith, form a sort of hierarchy among a large proportion of the Kizilbash populations. The inherence of the Bektashi, whatever its origin, is ex- plained by the fiction that the tribal saints of the vari- ous Kizilbash villages were ‘ brothers ’, * companions ’, or ‘ disciples ’ of Haji Bektash.1 Von Luschan has already established the important point1 that the similarities of religion between the ‘ Kizilbash ’ group (including ‘ Bektash ’ and ‘ Takh- taji ’) in Anatolia coincide with anthropological simi- larities which connect this group also with the North Syrian and North Mesopotamian heterodox sects (Yezi- di, Nosairi, &c.), with the Armenians, with certain types of Anatolian Greek, and with the Hittites. The locality in which this anthropological type is most fre- quent is the mountainous ‘ bridge-land ’ which lies between the fertile countries of Anatolia, Persia, Meso- potamia, and Syria. This ‘ bridge-land ’ has never been civilized, though it has been penetrated at various times by missionaries, religious, political, and military : in particular, being the old border-land between Turkey and Persia, it was naturally the resort of Persian emis- saries during the long wars of the two nations. The result of the presumed religious propaganda carried on from the side of Persia among still pagan nomads, 1 See below, pp. 339-41. 2 J. R. Anthr. Inst, xli (1911), pp. 241 f. 158 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor Kurdishand T urkish, possibly also among Armenian Chris- tians,1 is a patchwork of religious compromises, of which the outwardly predominating elements are Shia Islam and Armenian Christianity, among a people of marked physical homogeneity. A certain proportion of these peoples has migrated westwards, as probably in other directions, either from natural causes or under the pres- sure of the artificial transplantation, which was carried out in the sixteenth century by the Ottoman Govern- ment г as a means of breaking up the solidarity of border- tribes known to be Shia in religion and consequently in sympathy with Persia. The emigration process may have gone on for centuries, the emigrants from the mountainous ‘ bridge-land ’ sometimes amalgamating with the men of the plains under the influence of a prevalent civilization, sometimes keeping themselves aloof owing to religious or other differences. The ‘ bridge-land ’ type, when found in the west, may thus represent immigrations of widely different date, ranging from remote antiquity to comparatively modern times. § 5. TheTakhtaji 3 The Kizilbash of Lycia (the province of Tekke) are, as already stated,4 numerous and generally known as Takhtaji ( woodcutters)on account of their employment, but like the Kizilbash elsewhere they call themselves Alevi 5 and are connected with the Bektashi order of dervishes,6 whose local centre is at Elmali. They are said to owe their conversion to Shia Islam to missionary sheikhs dispatched from Konia in the fourteenth cen- 1 Or the conversion of the latter may be attributed to the persecu- tion of already converted Kurds and Turks. 2 Cf. Belon, Observations de Plusieurs Singularitézf iii, cap. xii. 3 This section has been put together by M. M. H. 4 Above, p. 142. 5 On the Lycian Takhtaji see Bent, J. R. Anthr. Inst. xx (1890), pp. 269-76; von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 198-213; Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 855. 6 See above, p. 142. Takhtaji 159 tury.1 This woodcutter caste of Takhtaji exists in Cilicia also, where it has embraced a form of the Shia faith and therefore would be reckoned Kizilbash by the Turks. Although we have little exact information on the religion of the Lycian Takhtaji, what we have confirms the idea of their close religious connexion with the Kizilbash farther east. Thus, every Lycian Takhtaji tribe, however small, has a or Dede, whose office is hereditary.2 3 4 Again, confession and absolution cere- monies exist among them з as among the Kizilbash,4 while Kizilbash and Takhtaji alike claim to have a sacred book.5 Marriage between brother and sister is permitted to the Takhtaji6 but not recorded of the Kizilbash.7 These indications are vague enough but sufficient to make authorities like Bent,8 von Luschan,9 and Ober- hummer10 class the religion of the Takhtaji with that of the Nosairi11 and Yezidi. More cannot be said in the present state of our knowledge. § 6. The Bektashi 12 The Bektashi sect is reputed to have been founded by Haji Bektash, who is represented as a fourteenth-cen- tury Anatolian saint, mainly famous as having conse- crated the original corps of Janissaries,^ but the latest 1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 91 (from the sixteenth century Turkish historian Jenabi). 2 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 201 : cf. the Kizilbash, above, p. 147. 3 Ibid, ii, 202. 4 Above, pp. 148-9. 5 Above, pp. 149-50. 6 Von Luschan, op. cit. ii, 199. 7 Cf. above, p. 153. 8 J. R. Anthr. Inst. XX (1890), p. 270. 9 Lykien, ii, 202. 10 Durch Syrien, p. 394. 11 Tsakyroglous similarly identified the religion of the Cilician Takh- taji with that of the Nosairi (ilepl Γιουρονκων, p. 18), but F. Schaffer denied this identity (Petermanns Mitth., Ergänzungsheft cxli, p. 27). 12 This section has been put together by Μ. Μ. H. 4 See below, pp. 483 ff. i6o Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor authorities are agreed that he is no more than a figure- head. The real founder of the Bektashi was a Persian mystic named Fadlullah, and the original name of the sect Hurufi. The traditional date—a very doubtful one—of Haji Bektash’s death is 1337-8, whereas Fadl- ullah died in 1393-4, a martyr to his own gospel, at the hands of one of Timur’s sons. Shortly after his death his disciples introduced the Hurufi doctrines to the inmates of the convent of Haji Bektash (near Kirshehr in Asia Minor) as the hidden learning of Haji Bektash himself, under the shelter of whose name the Hurufi henceforth disseminated their doctrines, which to ortho- dox Moslems are heretical and blasphemous.1 The heresy continued to spread more or less unnoticed, and the sect acquired considerable political power by its combination with the Janissaries, which was officially recognized at the end of the sixteenth century. Hence- forward the Bektashi became more and more suspected of heresy and disloyalty, till at last Mahmud II in 1826 made an attempt to destroy at one blow the Janissaries and their dervish backers. By his action the Janissaries were permanently broken, the Bektashi only crippled : by the fifties of the last century they had largely re- covered,2 and at the present day they exercise a con- siderable secret influence over the laymen affiliated to 1 Browne in J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, pp. 535 ff. ; G. Jacob, Bekta- schijje, p. 19 ; cf. Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 228 ff. for current le- gends on the subject of the encroachment of the Hurufi on the convent of Haji Bektash. The Bektashi deny that the Hurufi doctrines are an essential part of their system, but admit that many Hurufi disguised themselves as Bektashi and Mevlevi at the time of their persecution under Timur. 2 Byzantios (Κωνσταντινούπολή, iii, 494) says that one-fifth of the Turkish population of Constantinople was supposed in his time to be Bektashi. For the influence of the sect in western Asia Minor about the same time see MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, i, 497 ff. The Bektashi seem to attribute their expansion to the tolerance shown them by Sultan Abdul Mejid (1839-61). Bektashi Distribution i6i them, especially in Albania 1 and out of the way parts of Asia Minor (Cappadocia, Lycia, and Kurdistan). In Albania the Bektashi are said to number as many as 80,000 adherents,2 3 4 and Albanian dervishes are fre- quently found in convents outside their own country. A recent visitor reports that even at the central tekke of Haji Bektash in the heart of Asia Minor the majority of the dervishes are Albanian : з many of these would doubtless be qualifying themselves for the presidency of a tekke in their own country. As to Asia Minor, our available evidence indicates that there the Bektashi establishments are grouped most thickly in the Kizilbash districts, but the nature of the connexion between them is still obscure. We know only that both profess adherence to the Shia form of Islam, and that widely scattered Shia communities acknowledge the spiritual supremacy of the Chelebi4 of the Bektashi. Together with his rival, the Akhi Dede, the Chelebi lives at the central convent 5 of the order near Nevshehr in Cappadocia, where Haji Bektashlies buried. The Akhi Dede, who is known also as Dede Baba, claims to be the spiritual or ‘ apostolic 5 successor of Haji Bektash. He resides in the convent of Haji Bek- tash and exercises authority over it and over one part of the Bektashi organization. The Albanian and Cretan Bektashi, for example, recognize him as their supreme head, and the appointments of their sheikhs must be ratified by him. This branch of the order seems to be entirely in the hands of the Albanians : the abbots are generally from Albania. 1 For Bektashism in Albania see Leake, N. Greece, iv, 284 ; Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 230 ff. ; Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 207 ; Brailsford, Macedonia, pp. 243 ff. 2 [Blunt], People of Turkey, ii, 277, confirmed to me in Epirus. The whole number of Bektashis is assessed by themselves at 3,000,000. 3 Prof. White, in Contemporary Rev., Nov. 1913, p. 694. 4 See below, pp. 162-3. 5 See below, pp. $02 ff. 3^95.1 M IÓ2 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor The Chelebi (in 1914 Jemal Efendi) claims to be the actual descendant of Haji Bektash and de jure the su- preme head of the order. His office is hereditary in his family though the succession is not from father to son, the senior surviving brother of a deceased Chelebi tak- ing precedence of his eldest son. He lives outside the convent and is employed in the administration of the property of the foundation. His genealogy is disputed by the party of the Dede Baba, who, holding that Haji Bektash had no children, regard him as an impostor. They explain his alleged descent by an intermediate legend of his ancestor’s miraculous birth from a woman fertilized by drinking the blood of Haji Bektash.1 2 So recently as 1909, at the proclamation of the Turkish Constitution, the Chelebi asserted his claim to be re- garded as supreme head of the order by a petition to the new government to restore him his ancient rights. At present his position is recognized by the Kizilbash populations of Asia Minor, and the sheikhs of tekkes ministering to these populations are consecrated by him. These sheikhs, who appear to be hereditary,* and their flocks are looked upon with some contempt by the other branch of the Bektashi, who call them and regard their organization as lax and their doctrines as superstitious. The son of the sheikh of the tekke at Rumeli Hisar explained to me the difference between 1 Cuinet, Jurquie d'Asie, i, 342. The legend admitted by the celi- bate branch makes the woman the wife of a khoja and gives her name as Khatun Jikana. Another variant makes Haji Bektash a nefes oglu or ‘ son of the breath [sc. of God] ’ (for which see George of Hungary’s tract De Moribus Pur corum, xv, ad fin). Miraculous birth is alleged of many Turkish saints, especially by the Kizilbash Kurds of their Imam Bakir (see above, p. 146). For other examples see Grenard in Journ. Asiat, xv (1900), p. li, and Skene, Anadol, p. 285. 2 Crowfoot in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, pp. 308, 312 (Haidar-es-Sultan and Hasan Dede). This is the rule also at the tekke of Sidi Battal (Ouvré, Un Mois en Phrygie> p. 94 ; Radet, Arch, des Miss. vi (1895),
pp. 446-7).

Bektashi Chelebi 163

them by saying that the Kizilbash were * Catholics \
the true Bektashi ‘ Protestants5 ; this, coming from an
old pupil of Robert College, is probably to be inter-
preted as meaning that the Bektashi represent a ‘ re-
formation 5 and have discarded what they regard as the
superstitious doctrinal accretions in the faith of their
backward Anatolian co-religionists.

The earliest mention of the Chelebi of the Bektashi
seems to be in connexion with a rising of dervishes and
Turkomans which began in 1526-7.1 The district

affected was that of Angora ; 2 3 the leader of the rising,
generally known as Kalenderoglu, is said by some
authors to have borne the title of Zelebi [Chelebi], and
all are agreed that he pretended to be a descendant of
Haji Bektash. In view of the later connexion between
the Bektashi and Janissaries, it is worth noting that on
this occasion Janissaries seem to have had no scruples
about marching against the Chelebi.

As regards theology, the Bektashi, as opposed to the
Kizilbash, claim the sixth Imam (Jafer Sadik) as their
patron, while the Kizilbash hold that their priesthood
descends from the fifth (Mohammed Bakir). There is
also a very important distinction between the two sects
as regards the religious life. The Bektashi dervishes,
who form the priestly caste of their branch, are nearly
without exception celibate (mujerred!).з The Kizilbash,

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 95 ; Leunclavius, Annales,
343p, s.a. 1526 and Pandectes, § 222 ; de Mezeray, Hist, des Turcs,
i, 502.

* Four tribes are mentioned by name as having taken part in the
rising, the Chichekli, Akje Koyunlu, Massdlu, and Bozoklu : there is a
Chichek Dagh north of the convent of Haji Bektash, and Bozuk is the
name of the district in which it stands, so that two at least of the tribes
mentioned seem to be connected with the district.

3 As such the Bektashi dervishes have a special veneration for Balum
Sultan, a reforming saint who lived some two generations after Haji
Bektash and is buried in Pir-evi. Though Haji Bektash is regarded by
them as having lived unmarried, Balum Sultan is considered as the

μ 2

164 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

on the other hand, have a hereditary priesthood, and
their sheikhs are consequently of necessity married
(mutehhil).1

Now if, as there seems some reason to believe, the
Bektashi represent an original tribal grouping under a
chief with temporal and spiritual powers,1 it is probable
that the Chelebi represents the original hereditary chief
of the tribe, who has been ousted by the superimposed
celibate dervish organization, in which the succession is
‘ apostolic The hereditary sheikhs or babas conse-
crated by him, again, represent the hereditary chiefs of
sub-tribes or affiliated tribes ; as hereditary they must
of necessity be married, and this is the chief distinction
between them and the mainly celibate dervishes of the
other branch.

Professed dervishes, however, form only the hierarchy
of the Bektashi organization. The rank and file are
laymen (called muhib ъ—friend), who openly or secretly
subscribe to Bektashi doctrines. All candidates for ad-
mission to the order must be believers in God and of
good moral character : this latter must be guaranteed
by a satisfactory sponsor. Bektashism is not hereditary,
the son of a Bektashi father being perfectly at liberty to
choose at years of discretion whether or not he will
enter the Bektashi order or another.4

peculiar patron of the celibate branch. It is interesting to find that
a recent war-map marks a mountain in north Albania as Aekke Balim
Sultan. In von Hahn’s map (in Alban. Studien) seventy years earlier the
mountain is marked simply Balle, which is the Albanian word for peak
according to von Hahn. It would thus appear that the Bektashi have
here foisted one of their own saints on another as they have done on
Mount Tomor (see below, pp. 548 ff.) and elsewhere.

1 The relations between the Chelebi and the Dede Baba are naturally
strained, but dervishes of the celibate branch are treated with respect
by the married sheikhs. 2 Cf. above, p. 135.

3 This, the ordinary name for lay adherents of a dervish order, is
variously explained as ‘ Friends of the Family of the Prophet * or
4 Friends of the Order ’.

♦ Fadil Bey Klissura, when aged twenty, informed me that his

Bektashi Religion 165

Each local congregation finds its normal rallying-
point and place of common worship in the nearest
Bektashi tekke. A tekke may, according to circum-
stances, be a convent containing a number of professed
dervishes under a baba or abbot, or a kind of * lodge ’
inhabited only by the baba, as the spiritual head of the
local community, and his attendants. It often contains
the grave of a saint of the order (generally the founder of
the tekke), and always has a room ( ibadet bane)

for common worship. The Bektashi sect is identified
with no nation or race, and is widely spread over the
old Turkish Empire from Mesopotamia to Albania :
its geographical distribution has been discussed else-
where.1

Orthodox Sunni Moslems are scandalized not only by
the Shia beliefs of the Bektashi, but also by their every-
day practice. They are notoriously careless of the
Prophet’s injunctions with regard to circumcision, veil-
ing of women, regular prayer, and abstention from
strong drink ; the latter freedom undoubtedly tends to
swell their ranks with undesirables. Further, their
peculiar worship is performed not in a mosque but in
the ibadet bane, and with closed doors ; both sexes take
part in the worship. This gives rise to the scandalous
suspicions usually entertained of secret religions.1

The religious doctrines of the Bektashi are devised to
cater for all intellects and all temperaments : their
system includes, like other mystic religions, a gradual
initiation to secret knowledge by a number of grades :
these form a series of steps between a crude and popular
religion, in which saint-worship plays an important
part, to a very emancipated, and in some respects en-
lightened, philosophy. The theology of Bektashism

mother and aunts were Bektashis. His uncle joined late, but neither he
nor his elder brother had so far joined.

1 In B.S.A. xxi, 84-124 (reprinted with additions and corrections
below, pp. 500 fh). 2 See above, p. 153.

166 Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor

ranges from pantheism to atheism. Its doctrine and
ritual, so far as the latter is known, have numerous
points of contact with Shia Mohammedanism,1 of which
it is confessedly an offshoot, and with Christianity2, to
which it acknowledges itself akin. In theory, at least,
abstinence from violence and charity to all men are
inculcated : the good Bektashi should make no distinc-
tion in his conduct between Mussulmans and non-Mus-
sulmans, and members of non-Mussulman religions may
be admitted to the order. These tenets are so far
carried into practice that in the fifties of the last cen-
tury a Greek, by name Antonaki Varsamis, even be-
came president of a local ‘ lodge 9 in the Brusa vilayet :
he owed his position to the purchase of lands of which
the former proprietor (who, from the description given
of him, may well have been an Albanian) was a Bektashi
of great local importance.3 The subject is treated in
detail below.4

1 e. g. they avowedly place Ali before Mohammed. For their doc-
trines see Naim Bey Frasheri’s Bektashi Pagesy below, pp. 552 ff.

2 Jacob has set out the points of contact in Bektaschijjey pp. 29 ff.
On the use of this relationship by the Bektashi see cap. xliv.

3 MacFarlane, Purkey and its Destiny, i, 496 f. : the same person,
evidently, is mentioned in Lady Blunt’s People of Turkey, ii, 278. In
our own day, on the authority of the learned Sami Bey Frasheri, an
Albanian from a Bektashi district, Monseigneur Petit writes (Con-
f réries Musulmanes, p. 17) that in each Albanian convent are found
some dervishes who are really Christian still, but are admitted to Bek-
tashi membership. [Our personal investigations, conducted inde-
pendently among the Albanian tekkesy discovered exaggerations in
Mgr. Petit’s information. Μ. Μ. H.]

4 Pp. 564 ff.
XIII

SHIA MOVEMENTS AND PROPAGANDA
IN ASIA MINOR

THE two main periods when Asia Minor was affected
by Shia ideas are (i) that of the Seljuk empire of
Rum, and (2) that of the Safavi dynasty of Persia.
During the former, Persian philosophic and mystic
ideas became, so to speak, acclimatized, penetratingfrom
the court of Konia downwards ; during the latter,
definitely Shia doctrines were propagated in many
country districts of Asia Minor, by missionaries half
religious, half political, the effect of whose work, as we
shall see, persists down to our own day.

During the first period Konia 1 is of course the dis-
tributing centre. Especially during the reign of Ala-ed-
din I (1219-1236) it was a focus of Persian ideas and of
a culture wholly derived from Persia, and the repair of
numerous philosophers and holy men from Bokhara,
Khorasan, and Persia, who were driven by Mongol pres-
sure from their homes. Best known of these are Jelal-
ed-din Rumi, the mystic poet of Bokhara, and his
friend and master in philosophy, Shems-ed-din of Ta-
briz. Jelal-ed-din, the founder of the Mevlevi dervish
order, which has exercised, and to some extent exercises
to-day, considerable religious and even political influ-
ence in the district, was especially favoured by Ala-ed-
din. The Mevlevi order was never openly accused of
the Shia heresy, and has been throughout its history
politically loyal and morally untainted by the excesses
which have brought other dervish orders into disrepute,
but its liberal and philosophic principles render its
members suspect to strait-laced Sunni Mohammedans.
In the same way the neighbouring Mohammedan
1 See more fully below, p. 370.

168 Shia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

princes looked askance on the Persian culture of the
sultans of Konia.1 2 3 4

Of direct propaganda by the holy men who made
Konia their centre we have little trace. One significant
passage quoted by von Hammer from Jenabi tells us
that in the districts of Tekke (Adalia) and Diarbekr,
which were later (and still are) strongholds of the Shia
movement, the inhabitants were devoted to the Persian
sheikhs and doctrine, the former having been spared
from the fury of Timur by the intercession of the sheikh
Sadr-ed-din of Konia.* If this refers to the celebrated
sheikh of that name who died in 1274,3 the connexion
with Timur is chronologically impossible. It is much
more likely that the Shia faith, which is particularly
adapted for missionary propaganda among simple folk,
was preached in those districts already under the Sel-
juks by sheikhs from Konia. The populations subjected
to Shia influences are represented by the modern Takh-
taji of Lycia and the Alevi Kurds of Diarbekr vilayet.
Similarly in the north, Sunusa, a fanatical Shia town
near Amasia, is mentioned already by Mustawfi (1340).4

The Shia propaganda of the second period is closely
connected with the history of Persia. IJzun Hasan, the
last ruler of the (Turkish) White-Sheep dynasty of
Persia, married his daughter to Haidar, son of Juneid,

1 4 Dans le voisinage, on se demandait si les Seljoukides n’étaient pas
devenus païens, mages ou guèbres, et Noureddin Zenghi, prince d’Alep,
un musulman convaincu, exigea que Kylydj Arslan II [1192-1204] re-
nouvelât, entre les mains de son ambassadeur, la profession de foi de
l’Islamisme, parce qu’il ne le croyait pas un vrai fidèle ’ (Huart, Koniay
PP· 214 f.)

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 91, from Jenabi (sixteenth
century). Similarly, Sheikh Baba saved Egerdir from Timur (ibid.
ii, 118).

3 Huart, Konia, pp. 170 f. : this Sadr-ed-din was a close friend of
Jelal-ed-din. But Malcolm (Hist, of Persia, i, 321) refers the incident
to Sadr-ed-din, the ancestor of Shah Ismail.

4 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 146.

Shahkuli9 s Campaign 169

a distinguished sheikh from Erdebil. Of the marriage
was born Ismail, the future founder of the Safavi
dynasty of Persia. Haidar’s family claimed descent
from Ali, and Haidar himself was the founder of the
Haidari sect, to which the majority of Persian Shias
belong. He is also credited with the invention of the red
cap or ‘ crown ’ (taf) with twelve folds, commemorating
the twelve Imams, which eventually became the badge
of Ismail’s followers1 and gained for the Shia sect in
general the nickname of ‘ Kizilbash ’.2 Haidar of Erde-
bil was killed in battle (1488). Ismail, his only surviving
son, succeeded, after a struggle, to the throne of Persia.

Even under the Turkish dynasty the Persians and the
Turks had been enemies, and Ismail followed the policy
of his predecessor. The followers of the Persian sheikhs
in the Turkish provinces of Tekke and Diarbekr had
helped to put him on the throne and were still true to
their faith. Ismail made use of them to embarrass the
Sultan in his own country. His emissaries were a
certain Hasan Chelife (Khalife) з and another, in some
accounts the son of Hasan, who passed under the names
of Karabeyik, Tekkeli, Shahkuli (‘ slave of the Shah ’),
and, in derisive parody, Sheitankuli (‘ slave of Satan ’).
Hasan and Shahkuli took up their abode in the district
of Tekke and for six or seven years lived in caves as
hermits, acquiring a great reputation for sanctity : the
pious Bayezid II is said to have sent Hasan a yearly
pension. The political part of the propaganda matured
in 1509.4

The adherents of Shahkuli, who seems to have been

1 Testa rossa {red cap) = Persian, verde=Usbek, bianca =Turk, nera =
Georgian, according to Hammer-Hallert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iv, 94, who
says the different races in the Turkish Empire were thus nicknamed
from their head-dress.

2 i. e. red head. See especially d’Herbelot, s.v. Haidar (above, p. 139).

3 Hasan Khalife is the name of a Bektashi leader of the Janissaries in
1632 (Assad Effendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 342).

4 i. e. after the disastrous earthquake which occurred in that year at

170 Skia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

more of a fighter than Hasan, mustered at a place called
Tascia, and, marching on Adalia, took it by surprise on
a Sunday during the yearly fair. They then advanced
on Konia, receiving a reinforcement of Persian cavalry
and adding to their adherents on the way. Before
Konia they were again victorious, but, having no guns,
could not venture an assault on a walled city. They
then marched north-west, defeated the viceroy of Ana-
tolia on the Sangarius, took Kutahia by assault, and
retired eastwards. An engagement followed near An-
gora, in which Hasan was killed, as was the Turkish
general. The rebels seem to have had the worst of the
fight and retired, some crossing the Halys and making
off to Tekke, whither they were pursued by the Im-
perial troops, while others, after some fighting on the
way, escaped into Persia.1 The partisans of the rebels
and their doctrines were transported from Asia to the
Peloponnese, Macedonia, and Epirus.2 The heretics of
Tekke are said to have been planted in’the recent
Turkish conquests of Koron and Modon.3

The topographical details of this campaign are hard
to follow, owing to (1) the historians’ ignorance of the

Constantinople and which the Turks considered ominous (Leunclavius,
Annales, 335 p., s.a. 1509).

1 For accounts of this campaign (1509-11) see Hammer-Hellert,
Hist, Emp. Ott. iv, 90 ff. ; Giovio, ‘ Fatti Illustri di Selim/ in Cose de
Turchi ; Spandugino in Sansovino, Origine de9 Turchi, p. 136;
Knolles, Turk. Hist., pp. 316-24; Historia Politica, ap. Crusius,
Turco-Graecia, p. 34; Leunclavius, Annales, 335 ρ·> 5·α· Ι5°9 i ibid.,
Pandectes, § 179 ff· ; Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth., pp. 134 ff.

2 Knolles, op. eit., p. 324 : remnants of this transplantation may sur-

vive in the obscure people called Erghne in the Rhodope mountains,
who are said by Baker (Turkey in Europe, p. 382) to have become Mo-
hammedan (Sunni ?) about a hundred years ago. The reproach
brought against them of having wives in common and holding great
assemblies several times in the year, both sexes together, is the regular
charge made against the Kizilbash by the Sunni : cf. above, p. 153.
For transportations of populations in general see Hasluck, Letters,
p. 166. î Hammer-Hellert, iv, 93.

Sites in Shahkuli’s Campaign 171

localities in default of maps, (2) the mutilation of names
in the Italian (probably Venetian) sources, and (3) the
nature of the rebellion. The propaganda seems to have
infected a wide area1 and the rebels evidently scattered
to their homes, various bodies of troops being detached
to follow them. Everything points to Tekke as the
focus. Giovio’s ‘ Sassi Rossi ’, the place of Hasan’s
retirement, is evidently the modern Kizil Kaya [‘ Red
Rock ’] district north of Adalia.2 3 The ‘ city of Tascia
at the foot of Monte Nero ’ seems to represent the
modern Kash Kasaba, near which is still a village named
Kara Dagh, while Elmali, the other chief town of the
district, is also mentioned. The site of the battle by
Angora, ‘ near Mount Olyga ’ (Giovio) is placed by one
account 3 in the plain of Chibuk Ovasi, the scene of the
victories of Cn. Manlius over the Gauls and of Timur
over Bayezid I. A turbe shown in the Kizilbash village
of Hasan Dede near Denek Maden may be the historical
resting-place of the Shia leader.

After the battle of Angora, Hammer seems to con-
fuse two series of operations, one against the rebels
remaining in the province of Tekke, centring round
Shahkuli’s old haunt of Kizil Kaya, and another against
the main body retiring from the neighbourhood of
Angora via Sivas, Caesarea, and the province of Zulkadr
to Persia. This confusion comes direct from Giovio,
who describes the operations near Kizil Kaya as having
taken place not far from Celenis (Celaenae) and Maras
(Marash), the seat of Aladolo (Ala-ed-Devlet), prince
of Zulkadr. The name of Celaenae (Dineir) can be
ignored as based merely on the similarity between the
names of the town Marash and the (ancient) river

1 See below, p. 173, n. 8.

* Kizil Kaya was a kadilik in the seventeenth century (Haji Khalfa,
p. 697), and till recently a nahiyeh.

3 Leunclavius, Annales, 336 p., s.a. 1509. Leunclavius is based on the
Turkish historian Jemali (c. 1550).

172 Shia Movements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

Marsyas near Celaenae.1 The Turkish historians Ali
and Saadeddin 1 confuse with the battle near Angora
an engagement which they place at Sarimsaklik or on
the Gueuk-chai, and they mention Caesarea on the
eastward retreat of the rebels. Sarimsaklik is in all
probability the village of that name north of Caesarea
and the Gueuk-chai the upper waters (not of the Caly-
cadnus, as Hammer, but) of the Sihun. Leaving aside
the operations in Tekke, we have thus a consistent line
of march from Angora via Sivas, Sarimsaklik, and the
Gueuk-chai to Marash, the capital of Zulkadr.

We have at least established that the districts devoted
to the Persian sheikhs in the Seljuk period—Tekke and
Zulkadr—were still in the early sixteenth century Shia.
The only town in the north mentioned as a centre of
Persian propaganda at this time is Beybazar near An-
gora.3 It is probable that many other districts were
infected at the same time with the Shia heresy, and
that these districts were inhabited by nomad Turko-
mans. For later, in spite of the measures taken to
break up the solidarity of the nomad tribes and remove
the heterodox element, we find the same combination
of Persian sheikhs and Turkoman nomads giving con-
stant trouble to the government, especially in the fron-
tier provinces. Thus, the principality of Zulkadr,
founded in 1378 in the Antitaurus about Albistan and
Marash, and later including a wide extent of country
between the Ottoman empire and the Persian dominions,
intrigued alternately with either power till its final
absorption in the Ottoman empire under Selim I in

1 Giovio’s Cose de Turchi (or the Venetian reports on which it is

based) seems to have been the basis of the fictitious travels in Asia
Minor of Leonardo da Vinci. 2 3 Hammer-Heilert, iv, 113.

3 Cantimir, p. 134. The 4 Historia Politica’ (in Crusius, Turco-
Graecia), p. 34, mentions as followers of Shahkuli the inhabitants of

Karamania in general, the Farsak (Βαρσάκώςς), a tribe settled in the
Taurus (see p. 129 above), and the Zulkadr (Τονρκατήρλώ€ς).

Shia Colonies in Western Asia Minor 173

1515, after a successful war with Persia : 1 the same
monarch reduced the Cilician principate of the Rama-
zanoglu (Ich-ili) on the Syrian frontier.2

It is to the reduction of Zulkadr, according to Sir
Charles Wilson,з that the settlement of Shia Turks in
western Asia Minor must be referred. We have seen
that certain districts were Shia before this date, but
that such a transplantation did take place is shown by
the fact that the once important derebeys of Boghaz-
Keui descend from Ala-ed-Devlet of Zulkadr and still
administer the revenues of the turbe of Shahruf, son of
Ala-ed-Devlet, at Gemerek.4 To about the same date,
when Kurdistan was reorganized as a Turkish province^
are to be referred the Kurdish colonies in western Asia
Minor. Their westernmost districts are the Haimaneh,
an imperial estate 6 west and south of Angora, and the
Bozuk district (capital Kirshehr) south-east of it.7 The
Kurds in this vilayet are Sunni.8 Bozuk was known
later as a Shia district.

The process of transplantation is a regular policy
devised to break up the strong tribal ties of the tur-
bulent nomad populations ; the mixture both of
races and religions in the newly settled districts is pro-
bably intentional. But the districts of Cilicia (Ich-
ili) and Zulkadr remained turbulent and tribal till

1 Hammer-Hellert, iii, 253 ff. ; iv, 213. Zulkadr included at one
time Caesarea (ibid, iii, 255) and Kirshehr (ibid, iv, 29).

2 Ibid, iv, 213.

3 Crowfoot in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx (1900), p. 319 : cf. Vambéry,
Das Türkenvolk, p. 607.

4 Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 20 : cf. Warkworth, Diary,

p. 21. 5 Hammer-Hellert, iv, 253.

6 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 704 : cf. the modern railway station
Beylik Akhor (‘ imperial stud farm ’).

7 Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. [63].

8 Cuinet, Turquie d’Asie, i, 253. But Wilson (J.R.G.S., 1884, p.
313) speaks of the Haimaneh Kurds as partly Shia by religion, and
Tsakyroglous suspects it of others in the vilayet of Aidin (Tlepl Γιου-
ρούκων, p. 32).

174 ShiaMovements and Propaganda in Asia Minor

much later, and seem to have had their racial differ-
ences and political grievances accentuated, evidently
at the instance of Persia, by religious emissaries. Thus,
in 1526, the Turkomans of Ich-ili revolted, osten-
sibly on economic grounds, led by a certain Suklun
Shah Veli, evidently by his name a saint or dervish. At
the same time there was a rebellion in the Adana dis-
trict headed by a Persian, Veli Khalife. In 1528 a re-
puted descendant of Haji Bektash, called Kalenderoglu,
headed a revolt in the province of Zulkadr, enlisting
thousands of dervishes, and was eventually defeated
near Albistan.1 Whether his namesake in the seven-
teenth century was a similar sectary we do not know.1

Despite the heavy hand with which such rebellions
were put down, and in particular the barbarous attempt
to exterminate the Shias by the fanatical Selim,з we
find that even in the latter half of the sixteenth century
Venetian reports recognize the prevalence of Shiism in
Asia Minor as a whole and its political import. ‘ Many
provinces of the Ottoman empire’, says Barbaro in 1573,
‘ recognize themselves as of the same faith as the Per-
sians, though their inhabitants keep their opinions to
themselves for fear of the Turks : the latter again dare
not openly prosecute them for fear of a rebellion.’ 4 In
the seventeenth century Haji Khalfa (1648) notes as
specially heretic districts the neighbourhood of Trebi-
zond, where there were Shia Turkomans, and the Uva
of Bozuk. The latter is of course the Cappadocian Kizil-
bash district of our own day.

1 For references see above, p. 163, n. 1.

1 He is said to have been in Persian pay and to have retreated, after
the failure of his rebellion, to Persia {Ambassade de Gontaut-Biron,
pp. 15, 24 f., 231).

3 Hammer-Heilert, iv, 173 ff. and 425 : forty thousand Shias in
Europe and Asia were massacred on this occasion.

4 Relazione, quoted by Zinkeisen, Geschichte, iii, 367 ; cf. Albert’s
Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ш, vol. iii, p. 201 (1362) ; vol. iiî,
p. 406 (1594).
XIV

NATURAL CULTS

§ I. Tree Cults

THE simplest form of tree cult results from the con-
ception of a tree as the abode of a spirit. Certain
trees are thus conceived of to-day by the primitive and
half pagan nomads of Asia Minor,1 who bind their ill-
nesses with knots of rag to the sacred branches, as long
ago by the pre-Islamic Semites at Mecca itself.2

The primitive conception of the haunted tree sur-
vives also among much more developed communities.
Some of these trees are held to be haunted by dangerous
spirits, which must be placated, others by beneficent
demons capable of exerting a healing power. An ex-
ample of a tree possessed with a dangerous spirit is
recorded by Mrs. Walker from Mytilene. An ancient
cypress near the town was regarded with considerable
reverence and none dared cut it. Two hardy souls had
ventured to do so. One lopped off a bough, ostensibly
for building a church, and afterwards used the wood
for his own house : he was pursued by ill-luck for the
rest of his life.3 The other, whose subsequent history
is not recorded, was horrified to find that the tree bled
when cut.4 Haunted trees of this description are re-
corded also from free Greece.5 Modern instances of

1 See above, p. 132.

2 Robertson-Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 169 ; cf. Goldziher in
Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 319 ; Ouseley, Travels, i, 369.

3 Cf. Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 349.

4 Walker, Old Tracks, pp. 193 f. Mrs. Bishop (journeys in Persia,
i, 309) mentions a similar bleeding tree.

5 Cf. Polites, /7αραδόσα?, nos. 322-6 and note on pp. 916-18. For a
circumstantial account of a haunted tree near Messene see Polites in
Λαογραφία, i, 658. The late Mr. Archie Charnaud told me in 1916 that
a tree which obstructed one of the newly planned streets at Brusa was

176 Natural Cults

tree spirits which are so far gods as to be credited with
powers of healing can be cited from Balukisr and the
Dardanelles. The former cures boils by sympathetic
magic, an onion, obviously representing the affliction,
being nailed to the tree.1 The latter tree was hung
with small coins by the sick, irrespective of religion.2
These cults belong strictly to folk-lore : both the trees
in question stand in cemeteries and doubtless owe some
of their importance to the fact.

The 4 secular ’ sacred tree passes by easy transitions
into the sphere of popular religion. A tree already
venerated may be connected by a tradition with a saint.
In this case legend generally represents the tree as the
staff of the holy man miraculously endowed with life.3
In one case his hut becomes a tree.4 The custom of
planting trees, especially cypresses, on graves, and the
superstitions connected with such trees,5 have led to
the assumption that a tree possessing magical virtue, or
even a well-grown tree, marks the grave of a saint : this

allowed, after solemn deliberation on the part of the authorities, to
retain its position because it4 bled * at the first attempt to cut it down.
For the superstition in France see Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iii,
430. For bleeding trees in general see Frazer, Magic Art (1911), ii, 18,
20, 33·

1 F. W. Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 208.

2 Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 804 : ‘ In a pleasant shady green near the
burying-ground, I remember to have remarked a low stunted tree, en-
closed within a wall, the boughs of which were hung round with little
shreds or bags of cloth and cotton, enclosing each a single para. On
inquiry, it appeared that the tree was considered sacred to some demon,
the inflictor of diseases ; that the appendages were either votive offer-
ings, or charms by which the malady was transferred from the patient
to the shrub ; and that Turks, Jews, Armenians, and Greeks alike re-
sorted to this magical remedy.’

3 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 244 (Zem Zem Baba at Kruya) : cf.
on the Christian side the staff of S. Polycarp at Smyrna (F. W. H. :
see below, p. 417). In Polîtes, 77αραδόσ€ΐ$, no. 327, we have a secular
counterpart to this : the venerated tree is held to represent a spit with
which a man was murdered.

4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 243. 5 Below, p. 226-7.

Tree Cult at Passa 177

is of course especially the case with cypresses.1 Often,
doubtless, the grave of a saint has been built on this
assumption beside a remarkable tree,2 3 and after a cer-
tain lapse of time it is obviously impossible to say with
certainty whether the tree developed the grave or vice
versa.

Della Valle’s account of Moslem veneration for a
gigantic cypress at Passa з is so interesting as to be worth
quoting in full. Five men, he says, could scarcely em-
brace it.

c Sa grandeur est un témoignage de son antiquité, et un motif
de la dévotion que les Mahométans lui portent. Il découle une
certaine humeur, qui est une espèce de gomme d’un petit tronc
d’une de ses basses branches, que les Perses, et sur-tout les igno-
rans, regardent comme un sang miraculeux, qui coule tous
les vendredis, qui est leur jour saint et sacré. Et dans un grand
trou, capable de contenir deux personnes, qui est au milieu du
tronc, ils ont coûtume d’y allumer des chandelles, comme dans
un lieu auguste et vénérable, suivant leur coûtume, qui leur
fait avoir de la vénération pour tous les grands et anciens arbres,
croians que ce soit la retraite des âmes bienheureuses, et que
pour cette considération ils nomment Pir, qui signifie en Per-
san un vieillard, ou Sceich en Arabe ; c’est à dire, plus ancien ;
ou bien encor Iman, qui veut dire Prêtre ou Pontife, parce que
ce sont les noms ordinaires qu’ils donnent à ceux de leur secte
qui sont morts dans une fausse opinion de sainteté. C’est pour-
quoi quand ils disent, qu’un tel arbre ou un tel lieu est Pir ;
ils veulent dire que l’ame de quelque Pir, c’est à dire, d’un
bienheureux, y fait sa demeure et s’y plaît.’ 4

1 The supposed graves of S. Barbara at Nicomedia (Lucas, Voyage
dans la Grèce, i, 52 ; de la Mottraye, Travels, i, 214) and of S. Athana-
sius at Triglia (Herges in Bessarione, v, 15) are probable instances on
the Christian side, as is the bark of a tree of S. Paul in the same district
(P. G. Makris, To Κατφλί, p. 47).

2 Cf. the case of Sheikh Abu Zeitun in Syria (Tyrwhitt Drake in
P.E.F., Q.S. for 1872, p. 179 : cf. Conder, ibid., Q.S. for 1877, p. 101),
where a dream and a fine olive tree started the cult of the saint ; cf.
Goldziher, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 316.

3 The ancient Pasargadae. 4 P. della Valle, Voyages, v, 355 f.

3*95*1

N

178 Natural Cults

Other trees are reverenced ostensibly for their sup-
posed connexion with historical events. Typical of these
is the c Fortunate Plane Tree ’ of Apollonia Pontica,
which, according to von Hammer, enjoyed consider-
able veneration among the Turks on the ground that
Murad I stood under it when he received the news
of the fall of the city (1372).1 Another plane, which
stood till recently at Brusa, was held to be bound up
with the luck of the Turkish empire, having been
planted as such in the court of Orkhan’s palace by the
dervish Geyikli Baba.2 3 4 5 In both cases we are justified
in considering the explanatory story as of later origin
than the veneration of the trees in question ; the prac-
tice of planting commemorative trees, especially planes,
at the birth of a child з has helped to gain acceptance
for the aetiological legends which were devised in the
first place, probably, to explain the consideration in
which the planes in question were held. We shall prob-
ably be safe in assuming that saints’ tombs in juxta-
position with venerated plane-trees like those at Kos 4
and at Yanobasa 5 in Bulgaria are to be classed as ceno-
taphs, since the plane is naturally associated with birth 6
and happy events rather than with death.

Such worship of trees comes easy to Orientals who
regard nature as alive and a tree as a living creature.
Thus, ‘ le feu Sultan Osman vit vn iour vn arbre qui luy
sembla auoir la forme de Pvn de leurs Demis, ou Reli-
gieux : & sur ceste imagination, il luy assigna vne aspre
de paye tous les iours par aumosne, & choisit vn homme
pour receuoir Y aspre, qui a le soin de l’arroser, & de le

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott., i, 239.

2 Ibid, i, 155. The plane planted by Mohammed II at Eyyub cures
fevers (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 157).

3 R. Walsh, Constantinople, i, 350 ; Andréossi, Constantinople, p. 360.

4 Wittman, Travels, p. 114 ; Sonnini, Voyage, i, 249.

5 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 261.

6 A cypress for a tomb, a plane for a birth (Andréossi, loc. cit.).

Distribution of Stone Cults 179

cultiuer pour son argent.’ 1 Osman here did not dif-
ferentiate tree spirit from tree, except in the sense that
we differentiate the soul of a man from his body. Nor
did Xerxes, who ‘ found … a plane tree so beautiful
that he presented it with golden ornaments and put it
under the care of one of his Immortals \2

§ 2. Stone Cults з
Introductory

The veneration of stones seems to have been world-
wide at an early stage in religious development, and
has left traces everywhere in the magical and folk-lore
practices of civilized peoples. Over the Semitic area
stone worship, as such, survived later and more generally
than among peoples more prone to anthropomorphism ;
and Islam, so far from being able to displace it, tacitly
sanctioned it by allowing the reverence paid already by
pagan Arabs to the Black Stone of the Kaaba to be
perpetuated on the rather far-fetched hypothesis that
the angel Gabriel had brought it to Mecca.4 Chris-
tianity, somewhat in the same way, has permitted or
encouraged the paying of reverence to stones associated
by tradition with saintly personages, the Stone of Unc-
tion at Jerusalem being a typical example. In both the
great religions of the Near East the arbitrary association
of certain stones with sacred persons and events has

1 Des Hayes, V oiage, p. 265.

2 Herod, vii, 31; cf also iv, 91 (‘ the fountains of the Tearus afford
the best and most beautiful water of all rivers : they were visited . . .
by the best and most beautiful of men, Darius ’). The beating of the
Hellespont by Xerxes will also be recollected (see Reinach, Rev. Arch.
1905, pp. I ff.), as will the incident of the sea marriage (Reinach, Cultes,
Mythes, et Religions, ii, 206). See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 69.

3 [An early draft of this section appeared in the B.S.A. xxi, pp. 62-83 :
the writing up of my husband’s new material is my work.—Μ. Μ. H.]

4 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 297 ; cf. Burton, Pilgrimage to El-Medinah
and Meccah, London, 1855-6, iii, 158 n., 176 n. (ii, 300 n., 312 n. in the
1906 edition) ; cf. also Ray’s Voyages, ii, 163.

N 2

i8o Natural Cults

been allowed to replace or mask the more primitive
idea of worshipping stones as fetishes with independent
power. Side by side with cults so masked by orthodoxy
exist others of a purely secular sort, not necessarily more
ancient chronologically, though more openly primitive
in spirit, as magic and witchcraft are more primitive
than religion.

The present paper is an attempt to bring together,
from what may be called roughly the Greco-Turkish
area, some instances of stones venerated independently
of religion and often indiscriminately by Christians and
Mohammedans in common, and of others brought to
a greater or less degree within the pale of Islam or of
Christianity : those of the second category, it will be
noted, have frequently a more or less exact prototype,
which to some extent sanctions their veneration, in the
important holy places of the religion concerned. Whether
from contamination, i.e. from the interaction of Chris-
tian and Mohammedan ideas over the area in question,
or independently, i.e.from the original prevalence of
similar ideas among the populations concerned, the
developments of these stone-cults in both religions will
be found closely parallel.

Venerated stones fall into two main groups, which to
some extent overlap : those of the first class are selected
for their natural qualities, especially their material,
those of the second for their shape or for work upon
them. An intermediate link is formed by stones bearing
‘ miraculous ’ marks or imprints, presumably natural
and accidental, which are generally accounted for by
legends bringing them into connexion with venerated
personages.1 * *

1 The extraordinary ease with which any peculiarity of a stone may

be so construed as to bring it into relation with a local saint is exempli-

fied by the case of a stone seen by Wheler at the door of a church at
Patras, which 4 being struck by another stone ’ sent out 4 a stinking

Bituminous Savour This was attributed to its having been the seat

Stones with Natural Qualities 181

(i) Natural Stones

A.—Stones selected for their Natural Qualities.

To the first class apparently belongs what we may
consider the prototype of venerated stones in Islam, the
Black Stone of the Kaaba ; this seems to be an aerolith,
and is built into the Holy House in fragments. Though
it is supposed, and with every probability, to be the
cultus-object of the idolatrous pre-Islamic Arabs at
Mecca, all hajis piously kiss it as part of the pilgrimage.1
Another sacred stone, on which the Prophet is supposed
to have sat, exists in a mosque at Medina. It is reputed
to cure sterility.*

For instances of stones venerated by eastern Christen-
dom for their material, we may cite the miraculous
alabaster stone seen at Angora by Schiltberger (c. 1400) з
and mentioned also by later travellers.·* This stone was
cut in the shape of a cross and built into a church, the
miracle being that it ‘ burnt ’, i. e. was translucent in
sunlight ; 5 it was credited also with healing powers. In

of the judge who condemned S. Andrew (Journey into Greece, p. 294).
In the West 4 pierres puantes * are recorded at Paris (Collin de Plancy,
Diet. des Reliques, ii, 439, s.v. pierre), and at Poitiers (Collin de Plancy,
loc. cit. : better in Millin, Midi de la France, iv, 722). CJ. the aetio-
logical legend which connects with the saint a certain stone built into
the church of S. David at Tiflis (Gulbenkian, Frans caucasie, pp. 114 ff.).

1 It would be interesting to know whether the 4 stone from Mecca ’
built into the mosque at Hasan Dede in Cappadocia received similar
reverence (Crowfoot, in^. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, 308).

2 Goldziher in Archiv/. Religionsw. xiv, 308.

3 Ed. Penzel, p. 85 ; ed. Telfer, p. 40.

4 See above, p. 67, n. 3.

5 The 4 Yanar Tash ’ near Caesarea and the thin, semitransparent
marble of the bishop’s tomb at Nicaea are 4 miracles ’ of the same un-
exciting kind, apparently not exploited as cures. Another 4 burning
stone ’ was shown in the Parthenon at Athens, both before and after
the Turkish occupation, with an appropriately varied legend (Martoni,
in Ath. Mitth. xxii, 429 ; Galland, Journal, i, 38 ; La Guilletière,
Athènes, p. 196).

182 Natural Cults

spite of its shape it was the centre of a pilgrimage in
which Moslems participated.

The selection of these stones for veneration evidently
depends primarily on their unusual material. In other
cases colour plays a part. Yellow stones preserved in
two mosques at Constantinople (the Ahmediyyeh 1 and
the Yeni Valideh 2 3 4 5) are held to be charms against jaun-
diced Analogous is the use of white stones as milk-
charms^ of which the semi-opaque prehistoric gems of
Melos and Crete offer an excellent example.5 A plain
white marble slab built into a church on the Cyzicene
Peninsula is credited with the same property, scrapings
of it being drunk in water by anxious mothers.6 7

B.—Pierced Stones.

Natural pierced stones and rocks are used supersti-
tiously all over the Near East. In the Taurus, near a
medicinal hot spring traditionally connected with S.
Helena, is a natural pierced rock bearing, at a distance,
a strong resemblance to the figure of a man leaning on
a stick. This is supposed to represent a shepherd turned
to stone by the curse of S. Helena, and Greeks and
Turks, who make use of the healing powers of the
spring, pass through the hole in the rock as part of their
cured Near Caesarea Mrs. Scott-Stevenson was shown
‘a large circular stone with a hole in its centre ’ to

1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 99 f.

2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 83 : it must be touched by the patient three
times on a Saturday.

3 The connexion between the yellow colour and the yellow disease
is obvious (cj. V. de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, pp. 156 f. ; W. G. Browne,
Nouveau Voyage, ii, 164). Similarly in Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 155,
yellow is symbolic of (malarial) fever, red of chicken-pox (κόκκινη).

4 Also blue objects, on account of the relation between the words for
blue (γαλάζιος) and milk (γάλα).

5 R. M. Dawkins in Ridgeway Essays, p. 167.

6 Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 27 ; cf. below, pp. 205-6.

7 I. Valavanis, Μικρασιατικά, pp. 102 f.

Pierced Stones 183

which ‘ the natives bring their children soon after they
are born, and pass them through the hole in order that
they may learn to speak early V Near Everek in the
same district is a natural pierced rock which is traversed
by persons suffering from coughs,1 and barren women
make similar use of a natural arch near the summit of
Parnassus.3 At Gallipoli fever-patients pass through a
natural hole in the rock beneath the lighthouse.4 At Ar ta
in western Greece a pierced stone called is

similarly used, with the familiar rag-tying rite, by Turks
and Jews.5 In Naxos, mothers of thin children passed
them, to make them fatter,6 through a holed stone
connected with Saint Pachys.7 In Turkish Athens an

1 Ride through Asia Minor, p. 206. Is this a (giants’) millstone
(μυλόπετρα) promoted to a ‘ Stone of Speech ’ (ομιλώ = speak) ? Sillier
things have happened.

2 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 338.

3 From Mr. Cole of the Lake Copais Company : cf. Niya Salima,
Harems d’Égypte, pp. 331-2 (sterility cured by crawling through a fork
like an inverted V formed by a bough of a curious tree ; Mrs. Lee
Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 324, mentions the tree but says nothing
of the cult).

4 Constantinides, Καλλίπολις, p. 76.

5 Byzantios, Δοκίμιον τής “Αρτης, p. 3^7 : *v αύτή φεροντες

διαβιβάζουσι, χάριν ίάσεως, τούς ασθενείς αυτών, εγκαταλιμπά-
νοϊ>τες(!) παν αυτών εΐδος φορέματος εν ταυτη τή Θεσει. The
nature of the aperture (natural or artificial) in this stone is not stated.
The stone itself is 2-00 m. high, and i-oo m. broad.

6 W. Miller, Latins in the Levant, p. 581 fi, from Sauger, Ducs de
VArchipel, p. 65.

7 S. Fort at Bordeaux has similar powers (Sainéan, Bordeaux, p. 20).
Saint Pachys (‘S. Fat’).is probably S. Pachomios, his name being
punned with παχύς ; S. Isidore (‘Ισίδωρος), who patronizes weakly
children, is in the same way called d σιδηρενιος άγιος. Punning on
saints’ names is common in Greece (see M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp.
24 ü.),cf. Στυλιανός, Σταματιος, Όνουφριος,Εύστράτιος(ίοτ walking),
Αίμυλιανός (for speech ομιλώ). Both in Greece and in the West (cf.
for France Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, ii, 269) the majority of such
saints are for children’s diseases. In Greece the * finders ’ Μηνάς and
Φανούριος are exceptions ; Georgeakis and Pineau report that in Lesbos
incautious touching of her face on S. Simon’s (Simeon’s ?) day by a

184 Natural Cults

artificial passage in the rock (called τρύπιο λιθάρι) above the
Stadium was similarly used for superstitious purposes,
various offerings being made to the presiding spirit.1
Similar pierced-stone cults are cited from Bosnia.2 All
these examples, including the Cyprian cults discussed
below, depend on the supposed magic virtue of pierced
objects, which seems to be world-wide. The reputed
virtue of holed stones, as of other traversable pierced
objects, is probably bound up with the conception of
holes as 6 entrances5 or ‘ new starts \ All entrances,
qua beginnings, are regarded as critical points for good
or evil. A sick person may be thought to 6 change his
luck ’ by the act of passage alone. In the case of sacred
objects which are acknowledged to possess beneficent
influence, it is obvious that the c change of luck ’ will be
a change for the better. Moreover, the patient at the
moment of passing through is exposed to the beneficent
influence from all sides. It is therefore comprehensible
that, in passing through pierced objects such as stones,
contact is often desirable.3 In the fragment of an
ancient roadway near Damascus, which is reputed the
spot where S. Paul fell to the earth, pilgrims in all ages
have sought pebbles to preserve as relics. This practice
has produced a 6 wide, arch-like excavation through the
centre of the causeway 9 and pilgrims now, as a supple-
mentary act of devotion, frequently pass through this

pregnant woman may cause the child to have a mole on its face {Folk-
Lore de Lesbos^ p. 329) : the sequence is Σιμών, σήμα, σημάδι. Other
cases of such punning are given by Sébillot, op. cit. iv, 159 ; Millin,
Midi de la France, i, 479 ; and by Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote,
§ vii, p. 241 ; whose list provides excellent illustrations of etymology
deciding the functions of saints. See also Hasluck, Letters, p. 82.

1 Hobhouse, Albania, i, 325 ; Dupré, Voyage à Athènes, p. 36 ;
Kambouroglous, Ίστορία> i, 222 : ef. below, p. 222.

3 Lilek, in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, iv, 434 f.

3 Cf. Loretto, where pilgrims circumambulate the Holy House on
their knees, trying to touch the walls (Collin de Plancy, Diet. des Re-
liques, ii, 294).

» Pierced Stones 185

aperture, rubbing their shoulders against its pebbly
sides.1 Similarly, at Nazareth, Turks, Arabs, and Chris-
tians alike come for healing to the two columns which
mark where the Virgin and the Angel stood at the An-
nunciation, passing and re-passing between them, at
the same time rubbing against them the part affected.2 * 4 *

* Passing through ’ having once become familiar as
a form of ritual in connexion with objects admittedly
sacred, a natural, if illogical, confusion leads to the
assumption that ‘ going through holes is lucky ’, and
rocks and stones or other objects capable of being so
traversed tend to become respected and often to ac-
cumulate sacred traditions. In cases where the hole is
not large enough to admit a person, a smaller object
may be passed through, and, having absorbed the virtue
of the sacred object, transfer it by close juxtaposition to
the supplicant. The procedure at the grave of Chetim
Tess Baba, an abdal or ‘ fool-saint ’ buried at Monastir,
fully illustrates this point.3

C.—Stones with Natural Markings.

Stones bearing miraculous markings, especially foot-
prints^ find prototypes for Islam in the footprints of
Abraham at Mecca,5 of the Prophet at Constantinople 6

1 Kelly, Syria, p. 195.

2 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 270 : ‘ Les Turcs, les Maures, & les

Chrétiens du Pais ont une grande vénération pour ces colonnes. Dès
qu’ils sont malades, ils viennent passer & repasser entre elles, s’y frottent
le dos, le ventre, les bras, les cuisses, les jambes, la tête, le visage, la
barbe, en un mot, toutes les parties où ils sentent de la douleur, & s’en
retournent guéris de leurs maladies.’ 3 See below, p. 359.

4 These are exceedingly common elsewhere : see Sébillot, Folk-Lore

de France, passim ; Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 24 (xxii) ; Oli-
phant, Haifa, p. 146 ; Korten, Reise, p. 286 ; Maury, Croy. du Moyen
Âge, pp. 301 ff. ; Millin, Midi de la France, iv, 720; Hahn, Alban.
Studien, p. 85. 5 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 267.

6 Jardin des Mosquées in Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 57.
It was deposited in the Mosque of Eyyub by Sultan Mahmud I (1730-54).

186 Natural Cults

and Jerusalem,1 of the Prophet’s camel on Sinai,2 and of
his mule at Medina.3 The imprints of the foot of Sari
Saltik at Kruya and Bazaar Shiakh in Albania^ of Haji
‘Bektash’s hand at Sidi Ghazi,5 of Sheikh Joban’s at his
tekke near Caesarea,6 and of Demir Baba’s in Bulgaria 7
are local relics of the same sort. The hoofprint of the
prophet Khidr’s horse was formerly shown at a tekke in
Pontus.8 The well-known imprint of the hand of
Mohammed II in S. Sophia is perhaps the best-known
instance. This, according to Elworthy, has attained to
a cult among the vulgar by a confusion of Mohammed
the Conqueror with Mohammed the Prophet, and is
invoked for protection against the Evil Eye.9 The

‘ sweating column ’ in the same mosque owes its cura-
tive powers to the hole made in it by the finger of the
Prophet Khidr.10

In eastern Christianity we may perhaps regard the
4 Footprint of Christ V1 formerly shown to pilgrims in
the Dome of the Rock at Jerusalem12 as the prototype of

1 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 136; Conder, Jerusalem, p. 11. Another
occurs at Cairo (Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 85).

2 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 146 ; Lenoir, Le Fayoum, pp. 249 f. ;
Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 536.

3 Goldziher, in Arch.f. Religionsw. xiv, 308.

4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 240 ; Ippen, Skutari, p. 77.

5 Mordtmann in Φιλολ. Σύλλογος, Παραρτ. του Θ/ τόμου, ρ. χν.

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad. de Г Asie Mineure, p. 215.

7 Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 536. Between Jerusalem and Bethlehem
della Valle was shown a stone with the imprint of S. Elias’ body
(Voyagesy ii, 88).

8 Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 10. Similar 4 hoof-prints ’ are shown as
those of the horse of the saint Ali Baba at Tomoritza in Albania (Bal-
dacci, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. 1914, p. 978).

9 Elworthy, Evil Eye, p. 251 : cf. the confusion about the Sword of
the Girding (see below, p. 609-10). There is another at Cairo (Browne,
Nouveau Voyage, i, 119).

10 Guthe in Z.D.P.V. xvii, 303. See above, p. 10, n. 5.

11 At Paimpol in Brittany footprints of Christ appeared as late as the
6th of January 1771 (Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, p. 318).

12 Petrus Diaconus, in Geyer, Itin. Hieros., pp. 107 f. : 4 Super saxum

Naturally Marked Stones 187

this class of venerated stones. In modern Greece a
reputed hoofmark in the rock at Philiatra (in Triphylia)
is attributed to the mule of the Virgin, who appeared
there,1 and in Crete a similar mark is pointed out as the
imprint of S. Nicetas’ winged horse,* another as that
of the horse of the secular hero Digenes.3

The imperishable nature and obvious interpretation
of such stones,4 if characteristically marked, tend to
secure their local veneration regardless of changes in the
religion of their clientele. The footprint in the Dome
of the Rock at Jerusalem, earlier attributed to Christ, is
obviously the same as that held under Mussulman ad-
ministration to be that of the Prophet, and probably
served in Jewish times as that of Abraham.5 A ‘ foot-
print ’ in Georgia is held by various parties at one and
the same time to be that of the legendary queen Tamar,
of a Christian priest flying from persecution, and of a
Mohammedan saint who converted the district to Is-
lam. It is thus venerated by all, irrespective of their
creed.6

posuit dominus Iesus pedem suum, quando eum Symeon accepit in
ulnis, et ita rcmansit pes sculptus, ac si in cera positus esset ’. Cf. Con-
der, Jerusalem, p. io : Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 26 (xxiii).
Another footprint of Christ was shown on the Mount of Olives (Di-
dron, Iconographie Chrétienne, ii, 217).

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 192.

2 Ibid., no. 199 : cf. Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 171 (knee-marks of S.
Peter).

3 Ibid., no. 120 : cf. Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 126 (hoof-
print of Marko Kraljevich’s winged horse shown near Lake Presba).

4 Cf. Moses’ rock on Sinai (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 580).

5 A pre-Crusading Moslem account (1047) of the Rock says that the
footprint was then said to be that of Abraham (Le Strange, Palestine,
p. 128) : see also below, p. 195, n. 5. In the twelfth century a
sacred stone at Aleppo was worshipped as the tomb of a prophet by
Moslems, Jews, and Christians (Yakut, Lexicon Geographicum, ii, 308).

6 Paigrave, Ulysses, p. 74.

ι88

Natural Cults

(ii) Worked Stones

Stones venerated on account of work upon them are
divided into two main categories, shaped stones and
inscribed stones.

A.—Statues and Reliefs.

Stones carved with figures, i.e. statues and reliefs,
need hardly be considered on the Mohammedan side,
since the prohibition of images by Islam has taken deep
root in the popular mind. Exceptional, if not unique,
is the cult formerly attaching to a headless Roman
statue still preserved in a fountain outside the Valideh
Mosque at Candia, which was supposed to represent
a Moslem warrior saint turned to stone by Christian
magic.1 Popular feeling among Mussulmans is, as a
rule, against images ; there is a tradition that angels

1 Pashley, Crete (1837), i, 194 : ‘ In this city the devout Moham-
medan women burn incense every Friday, and some of them suspend
bits of rag, and similar votive offerings, to honour an ancient statue.
. . . The tradition current among them is that the saint was an Arab, to
whose dress the ancient robe of the statue bears some resemblance, and
that he greatly distinguished himself during the famous siege of the
Kistron [i.e. Candia].’ The statue is figured on p. 186 of Pashley’s
work. Cf. also Spratt, Crete (1865), i, 44 : ‘ The bust [!] of a Roman
statue, at a fountain within the town . . . is . . . decorated and paid
reverence to by some Turkish devotees every Friday,… besides having
a lamp with oil or incense set before it also. … I was informed that it
[ì. e. this worship] is due to a belief amongst the superstitious, that it is
thé petrified remnant of the body of a sainted Ethiopian Mussulman
who was killed in the war, and whose head and lower members were
cut off by the Christians, but who is destined to rise to life when the
Ghiaour are to be exterminated from the island.’ The statue is still
(1915) as Pashley saw it, except that the flesh parts and lower dra-
peries have been fainted black, evidently to show that the saint was
an ‘ Arab ’ : the cult is discontinued, though the lighting of lamps and
candles at the place by negro women is still remembered (F. W. H.).
Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, ii, 765, cites also Chourmouzes, Κρητικά, p. 57, in
this connexion.

Statues 189

will not enter where there is a semblance of a man,1 and
another to the effect that complete statues are the abode
of devils.2 This leads to their mutilation, sometimes
even against the owner’s interest.3 At the same time
it is not uncommon to find statues or reliefs held in
considerable superstitious respect by Moslems as the
abode of j inns possessed of power ; 4 but this, power is

evoked by secular magic. The Arabian Nights admir-
ably illustrate these different points of view. Statues
there fall into four classes. There are, first, talismans
like the horseman in the City of Brassy which are
susceptible of use by those who know the trick : this
horseman’s magic powers are enhanced by the inscrip-
tion engraved on it. Secondly, there are ‘ idols ’ in-
habited intermittently b yjinns,who give oracles through

them to deceive the idolatrous.6 Others, again, like the

1 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth., i, 184. Angels will not enter a house
containing a picture, a dog, or a bell (E. Abela, in Z.D.P.V., vii, 93).
Bells attract evil spirits, and Moslems fear them accordingly (Jessup,
Women of the Arabs, p. 304 : cf. Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 31).

2 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, i, 45 : 4 Us prétendent que les statues des
hommes et des femmes sont en droit de contraindre les ouvriers qui les
ont faites de leur donner une ame, & que cela ne se pouvant pas faire,
… les diables se nichent & se servent de ces corps pour molester les
hommes, mais que pour les empêcher, il n’y a qu’à les mutiler & les
défigurer, & que les diables les voyant en cet état, les méprisent, les
ont en horreur & vont chercher à se loger autre part.’ At the day of
Judgement makers of images will be required to put a soul into them
(Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 120). In France, at S. Martial’s command, the
devil quitted a statue of Jupiter in the form of 4 un petit enfant noir
comme un Egiptien 9 (Collin, Hist. Sacr. de Limoges, p. 231). Cf. the
Abbé Caret’s letter from the Gambard Islands, dated the 6th of Octo-
ber 1834 (quoted by Maury, Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 198).

3 Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 82.

4 For instances see Le Strange, Palestine, p. 500 ; Garstang, Land of
the Hittites, p. 95, η. 3.

5 Lane’s ed., pp. 304, 309 : cf. the talisman of the Loadstone Island
in the story of the Third Royal Mendica?it, p. 51 (the talisman is again
a horseman). Cf. also, p. 228, the eagle on a pillar in Abou Mohammed
the Luzy, which effects its results by means of efrits.

6 City of Brass, p. 305.

190 Natural Cults

jinn in the City of Brass, imprisoned to his armpits in
a pillar for having opposed Solomon,1 represent persons
turned to stone by divine agency for sin. To a Moslem
the greatest sin is unbelief : because of it the King,
Queen, and inhabitants of the Magian city in the First
Lady’s Fale were petrified.3 A fourth class consists of
virtuous .persons petrified by the magic artifice of mali-
cious persons, like the young King of the Black Islands,
whose faithless wife half turned him into stone : з the
motif also recurs not infrequently in folk-lore. It is
this last category into which the Candia ‘ Arab 5 falls,
with the consequence that he is just as worthy of wor-
ship as if he had been buried in the ordinary way.

The Moslem or, rather, Semitic view of 4 graven
images ’ has not been without its influence on the
eastern churches, which officially prohibit statues and
reliefs of sacred persons. In practice, however, ancient
reliefs are occasionally objects of Christian cult, even
inside the church, as for example the fairly numerous
reliefs of the Thracian horseman used as eikons of S.
George in Thrace.4 At the village church of Luzani,
in lower Macedonia, Mr. Wace tells me, a horseman-
relief is built into the low wall dividing the women’s
gallery from the main building. The top of the relief
is covered with the grease of votive candles, as the relief
has a reputation for curing earache, neuralgia, &c., in
children : the face of the horseman is washed, and the
water used (άπόνυμμα) applied to the ailing part. It is
significant that the church is dedicated to S. Demetrius,
a cavalier like S. George. But reliefs of purely secular
sub jects may be consecrated by their position in churches.
Such is the white marble relief of a nude woman, pow-
dered fragments of which, drunk in water, are used as

1 City of Brass, p. 304. 2 Ibid., p. 57.

3 Ibid., p. 30.

4 Dumont, Mélanges dl Archéologie et dIÉpigraphie, p. 219; Mert-
zides, Al χώραυ του παρελθόντος, p. 41.

Reliefs 191

a milk-charm at the monastery of Ardenitza in Albania.1
The virtue of a relief is not dependent on such a posi-
tion, but only enhanced or consecrated by it, and a
secular relief placed in no relation to a church may be
thought to have power, among Christians as among
Moslems. Thus a relief of the Dioscuri by the village
spring at Levetzova (Laconia), which was supposed to
represent local spirits, was venerated by Christian vil-
lagers almost in our own day without coming into the
sphere of the church at all.2 The same is true of the
so-called c Demeter 5 statue worshipped by the peasants
at Eleusis for good crops.з Clarke, the discoverer of
this reputed survival of Demeter worship, rightly ob-
serves that the connexion with the crops is based on the
supposition that certain ornaments on the polos head-
dress of the figure represented ears of corn ; the statue
is, in fact, no longer thought to be a Demeter.4 In all
probability the finding of the statue chanced to coin-
cide with an abundant harvest and the inference was
(post hoc, ergo propter hoc) that the talisman was ‘ white 5
or favourable. A somewhat similar case is related from
Byzantine Constantinople. In the course of building
operations for a palace of Romanus I a marble bull’s
head was discovered, which was burnt for lime. The
destruction of the talisman (as the event proved the
bull’s head to be) resulted in recurrent epidemics among
cattle all over the empire.5

In all these secular cults of statues and reliefs the
underlying idea is that the figures represent spirits

1 Patsch, Berat, p. 154; cf. p. 124 ; cf. above, p. 182.

2 L. Ross, Wanderungen in Griechenland, ii, 242.

3 E. D. Clarke, Travels, vi, 601 f. ; Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐς, no. 139,

and note. 4 Michaelis, Ancient Marbles, p. 242.

5 M. Glycas, Annales, 304 p : των θεμελίων καταβαλομόνων, βοός,
φασίν, ζύρζθήναι μαρμάρινου κζφαλήν ήν tvpóvres καί συντρί-
φαντ€ς εις τον τοΰ τιτάνου κάμινον βάλλονσιν. il; Ìkclvov και μ^χρι
των TÌj8e χρόνων ονκ όπαυσατο πανταχοΰ τής γης οποσην η των
* Ρωμαίων περιόχςι δυναστβία, τα των βοών διαφθείρεσθαι γ€νη.

192 Natural Cults

enchanted for a purpose, good or evil, who have power,
within the limits of their enchanter’s intentions, and
may be placated by a certain ritual. On the Moslem
side, as we have seen, owing to the religious ban on
representations of the human form, their activity is
normally conceived of as maleficent, and their cult is
placation.

B.— Columns, t$c.

An important and interesting group of worked stones
which owe their superstitious veneration to their shape
is formed by the upright pierced monoliths used for
superstitious purposes by the inhabitants in various
parts of Cyprus.1 Of these some are used by women
desirous of children, who seat themselves on top of the
stone ; others by fever patients· with the usual rag-
tying ceremony ; in other cases sick children and barren
women are passed through the holes in the stones. So
far as these practices have a connexion with religion,
this is due to the proximity of the stones to churches.
One stone is unofficially canonized as Άγια Τρυττημίνη
(* S. Bored ’).* When these pierced monoliths were first
discovered at Paphos, the usual extravagant hypotheses
of ‘ survivals ’ were put forward.3 Subsequent researches
by Guillemard and Hogarth have made it clear that
they are parts of ancient oil-presses,4 and that as many

1 Hogarth, Devia Cypria, pp. 46 ff. ; cf. p. 41. With the veneration
of these monoliths may be compared the cult of certain dolmens in
Brittany. In neither case is a survival probable. For the confusion in
thought about survivals which is due to the ambiguity of meaning in
the word ‘ pagan 5 see Hasluck, Letters, p. 57.

2 This is interesting as an example of popular canonization by

Christians exactly on Turkish lines. The Turks frequently anthropo-
morphise haunted places and objects they venerate in the same way,
and 4Αγία Τρυττημ,Ινη is exactly paralleled by Delikli Baba (see above,
p. 89, n. 5). The sex in the present case is due to the gender of
7Γ€τρα. з Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 189.

4 Some light is shed on the method of working these by Macalister’s
discovery at Gezer (P.E.F., O.S. for 1909, p. 188).

Columns 193

as fifty of them exist in various parts of the island ; of
these only a very small proportion are used for any
superstitious purpose. ‘ The belief in the mysterious
virtues of these monoliths Hogarth concludes, ‘ exists
in so few cases, and is so weak even in those few, that it
may fairly be argued that it is only of modern origin and
has not had time even yet to develop into a universal
tenet.’ 1

The arbitrary selection of certain stones of this kind
for superstitious purposes, and the variation in the
ritual attaching to them is probably due to local dealers
in magic. All have a certain a priori eligibility, both as
pierced stones (see above) and also, to a certain extent,
as columnar stones. Any isolated upright stone or
column, if at all conspicuous, is apt to attract super-
stitious reverence.2 3 4 The underlying idea is doubtless
that such isolated columns mark places where talismans
or objects enchanted for a definite purpose, generally
prophylactic, are buried. Most of the talismans of
Constantinople cited by Evliya з are connected with
columns. The Column of Constantine was supposed
already in Byzantine times to cover the Palladium and
other relics 4 and to be on this account in a special sense

1 Devia Cypria, p. 52. The stones at Paphos are figured by Magda
Ohnefalsch-Richter (Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Су pern, pi. 17),
who adheres to the old theory of their ancient religious use (p. 40).

2 A column is also the symbol of stability. The name Stylianos is
given like Stamatios to children born after several children have died
in infancy.

3 Travels, 1, i, 16 ff. ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constanti-
nople, pp. I ff. ; for the serpent column and its connexions with ser-
pents see Chalcondyles, p. 329 p. ; Clavijo in Mérimée, Études, p. 320 ;
Quiclet, Voyages, p. 177 ; Savary de Brèves, Voyages, p. 33. An ex-
ception is the talisman made by Plato against the gnats of Constanti-
nople (Evliya, I, i, 17). The serpent talisman in S. Ambrogio, MÜan,
is said to have come from Constantinople (Gauthiez, Milan, p. 18).

4 See Du Cange, Constant. Christ., i, 76 p, and the same author’s
notes to Anna Comnena (382-3 p). A prophylactic service at the column,

3-95*1

О

194 Natural Cults

the Luck of the city.1 A solemn burying of the talis-
mans against plague in honour of S. Charalambos under
a column in Athens little more than a century ago is
recorded by Kambouroglous.2 Similarly, when a place
in Zante was discovered accidentally to be haunted, the
remedy was to set up there a column marked with a
cross.3 The same connexion between column and talis-
man is probably to be discerned in the account of an
inscribed porphyry column discovered at Constantinople
in 1563 and deposited as a precious thing in the treasury
of the Grand Signior.4

Another superstition is that columns mark, possibly
protect, hidden treasure. At Urfa (Edessa) there are
two giant columns, one of which performs this function,
while the other is a talisman against floods.5 As no one
knows which is which, the treasure remains undisturbed
since the removal of the wrong column would flood the
town.

A column of a sacred building, if conspicuous for any

in which the Emperor and Patriarch took part, was performed ‘ accord-
ing to ancient custom * in 1327 (Niceph. Greg, viii, 15).

1 Ducas, pp. 289-90 в ; Chalcondyles, p. 397 в.

2 ‘Ιστορία, ii, 182 (cited by M. Hamilton, Greek Saints, p. 71), from
a contemporary note of 1792.

3 Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 510 : V τον τόπο εκείνο γιατί είναι κακός,
έβαλαν μία κολόννα με ενα σταυρό άπάνον.

4 Lambros in Νέος ‘Ελληνομνημών, vii, 176(201) :— 1563 : Μηνί
Νοεμβρίω <$' τον αφξγ' έτους, εν Κωνσταντινουπόλει, επί τίνος χήρας Εύλή γνναικός, όρύσσοντές τινες προς τό ανζήσαι τον οΐκον αυτής, εκεί εύρον κίονα πορφνροΰν, το μεν μήκος εχοντα ποδών μέ, τό δε πλάτος σπιθαμών ΐψ. >Εγκεκόλαπτο δε παρά τή κεφαλή ταυτί τα
στοιχεία €ΡΓN£C. Ευθέως μεν οΰν 6 βασιλεύς προστάζας εν τοΐς
βασιλείοις τούτον εκόμισαν· ον ιδών λίαν εθαύμασε· ώς μεγα δε
καί πολύτιμον χρήμα, τοΐς βασιλικοις αυτού θησαυροΐς εναπεθετο.

5 See below, p. 368. The same columns are regarded as remains of
the catapult with which Nimrod hurled Abraham into the furnace, see
further, below, p 317. Cf. Choisy (Asie Mineure, p. 134) for the Aizani
temple. Solomon hid treasure in the vaults of Baalbek (Volney,
Voyage, i, 119). Cf. also Fabri, Evagat. iii, 55 ; de Breves, Voyages,

p* 237·

S. John of the Column 195

peculiarity, may evolve its own cultus. Cases are to be
found in the ‘ sweating5 column of S. Sophia, mentioned
above, and in the column in the Mosque of the Groom
at Cairo, to be cited later.

Columns may easily be brought within the pale of
Christianity by the analogy of the Column of Christ’s
Scourging.1 This motif is employed to sanctify the
superstitious cult of a column at Paphos, at which S.
Paul is said to have been scourged ; the imprint of his
hand appears on it, with curious inconsequence, on S.
John’s day.2 A column in a church з at Athens sacred
to S. John is well known for its cures of fevers. Accord-
ing to local tradition S. John himself buried the spirits
or talismans of fever and other sicknesses under the
column.4 The ritual of the cure is as follows. The
patient, having made his vow, takes a thread,c measures ’
it on the eikon of S. John, and cuts off a corresponding
length.5 He wears this thread for three nights tied

1 For the Column of Flagellation see Conder, Jerusalem, p. 15, and
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 346.

2 Hogarth, Devia Су pria, p. 8.

3 Seventeenth-century writers speak of this column as dedicated to
S. John, evidently before the building of a church. The miraculous
marble column in the mosque at Beyrut which was formerly a church
of S. George cures pains when rolled on the aching part, the procedure
being perhaps an echo of one of the tortures inflicted on the saint
(Pococke, Voyages, iii, 275, with which compare for the procedure
Amélineau, Contes de VÊgypte chrétienne ii, 174).

4 Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐς, no. 155 ; Μ. Hamilton, Greek Saints, pp.
65 fl. ; Rodd, Customs of Modern Greece, p. 167 ; Kambouroglous,
‘Ιστορία, i, 221, is the source of all. Cf. also Buchon, Grèce Continen-
tale, p. ιοί.

5 This part of the ritual seems to have escaped the notice of former
writers. The idea is of some antiquity (see Weyh, Mirpov λαμβάνζιν, in
Byz. Zeit, xxiii, 164 ff.), and has parallels elsewhere in modern Greece ;
cf. especially de Launay, Chez les Grecs de Turquie, p. 183, where
the guardian-dervish of S. Demetrius, Salonica, gives to a Greek
peasant a thread he has measured on an ornament of the saint’s tomb
(see below, p. 263). The footprint of Christ in the El Aksa mosque at
Jerusalem has long had sovereign virtue : as early as c. 570 a.d. An-

o 2

ig6 Natural Cults

round his arm and then affixes it with wax to the
column. A similar miraculous column exists built into
the church of the Virgin at Areopolis in Mani. Fever
patients drink scrapings of it in water at the waning
of the moon.1

Columnar stones are similarly brought into the pale
of Islam by connecting them with saints. A good ex-
ample of the plain ‘ shaped stone ’ class is afforded by
the stones at Konia associated with the tomb of the
Imam Baghevi. These are two drums of an angle-
pillar from a classical colonnade. The pillar, which
formed the junction between two ranges of columns
set at right angles, had its two antae worked as half-
columns, so that the section of each drum is heart-
shaped. With the angle uppermost the two drums
present some resemblance to a saddle, from which cir-
cumstance they are supposed to represent the horses of
the Imam turned to stone, and cures are wrought by
contact with them in the posture thus suggested.2 Of
another columnar stone, sixteen feet high, near Koch
Hisar, Ainsworth tells a pretty story to the effect that
a mosque was once being erected in a neighbouring
village and good Mussulmans were contributing to it
by the voluntary labour of bringing stones. A pious
girl was enabled by her faith to transport this huge

toninus martyr writes : ‘ de petra illa, ubi stetit, multae fiunt vir-
tutes : tollentes de ipsius vestigiis pedum mensuram, ligant pro

singulis languoribus et sanantur ’ (ed. Tobler, p. 26, xxiii : a slightly
different version in G. Williams, The Holy City, ii, 375, n. 5). Mirike
(1c. 1684) relates an analogous practice by which pilgrims to the Holy
Land measure off on the Stone of Unction at Jerusalem a piece of cloth
from which they fashion their future shrouds (pp. 46 f. in Tobler,
Golgatha, p. 351 ; cf. Maundrell, ed. Wright, p. 464, who, however,
does not mention the measuring). [At Bogatsko in western Macedonia
a Greek mother in 1922 promised the Virgin a candle equal in length
to the boy’s height if she would restore her sick son to health.—
M. M. H.]

1 Polîtes, Παραδόσ€ΐ,ς> ii, 764, citing Πανδώρα, xxii, 336.

2 F. W. H. See above, p. 82.

Stones Carried by Saints 197

stone to the spot where it now rests. Here a young man
appeared to her and told her ‘ God had accepted her
services and was well pleased ’ : the girl died on the spot
and was buried beneath the stone.1 Evidently she was
one of the unknown ‘ saints of God the mysterious
messenger being in all probability Khidr. A cult or
superstitious use of this stone is not mentioned. A
rather more complicated story explains the pillar wor-
shipped at a Bektashi tekke near Uskub in Macedonia.2
The saint Karaja Ahmed is said to have brought this
stone, together with his own head, which had been cut
off in a war, to the spot where it is now. A woman
exclaiming at the extraordinary sight, the saint put
down his head and the stone at the site of the present
tekke.3 Whatever its origin, the pillar is in its present
position part of the regular ritual furniture of a Bektashi
house of prayer. Some similar hagiological legend in
all probability attaches (or will attach) to an ancient
column composed of four drums and a base on the site
of Tyana in Asia Minor. This column is a fairly exact
Moslem parallel to that of S. John at Athens. Persons
suffering from fever visit it in the morning, taking with
them a holy man who recites some prayers, after which

1 Travels, i, 187. A similar story, with a less religious colouring, is
told of the ‘ Maiden’s Stone ’ (Column of Marcian) at Constantinople
(Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 107 f.) ; cf\
Evliya, Travels, 1, i, 17.

2 See Evans in J.H.S. xxi, 200 ff., who says without details that one
version of the stone’s history was that it was brought by a holy man
from Bosnia.

3 F. W. H. This story is a broken-down version of that told of the
Bosnian saint, Hazret Ali, whose head was cut off by his father for an
alleged intrigue (after the model of Joseph and Zuleika) with his
father’s young wife. The saint, who was of course innocent, walked
with his head in his hand till, a woman exclaiming at the sight, his head
fell on the spot where the turbe now stands and his father was turned into
stone. He was brought to the grave of his son and brought to life again,
a spring gushing forth when this miracle took place (Mirkovic in IViss.
Mitth. Bosnien, i, 462 ; cf. Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 228).

198 Natural Cults

the patient ties a rag of his clothing to a nail and drives
the nail into the joints of the column.1

The stone at Alexandrovo near Uskub is said by
Evans to have two histories, which illustrate two widely
disseminated legends accounting for the presence of
extraordinary stones. It is said (1) to have come from
Mecca or (2) to have been brought by a holy man from
Bosnia. * As to (1), stones reported to have come from
Mecca may perhaps be assumed to have c flown ’, i. e.
to have come by levitation 2 3 at the request of some holy
person. A very probable 4 5 * * * type-legend ’ is that told of
a column in the mosque of Amr at Cairo. The caliph
Omar is said to have commanded this stone to transfer
itself from Mecca to Cairo. The stone refusing to
move, he repeated his command, emphasizing it with
a blow of his whip, of which the marks remain. He
then remembered to add the words ‘ In the name of
God ’ to the command, whereupon the stone obeyed.з
The stories of ‘ stones from Mecca 9 at Alexandrovo and
at Hasan Dede 4 in Asia Minor are probably based on
this motif Λ

1 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, in. ‘ Le malade vient le matin, accom-
pagné d’un iman, qui récite quelques prières ; après quoi le malade
déchire une petite partie de son vêtement, et la cloue dans un des joints
de la pierre ; cela s’appelle clouer la fièvre. Les joints de la colonne
sont criblés de clous plantés dans le même but.’

2 On levitation see below, pp. 285 f.

3 H. de Vaujany, Caire, p. 296 ; cf. Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire,
p. 49, and G. Migeon, Caire, p. 42. The column probably resembled
those of the mosque at Mecca, and is perhaps mentioned also by W. G.
Browne, Nouveau Voyage, i, 119. Tyndale, U Égypte, pp. 120 ff., tells
the same tale, not very well and substituting Mohammed for Omar.
The connexion of the story with two great religious centres like Mecca
and Cairo would ensure its circulation all over the Mohammedan world.

4 Cf. above, p. 181, n. 1 ; Crowfoot, in J. R. Anthr. Inst, xxx, 308.

5 Mrs. Bishop (Journeys in Persia, i, 276) relates that at New Julfa

(an Armenian town founded in the seventeenth century by Shah

Abbas) cures are wrought by certain large stones, one being evidently

the capital of a column ; they ‘ flew ’ from Echmiadzin to New Julfa

Flying Stones 199

From ‘ Flying Stone ’ to Flying Castle * is but a
step. The latter motif occurs in the folk-tale of Moham-
med Г Avisé in Spitta Bey’s collection 1 and also at Bosra
as Kasr Tayaran {lit. ‘flying castle ’).2 Possibly, how-
ever, this conception is influenced by the idea which
easterns seem to have that a group of columns, as
found, for instance, in the Olympieum of Athens, did
not surround a building, but rather supported one high
in the air.3 In the case of the Olympieum the fragment
of rubble which remains would confirm the idea.

(2) The second explanation of the Alexandrovo stone,
as we have seen, is derived immediately from a Bosnian
legend, mutilated in that it fails to explain why the
saint was carrying the stone at all. The simplest form
of this theme is analogous to the Koch Hisar legend, the
essence of it being the miraculous accident : a saintly
person carrying a stone for a religious purpose has his or
her attention distracted by a person of the other sex and
drops the burden. In north Albania the motif recurs

in one night, and, though seven times removed eighty miles, they
always returned to New Julfa. For Echmiadzin see Leclercq,
Mont Ararat, pp. 223 ff. ; the stone on which Christ drew its plan
with a ray of light is interesting, see Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques,
ii, 78. The i flying stone ’ motif is certainly older than Islam. One of
the numerous columns of Christ’s scourging ‘ quae fuit in domo Caia-
phae . . . modo in sanctam Sion jussu Domini secuta est’ (Theodorus,
A.D. 530 cited by Conder, Jerusalem, p. 15, as are also Paula, the Bor-
deaux Pilgrim, and Silvia ; cf. Antoninus martyr, ed. Tobler, p. 28,
XXV, and S. Eucherius in Tobler, Palaest. Descr., p. 33). Here the story
is probably no more than a naïve excuse for the change of site, for which
see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 88-9.

1 See Le Boulicaut, Au Pays des Mystères, pp. 156 ff., and also Artin
Pasha, Contes du Nil, p. 278.

2 D’Oppenheim in Tour du Monde, 1899, p. 364. The author
acutely remarks that Kasr Tayaran at Bosra was Colonia Nova Troiana,
a fact which may have contributed to the modern legend. Lane men-
tions a flying castle (Thousand and One Nights, p. 484).

3 The temple at Aizani is variously said to have been built on
columns by the inhabitants to avoid brigands or by giants who had
treasure there (Choisy, Asie Mineurei p. 134).

200

Natural Cults

among Roman Catholics. * A maiden, who was so holy
that she was almost a saint, had vowed that she would
carry it [a great rock] to the church of Berisha. Miracu-
lously aided, she bore it a long way,’ but, distracted by
the good looks and piping of a shepherd, she was led
into profane thought : ‘ the rock fell from her shoulders,
and when she strove to pick it up she found her strength
had gone.’1 In all these cases the hero is a virgin, the
magic power of virginity 2 3 being impaired by thoughts
of the other sex. This is, I think, essential to the
point.

Through the hermit literature the idea was pushed
pretty far in the West. In France the Virgin Mary is
twice said to have been carrying stones to build a church
and to have dropped them on hearing that the church
in question had been completed.з

Everywhere the theme ramifies very interestingly.
On the one hand, there is the story of profane persons,
such as the devil or a giant, dropping stones at various
surprises. Such was the origin of the ‘ pregnant stone ’,
weighing more than ιι,οοο tons, at Baalbek. A
who was with child, was carrying the stone upon her
head to the temple, that being part of her daily task.
On being suddenly informed that her brother had been
killed, she let fall the stone and sat down upon it to
weep : it has remained there ever since.4

1 Durham, High Albania, p. 193.

2 The magic power of virginity is of course a commonplace (cf
Frazer, Golden Bough, passim). The 4 influence of the other sex ’ idea
is probably oriental, though not necessarily Mohammedan.

3 Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 7 and 22.

* Isabel Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 231. The story seems a con-
tamination of several. A simpler version is in Ellis Warburton, Crescent
and Cross, p. 309 ; m&lejinns were building Baalbek for Solomon, the
females bringing stones. The great isolated stone was being brought
by a female jinn, when she dropped it on hearing that her brother had
fallen from the building. Cf\ also Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land,
pp. 50, 74, and La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 124, 128.

Stones Carried by Penitents 201

The notion of carrying stones to build a church, as
in the case of the Virgin above, recalls a time when it
was usual for penitents in pursuance of vows to carry
stones, either as a mere penance or in order to help
practically in some sacred enterprise, frequently under-
taken, besides, as an act of piety by pious persons. Thus,
among Catholic Albanians it is a popular custom, per-
mitted as irregular but edifying by the Franciscan
priesthood, for a man who has received absolution to
bring a stone to the church next Sunday as a public
penance.1 In France the monks of a relaxed convent
were ordered to carry one stone per sin as a penance.2 3 4 5
In pursuance of a vow a pilgrim from Jerusalem carried
stones from the Holy Land and discarded them only at
the door of S. Peter’s in Rome.3 In these cases the
symbolism is evidently the burden of sin. A case where
practical use was made of a penance is the tumulus of
S. Michael at Carnac in France, which was raised by
penitents, who were condemned to bring each a sack of
earth, if women, and a stone, if men.4 This further
suggests the question whether the stones in the cairns,
raised where pilgrimage places come in sight,5 were

1 Durham, High Albania, p. 104. This helps to explain the quantity
of ancient worked stones commonly found in Greek country churches,
if an ancient site is in the neighbourhood, and incidentally the tradition
that certain churches have been temples. The Armenian cathedral in
Damascus has stones from Sinai, Tabor, and the Jordan (I. Burton, op.
«’*■» P· 443)·

2 Sébillot, ii, 72 ; cf. ii, 426, where erring washerwomen are so
punished.

3 Acta 55. 17 Feb. (S. Salvinus) ; cf. Fabri, Evagat. ii, 195, who him-
self collected stones from the Holy Land.

4 Sébillot, iv, 41.

5 Fabri, op. cit. ii, 175 (Saracens and Christians share the practice).
Mandeville’s ‘ Mountjoy ’ is Nebi Samwil, the first point from which
pilgrims saw Jerusalem (Stanley, .Sinai, p. 214; Tobler, Topogr. von
Jerusalem, ii, 875). For Moslem practice see Montet, Culte des Saints
Musulmans y p. 19; Tristram, Eastern Customs, p. 102 ; de Saulcy, Voyage
en Ferre Sainte, p. 100.

202

Natural Cults

brought long distances for vows, but for the moment
I have no clear evidence on the point.1

In such stories we observe a fusion between a penance
and a pious custom, the object being to explain a re-
markable stone. An unusual looking stone suggests the
question, ‘ How did it come here ? 9 and a more or less
miraculops story as the answer. Such a stone also sug-
gests that it may be remarkable not only in appearance,

i.e. that it may have remarkable powers.

Both these lines of thought tend to run along pre-
conceived grooves, but must harmonize to a certain
extent. If the origin story is concerned with jinns,
e. g.y the property of the stone falls within the jinn
sphere. In this case the stone probably marks treasure
or is a talisman of some sort. If the tale is pious, the
personage figuring in it affects the stone with beneficent
powers.

Both lines converge again in making either kind of
stone potentially a remedy by black or white magic. In
the case of a merely silly story like that of a girl dis-
tracted by a shepherd from her pious task, it may never
develop, there being no particular moral, and the stone
remains a mere stone to the end, as having no connexion
with saint or jinn, white magic or black.

C.—Written Stones.

More numerous and more interesting are the written
stones put to superstitious uses. The magical power
attributed by Orientals to letters is well known.2 As

1 Gregorovius, W anderjahrey v, 121 (1874), says pilgrims to S.
Michael on Gargano, the patron saint of madness, were in the habit of
placing each a stone in a tree near the entrance of the church. But this
is perhaps allied to the French practice of putting stones in trees to
cure pains (Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, i, 352) ; possibly there is con-
fusion between the two. Physical and moral health are often assimi-
lated.

2 On this see Hastings’s Encycl. of Religion, art. Charms (.Muhamma-

Ίalismanic Inscriptions 203

historical examples of talismanic written stones in Asia
Minor ma ybe quoted the inscription supposed to have
been carried off by Harun-al-Rashid from Angora,1 and
another, composed at the request of Ala-ed-din I for
the protection of the walls of Konia by the mystic poet
Jelal-ed-din Rumi.2 Christian Miletus was similarly
protected by a magic inscription з and the Rhodian
k*nights, in a like spirit, engraved the lintel of the chief
gate at their castle of Budrum with the charm-text,
Nisi Dominus Custodierit, &c.4 In the seventeenth cen-

tury more than one gate of Constantinople was pro-
tected by stone cannon-balls ‘ hang’d up over severall
gates . . . with Turkish writing upon them ’.5 In modern

dan). To discover a thief a leaf of the book Phorkan was used on the
Nile (Boucher, Le Bouquet Sacré, p. 49). The opening and shutting
by the monks of the pentateuch kept in the church on Mt. Horeb de-
termined the rainfall of the district (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 567 ; an
evidently related tale is in Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 66). In the
mosque of Sidi Shahin, Cairo, a silver ring on a column bore an in-
scription in cabalistic characters which was a charm against sterility and
other maladies ; a passing Persian interpreted the inscription and found
it quite ordinary (Vaujany, Caire, pp. 282-3).

1 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 703.

2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 40.

3 C./.G. 2895. Cf also the prophylactic inscription on the land-walls
of Constantinople (Millingen, Constantinople Walls, p. 100), and for the
general use of prophylactic charms on Syrian buildings of the early
Christian period, Prentice in Amer. Exped. to Syria, iii, 17 ff. A talis-
man inscription guards vast treasures at Tabriz (Von Schweiger-Ler-
chenfeld, Armenien, p. 105).

4 Newton, Halicarnassus, ii, 657.

5 Covel, Diaries, ed. Bent, p. 217. Covel probably refers to the two
gates (S. Romanos and S. Barbara) now known as Ίορ Kapusi : this has
generally been translated 4 Cannon Gate \ but the primary meaning of
top is not4 cannon \ but4 ball \ The inscribed cannon-ball is of course
a 4 reinforced ’ amulet : for globular objects used as a protection
against the evil eye in the East, see Hildburgh in Man, 1913, pp. 1 ff.
(Egypt), and cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 40 (a golden ball suspended
over the entrance to the imperial divan). Gates, as entries, are
specially in need of protection, just as all entries and the beginnings of
new enterprises are regarded as potentially dangerous. An entry may

204 Natural Cults

life we find Mohammedan houses customarily protected
by the apotropaic Mashaallab, and both houses and
ships by the ‘ lucky ’ names of the Seven Sleepers.1

change one’s luck, and a city-gate is frequently a dark and echoing place
such as jinns notoriously frequent (cf. baths, mills, and dark vaults in
general, on all of which see above, p. no). Hence at a gateway the
people passing through must be protected against an unlucky passage,
while the gate itself must be defended against (i) the enemy’s entrance
and (2) the evil eye’s possible effect on the vault ; this last danger ex-
plains the bosses so often seen on Mohammedan archways. Generally
charms of various kinds were hung up : see below, p. 654, n. 4. An
amusing story in Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 377, is
worth recalling. Aleppo was suffering from locusts : to destroy them
water was brought from Zem-Zem at Mecca ; it had to avoid passing
under all gates and was taken over them instead. If, as often happened,
these charms were weapons or fossil bones, they were apt to evolve a
saint. Of this Rhodes gives the classical instance, the supposed head
of de Gozon’s dragon having evolved the legend of the dragon-slaying
dervish (Bilioni and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 153) ; a boot in one gateway
of Old Chalkis (see below, p. 230, n. 1) has begotten a giant to match.
A more drastic way of protecting the gate against an enemy’s entrance
was by blocking it up altogether ; this was done at Jerusalem, Con-
stantinople, &c. (see below, p. 753). Astrology also may be at the back
of stories of Sultans walling up the gates by which they had entered
conquered cities. A tale in de Lorey and Sladen’s Queer “Things about
Persia (p. 321) is illuminating. In 1806 a Persian ambassador was about
to start on an expedition when the astrologers warned him it would be
unlucky to go out by his palace gate, as there was an unpropitious astro-
logical combination in that direction ; he therefore left by a breach in
the wall of his neighbour’s garden. Presumably, the idea is that things
run in cycles and that, when the same stellar combination occurred
again, the gate would become a specially vulnerable point and a new
conqueror might take it. Professor Dawkins suggests that there may
also be an idea that a great man’s route or chair or instrument is so
sanctified by its connexion with him that common use would be a pro-
fanation. Professor John Fraser finds the custom an inverted parallel
to that of breaking down the city wall to admit Olympic victors.
[On their return from Mecca Mohammedan pilgrims have been
known to breach their garden walls to enter their homes by a new
path. I have unfortunately lost the reference for this practice.—
M. M. H.]

1 See below, p. 313, and n. 2. They patronize especially the ship-
ping of the Black Sea (C. White, Constantinople, i, 187).

Magical Inscriptions 205

Greek Christian houses are frequently protected by the

device over the door. Apotropaic charms, writ-

ten on paper or metal, which are a similar expression of
belief in the magic potency of letters, are often worn
suspended round the neck by Orientals, either for good
luck generally or as cures for disease.

It is obvious that such magic is devised to serve its
masters. Christian magic may naturally be regarded as
hostile to Mohammedans, which accounts for the fre-
quent mutilation of the crosses on Christian buildings
after a Turkish conquest. Similarly, at Smyrna the
well-known inscription over the gate of the Byzantine
castle,1 the sense of which is quite innocent, was re-
moved in 1827, and, despite liberal offers from archaeo-
logists anxious for its preservation, built into the new
barracks ; but not before the letters had been deliber-
ately chiselled out,2 evidently with the intention of
abolishing its magic power, conceived of as a priori
hostile to Moslems since it was associated with a Chris-
tian building. In the same spirit the Turkish proprietor
of a village near Uskub gave a general order that ‘ writ-
ten stones 5 found on his premises should be thrown
into the river, c all such being works of the Devil and
the cursed Giaour.’ з

On the other hand, examples of ancient inscriptions
which are supposed to have beneficial powers are numer-
ous ; these powers, needless to say, have no connexion
whatever with the nature of the inscription. The
colossal inscribed block from the monument of a certain
Caius Vibius at Philippi is used by many women who
stop at the adjacent khan as a milk-charm,4 fragments
of it being broken off, powdered, and drunk in water.5

1 C.I.G. 8749. 2 Arundell, Asia Minor, ii, 395.

3 Evans in Archaeologia, xlix, 86.

4 Heuzey and Daumet, Macédoine, i, 45.

5 F. W. H. A sinking on the top of this stone is said to be the hoof-
print (αχνάρι) of Bucephalus.

2o6 Natural Cults

Its selection is of course merely due to its colour and
the presence on it of a supposed written charm. At
Tatar Bazarjik (Eastern Rumelia) a Greek stele inscribed
with a proxeny decree (called Tesir Tashi or ‘ Slave’s
stone ’) is used by sick, and (as usual) especially fever-
stricken,1 persons for cure. Patients scrape the stone, as
at Philippi, tie a rag of their clothing to it, and leave a
para on it in payment. The stone is supposed to mark
the grave of a saint who in his lifetime (‘ four hundred
years ago ’) was a Christian slave turned Moslem ; he
ordered the stone to be placed on his grave.2 3 4 A ‘ stone
font or holy water stoup ’ with a Christian inscription
in the interstices of a cross is similarly used to charm
away disease at Eljik in Galatia ; 3 here the patient
drives in a nail to ‘ hold down ’ the disease, a ritual act
analogous to the universal tying of rags to sacred trees
and saints’ tombs. At Eljik the cross has been left
intact and is probably thought to be part of the charm.
A somewhat similar Christian example of a pagan stone
pressed into the service of religion and to some extent
adopted by the church, is the famous Sigean inscription,
which was long kept at the church of Yenishehr for the
cure of ague. Patients were rolled on it, while the
priest read an appropriate Christian exorcism.4 This

1 According to V. de Bunsen (Soul of a Jurk, p. 175), fever is one of
the few diseases which can be cured only by prayer. Its intermittent
character encourages the idea that it is the work of a capricious jinn.

2 Tsoukalas, Псрсурафт) Φιλι,ππουπόλςως, p. 6ζ ; Dumont in Mé-
langes <ΓArchéologie et d'Épigraphie, pp. 201, 322. The Christian slave may be introduced into the legend, since the letters of the supposed magic inscription are Greek. 3 Anderson in J.H.S. xix, 88. The inscription in the arms of the cross, read by the editor ЕП | MO | NOY | HC, may have been intended for ΕΜΜΑΝΟΥΗΛ : for this word as a charm on lintels see Prentice, Amer. Exped. to Syria, iii, 21. With all deference to the editor, I expect this stone was a lintel used as a gravestone and hollowed for the purpose (see below, p. 226). 4 Lechevalier, Ίroyì p. 17 ; Walpole, Memoirs, p. 97. Stones connected with Treasure 207 stone was probably selected, in a district where inscrip- tions are common, on account of the unusual, and to ordinary people illegible, character of its archaic letter- ing.1 In a Bulgarian church near Monastir Chirol was shown a Greek inscription much worn by the knees of the faithful, which, the priest informed him, it was no use trying to read, since it was * written in the devil’s language Nevertheless it was considered ‘ an excel- lent stone for exorcising evil spirits Here it would seem that the spirit or magic of the stone was originally ‘ black ’ but had been, as it were, harnessed to serve the church. (iii) Survival or Development of Stone Cults The selection of ancient inscriptions as objects of superstition is exceedingly capricious. In general, Ana- tolian peasants are apt to consider that inscriptions are a secret guide to treasure hidden in or near the stone on which the letters are written.3 This idea, however, evokes no reverence for inscribed stones, and they are often split open without scruple to find the supposed treasure.4 But even this degree of mystery does not attach to all inscribed stones. At Aizani (Phrygia), where inscribed stelae of the ‘ door ’ type are very 1 So also the irregular character of the lettering gave a magic repu- tation to an inscription seen by Lucas at Stenimakhos in Bulgaria (Voyage dans la Grèce, i, 192, cf. 198). 2 V. Chirol, ’Twixt Greek and Turk, p. 67 (no political significance need be attached to the priest’s words !). 3 For [statues and] inscriptions regarded as marking places where treasure is buried, see Polîtes’ note on his ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς, no. 408. Burck- hardt was told that archaeologists are treasure hunters and make it fly through the air at their wish (Syria, p. 428). Treasure hunting in ruins is encouraged by the practice of burying money in houses (Tristram, Eastern Customs, pp. 252-3). 4 For an instance see Jireòek in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. 1886, p. 95. Cf, the fate of the Moabite Stone (Wilson and Warren, Recovery of Jeru- salem, p. 500 ; also Petermann’s account in P.E.F., Q.S, for 1871, p. 138). 2o8 Natural Cults common, they are habitually used as washing-blocks by the women of the village. Unfamiliarity, therefore, seems certainly one condition of the selection both of 4 treasure ’ stones and of ‘ healing ’ stones. The interest shown by 4 Frank ’ travellers 1 is another. But the ulti- mate choice of such stones for reverence or superstitious regard probably depends on pure accident. The follow- ing story, told me in Thrace, illustrates the ordinary attitude of the peasant’s mind toward them. A Bul- garian peasant, living between Viza and Kirk Kilise, found an inscribed stone, which he took to his house. His wife used it as a washing-block, but was at once visited by terrifying dreams and the farm animals began to die. Next the mother-in-law of the peasant trod on the stone and broke it ; she died shortly after. The peasant, getting frightened, took the stone back to the place where he found it, and offered sacrifice ( ) upon it. A Greek passing by saw the newly shed blood and inquired the reason of the sacrifice ; having heard the tale, he made light of it, put the stone on his horse, and rode away with it. But the ill luck followed him and his horse went blind. The moral is of course that the stone was bewitched orjï«w-haunted and was one of those best left alone.2 A run of good luck following its acquisition, on the other hand, might have proved its title to superstitious reverence, if not to adoption by religion. The origins of such cults as these depend not on tradition but on coincidence. The chance of finding a ‘ survival ’, i. e. a stone venerated continuously from 1 See below, pp. 214 ff. 1 A very similar medieval Greek story of an enchanted stone, which was dug up by accident and brought ill luck, is given by Polîtes, δόσεις, ii, 1139 f., though here the stone does not appear to have had an inscription. The aid of the church was called in to conjure the spirits back into the stone, after which it was again buried. For haunting an ancient sarcophagus cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 147. False 6 Survival ’ 209 ancient times to our own, is so slight as to be negligible. It is only by chance that altars or votive stelae are pre- ferred to monuments of a purely secular character. Supposed ‘ survivals 5 of this kind will not bear examina- tion any more than the Cyprian monoliths. Ramsay, in his Pauline Studies,1 mentions a written stone used by Turks for superstitious purposes, for which he* claims that its cult was continuous from antiquity. His ac- count is as follows : 6 Three or four miles south of Pisidian Antioch we found in a village cemetery an altar dedicated to the god Hermes. On the top of the altar there is a shallow semicircular depression, which must probably have been intended to hold liquid offerings poured on the altar, and which was evidently made when the altar was constructed and dedicated. A native of the village . . . told us that the stone was possessed of power, and that if any one who was sick came to it and drank of the water that gathered in the cup, he was cured forthwith of his sickness. This belief has lasted through the centuries ; it has withstood the teaching and denunciation of Christians and Mohammedans alike.’ The fact of the cultus or folk-lore practice attached to this stone is clear enough, but some of Ramsay’s in- ferences are more than disputable. If, as seems beyond doubt, this inscribed stone is Sterrett’s No. 349, a quad- rangular cippus with inscription recording the dedica- tion of a Hermes,3 i. e. a statue of Hermes, the stone was never an altar except in form. There is, therefore, no reason to refer the beginnings of its cultus-use to ancient times. It was most probably selected as a suitable stone for a grave and transported in recent times to the Turkish cemetery. The hollow on the top of the ‘ altar ’ probably dates in its present form only from the adapta- tion of the stone to its use as a tombstone ; previously it may have had some kind of sinking for the attachment 1 Pp. 156 ff. * Wolfe Expedition {Papers A.S.A. iii), p. 218 (Alti Кари). The text runs : d Seîva | Αιο]μήδον[ς | Έρμήν | άνέθηκζν. 3*95·* P 210 Natural Cults of the statue of Hermes alluded to in the inscription. Circular sinkings are commonly made on Turkish tomb- stones ; the reason usually given is that birds are en- abled to drink of the rain and dew that collect in them.1 Further, Turkish Jews have a superstition that the dew which collects on tombstones cures children of fainting fits.2 This belief is possibly borrowed from, probably shared by, the Turks. It will be seen that this reduces the fact that the stone is inscribed with the name of a god to a mere accident. Its potency comes primarily from its use as a tombstone and is probably reinforced by the fact that it has an inscription not ‘ understanded of the people ’, and therefore assumed to be of a magical character. Sir Arthur Evans found at Ibrahimovce, near Uskub (Macedonia), a Roman altar dedicated to Jupiter Opti- mus Maximus, which was used by the villagers as a rain- charm. It is generally kept face downward, but in times of drought Christians and Mohammedans, headed 1 C. White, Constantinople y i, 319, iii, 347 ; Walsh, Constantinople y ii, 423. According to Skene {Wayfaring Sketches y p. 218), the hollows are looked upon as affording the dead a means of practising the virtue of charity to the animal world : in Syria they are said to be for souls to drink out of (Baldensperger, in P.E.F.y Q.S. for 1893, p. 217). There may be a reminiscence of the basins placed to feed the pigeons of the Kaaba at Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 277) ; pigeons are a feature of Turkish cemeteries and sacred birds, since a pigeon is supposed, accord- ing to one account, to have inspired Mohammed (Varthema in Bur- ton’s Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Meccah, London 1906, ii, 352). For the sacredness of pigeons in Turkey, see Carnoy and Nicolaides, Frad. de Constantinople y p. 7 ; Evliya, Fravelsy 1, ii, 199 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople y pp. 159, 201. 2 Danon in Onzième Congrès d9Orientalistes, § vii, p. 264. Cf. the analogous medicinal use of water from a cup which has been buried for three years on a dead body ([Blunt], People of Ίurkeyy ii, 145.) In Bosnia the rain-water which collects in a hollow of a stone—apparently natural—selected for veneration for reasons unknown to us, is drunk by sick peasants for cure. The broad principle underlying all such uses is that the absorption by swallowing not only of parts of a sacred object, but of things which have been in contact with it, is beneficial. Inscribed Stones as Rain-Charms 211 by a local bey, go together to the stone and, having re- stored it to its upright position, pour libations of wine on the top, praying the while for rain.1 Evans remarks that the procedure here has no parallels in ordinary Slavonic folk-usage, and suggests that the use of the altar has been continuous since Roman times. But, while the practice of wetting the rain-charm is*world- wide, the Roman rain-rituals he cites as parallels do not include libation. In all probability this stone has been found in comparatively recent times, and the ‘ Frankish ’ writing on it, from some combination of circumstances unknown to us, interpreted as a rain-charm, the ritual being prescribed by a local dervish or sorcerer. On this particular case some light is thrown by the peasants’ beliefs regarding a ‘ written stone ’ buried in a vineyard near Monastir : this was once dug up, but torrents of rain followed. It is now kept buried, because, if any one dug it up again, it would never stop raining.2 3 * * The more accommodating jinn who presides over the stone at Ibrahimovce can be so placated as to bring about a sufficient, but not excessive, rainfall when required. The idea of rain-making 6 written stones it may be remarked, is familiar to the Turks, since Turk, their eponymous ancestor, is said to have received from his father Japhet (who, in turn, inherited it from Noah) a stone engraved with the name of God which had the property of causing and stopping rain. This particular stone has been lost, but stones are said to be sometimes found which possess the same properties and are sup- posed to have some vague connexion with the original stone of Noah.3 1 Archaeologia, xlix, 104. 2 From Mr. A. J. B. Wace ; cf. Wace and Thompson, Nomads of the Balkans, p. 133. 3 D’Herbelot, Bibi. Orientale, s.vv. Giourtasch and Turk, and Supple- ment, p. 140. A rough boulder on the summit of the Cyprian Olympus, which seems to have been vaguely connected with the ark of Noah, was 212 Natural Cults A Christian stone-cult in connexion with a church of the Apostles near Preveza affords a baffling example of haphazard selection : for this stone, though venerated, is not in itself at all remarkable. We can only guess that its veneration is due to dreams and other accidental circumstances. The legend in regard to it is most unhelpful. The stone in question is preserved outside a church immediately to the left of the high road be- tween Preveza and Yannina, about two hours from the former place. There seems no question of É survival ’, or even of antiquity, since the stone was discovered in 1867. It has been enclosed in a small, pillar-like shrine of plastered rubble of the type commonly seen on Greek roadsides. The upper part of the pillar includes the usual niche, facing west and containing a cheap eikon of SS. Peter and Paul and an oil lamp. The stone itself is built into the lower part of the pillar, one surface only being exposed under a niche facing south. It seems to be an ordinary unworked stone of irregular shape with two or three sinkings in its exposed surface. The whole stands in close juxtaposition to the south-east corner of the humble modern church, and is surrounded by a wooden railing with two gates. Pilgrims pass in by the eastern gate, kiss the stone, and pass out by the western gate. Incubation (for one night) is practised in the church, and the stone has a great reputation for cures, which are not confined to Christians : a Moslem shep- herd, for example, is said to have cured his sick flock by passing them through the enclosure. As to the dis- covery of the wonder-working stone, the story told me formerly used as a rain-charm by the local Greeks. In times of drought it was lifted on poles, to the accompaniment of singing, by the peasants of the surrounding villages (Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 463, quoting Lusignan). Here the position of the stone seems to have had more to do with its selection than the stone itself. Any mountain-top is an appropriate place for watching the weather, and particularly for rain- making, since mountain-tops attract rain-clouds. Healing Stone of 213 by the priest attached to the church is as follows. A monk from a neighbouring monastery was bidden by a vision to build at this spot a church to the Holy Apostles. One of the trees cut down during the clear- ing of the site bled copiously. This was regarded as a sign from Heaven, indicating that the desired site for the church was found. A stone was placed on the stump of the tree to stop the bleeding, and it is this stone which receives the reverence of pilgrims to-day. It is remarkable that in this legend the stone now re- garded as sacred plays an entirely secondary part, and may even be regarded as receiving homage vicariously for the miraculous tree-stump it is supposed to cover. In fact, the whole of the story betrays itself as derived from secular folklore adapted clumsily enough to ac- count for the miraculous stone. The bleeding tree was evidently of thedangerous haunted class:1 the real purpose of the stone is clear from the fact that when wood-cutters fell a tree of this sort they place a stone in the middle of the trunk to prevent the spirit of the tree rushing out and doing them harm.1 The official account of the discovery wholly ignores the marvels attending it, and fails to make plain how the virtues of the stone were recognized.3 Its main 1 For bleeding trees in general see above, p. 175, n. 5. 2 Polîtes, op. cit., no. 324. 3 S. Byzantios, Δοκίμιον της "Λρτης pp. 258 f. : “ ΕΙς θεσιν καλου- μενην "Ανω Λούτσαν εκειτο άρχαίός τις ιερός Ναός επ' όνόματι των αγίων * Αποστόλων ' Λιθάρι Επικαλούμενος, ενεκα τού πρός μεσημ- βρίαν, εξω τού Ναού προς το Ιερόν Βήμα, δεξιόθεν υπάρχοντας εντός της γης γωνιώδους τίνος λίθου, ον άνεκαλύφαμεν τω l86j ετει, και περιεφράξαμεν, Sia Κουβουκλίου, δι* ον λογοποιοΰνται πολλά, καί δί δν ενεργούνται, τη Θεοΰχάριτι διά πρεσβειών των πανευφήμων Απο- στόλων διάφορα Ιαμάτων χαρίσματα, ου μόνον πρός τούς ημετερους, άλλα και πρός τούς ετεροθρήσκους, προσίοντας και επικαλούμενους την εκ του ιερού Λίθου σωματικήν θεραπείαν εύλαβώς καί προσφε- ροντας κηρούς τε και άλλα αφιερώματα, *Επειδή δε 6 θαυματουργός οΰτος Λίθος, ών αφανής, δί *Αρχιερατικής εποπτείας άνεκαλύφθη κατά *Ιούλιον τού είρημενου έτους, καί περιεφράχθη, ως ειρηται, 214 Natural Cults importance for us lies in the claim that the sacred stone was discovered under clerical supervision little more than fifty years ago. The entire impossibility of certainty as to the age and origin of such cults, and particularly the danger of arguing from analogies, is shown by the history of the ‘ Black Stone ’ preserved at the tomb of Daniel at Susa (Sûs). 'The tomb of Daniel is known to have been shown at Susa as early as a.d. 530.1 The ‘ Black Stone 9 was originally a block of dark marble, nearly cubical in form, bearing hieroglyphic figures in relief and cunei- form inscriptions. In the fifties of the last century it was held in great honour and considered bound up with the luck of the province. At that time (and probably to this day) its fragments were to be found built into one of the porticoes attached to the tomb of Daniel. It thus offered to all appearances a very fair counterpart of the broken Black Stone built into the Kaaba at Mecca, which is generally, and probably rightly, con- sidered a relic of idolatrous worship surviving into the later cult. By the lucky accident of frequent travellers’ visits to Susa, the actual history of the Black Stone and its rise to fame is known in some detail. About 1800 the Black Stone was discovered in the mound covering the ruins of Susa, and rolled down to the river-bank by the very dervish who kept the tomb in the fifties. It there served for some years as a washing-block, and attracted the notice of several European travellers. Monteith and Kinneir in 1809 found it was treated with some superstitious respect,2 and made drawings of the inscriptions. In 1811 Sir R. Gordon, who tried εόεησεν Iva διορθωθή καί 6 μικρός καί π€παλαιωμενος Ναός, όπερ καί εγενετο* αλλά τούτον, εκ περιστάσεώς τίνος εΐτα πυρποληθεντος, ave καιν ίσθη ενδοξότερος καί λαμπρότερος . · . εν ετει l8jl ” 1 Theodosius, De Situ Terrae Sanctae, ed. Geyer, I tin. Hier os. p. 149. 2 In Egypt and Syria ancient stones, figured and written, seem gener- ally so treated (see Garstang, Land of the Hittites, p. 95, n. 3, and p. 97). Black Stone of Susa 215 without success to obtain possession of the stone, found its reputation on the increase : after this, presumably for security, it was buried, then disinterred by the guardians of the tomb of Daniel. In 1812 Ouseley found it had a reputation as a talisman against plague, hostile invasion, and other evils. In 1832 a ‘ stranger sayyid ’, supposed to be a ‘ Frank ’ in disguise, blew it to pieces with gunpowder in the hope of discovering hidden treasure : this was evidently the outcome of the interest shown in the stone by foreigners. Naturally enough, no treasure was found. But, probably from the conviction that, as the stone (1) attracted Franks 1 and (2) did not contain treasure, it must have remark- able occult powers, ‘the fragments were carefully col- lected and reinterred within the precincts of the tomb ; but immediately afterwards the province was almost depopulated by the plague, the bridge of Shuster sud- denly broke, and the famous dam at Hawizah was carried away ; all of which disasters were, of course, ascribed to the destruction of the talisman.2 ’ The rise of the stone from obscurity to great superstitious importance can thus be placed between the years 1800 and 1832. In conclusion, having shown how quickly a stone may rise to honour even in modern times, we may cite as a pendant the history of a suddenly arrested pillar-cult in Cairo, quite primitive in form, which rose to its climax and fell again apparently within a few days or weeks, both rise and fall being due to the arbitrary acts of definite persons. A contemporary observer gives the following account : 1 Cf. Arundell, Asia Minor, i, 62 ff. For the Moabite Stone see above, p. 207, n. 4. 2 Rawlinson, in J.R.G.S. ix, 69 : for the history of the stone as given above, see further Walpole, Travels, p. 423, (with Monteith’s drawing of the stone) ; Ouseley, Travels, i, 421 f. ; de Bode, Travels in Lauri- stan, ii, 191 ; Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, p. 416, cf. p. 421, and Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. V (1856), p. 446. 2i6 Natural Cults * On the line of street from the citadel to Bab Zueileh is a mosque called Giama-el-Sais, or Mosque of the Groom. At the corner of it is a high Corinthian pillar. ... I asked how the lower part of the pillar came to be covered all over with a thick coat of plaster, and received for answer, that this was the celebrated Amood-el-Metuely, which was proclaimed by a Mogrebbin sheikh to have miraculous effects, and that if sterile women licked it with their tongue, they would become mothers.1 AH on a sudden the pillar was so besieged by people wishing to lick it, that the streets were blocked up, and the Pasha Mahom- med Ali, hearing of the delusion, caused a guard to stand while the masons plastered and built the lower part of it round with bricks.’ * These two ‘ life-histories ’ make it abundantly clear that a stone-cult, however primitive in type, need not be chronologically of ancient origin, even where the stone is itself ancient. Further, that a venerated stone need not represent the displaced central cultus-object of the holy place in which it is found, but may be, as at Susa, an originally independent object attracted into the orbit of an already existing sanctuary, or, as at Cairo, a portion of an already existing sacred building arbitrarily selected for special veneration. The selection, however, of the Bab Zueileh column as an object of cult by would-be mothers is probably not arbitrary, but dependent on its having been formerly the column of execution.3 The various superstitions connected with executed criminals are as homogeneous as they are crude. Lane found that in Egypt a mixture of blood and the water with which the bodies of exe- cuted criminals have been washed, is drunk by women 1 There seems to be a column credited with similar powers at Medi- ne t-el-Fay urn. I know of it only from Sir Gilbert ParkerV story, The Eye of the Needle, in Donovan Pasha. 2 Pa ton, Hist, of the Egyptian Revolution (1870), ii, 276 f. This story is particularly interesting in view of the desperate efforts which have been made to find a classical past for the Athenian column of S. John. 3 Tyndale, U Égypte, p. 42. Column of Execution 217 for sterility and by men and women both for ophthal- mia.1 Another method of curing barrenness was to step seven times, without speaking, over the body of a de‘- capitated person.2 The idea seems to be that such per- sons passed out of life without any preliminary decline of vitality or unconsciousness, such as is common in or- dinary deaths, and they make, on the one hand, the most dreaded ghosts,з and, on the other, if innocent’victirrìs, the most powerful agents for good to their suppliants.4 1 Mod. Egyptians, i, 325. 2 Ibid, i, 326. For the connexion with sterility see especially Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 164, quoted below, p. 218, n. 2. 3 Niya Salima, Harems d'Égypte, p. 260, says that efrits (as opposed to jinns) ‘ prennent naissance au moment et sur le théâtre même d’un ac- cident suivi de mort : leur hantise donne le délire de la persécution et la folie de suicide h 4 For the Jews, a person who has died a violent death is called ipso facto a saint (Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 502). In the West, in connexion with popular (as opposed to Papal) canonization, it is noticeable, especially in the case of kings, that a violent and, if possible, literally bloody death is a desideratum. Kingship to a certain extent in itself implies sanctity (cf. touching for the King’s evil), and to touch the Lord’s anointed is sacrilege. A king who dies a violent death, whether or not in combat with the heathen, stands a good chance of canonization by the people. Thus, S. Os- wald and S. Eadmund (of East Anglia) fell in battle (Hutton, English Saints, pp. 128,138-44), while S. Oswine, S. Ethelbert (of East Anglia), S. Kenelm, Edward II, and Henry VI were all murdered (Hutton, pp. 136, 153,153-4, 161, i6f). His chance is increased by his being of notably pious life (cf. Edward the Confessor, in Hutton, p. 159; cf. also the case of S. Louis of France), or by his being young, when the point is probably virginity (cf. S. Edward of the West Saxons, murdered at seventeen by his step-mother, see Hutton, op. cit., p. 155). Edward II, however, had no qualification besides kingship and his violent death : the same is perhaps true of Charles I (Hutton, pp. 338 fi.). Becket, on the other hand, is both a consecrated man and sacrilegiously and bloodily mur- dered : his personal popularity during his lifetime, however, and the papal convenience after his death would in any case have decided his canonization. In general, the laymen of political character, whom attempts have been made to canonize, seem all to have died by violent deaths : of these Simon de Montfort (Hutton, op. cit., pp. 270 fi.) is typical. In the child saints, alleged victims of the Jews, such as S. Wil- liam of Norwich and S. Hugh of Lincoln (Hutton, pp. 323 ff.), we have 218 Natural Cults It is best that the blood 1 should be taken almost before life is extinct2, as it is evidently supposed to retain the the combination of youth (i. e. virginity, as above) and bloody death. The first saints, too, were martyrs. The idea is seen at its crudest in the cult of the decollati at Palermo (see especially Marc Monnier, Contes Populaires en Italie, ρ. 27-9 : Φ· the account of the Glorious Hand in Baring Gould’s Curious Myths, 2nd series, iv, 140 ff.), and in the super- stitious value of relics from executed persons. Thiers, Traité des Super- stitions, i, 390, inveighs against such use of the accessories of sudden death, whether it comes by murder or by execution. 1 The most potent of all relics was the blood of a martyr shed at his martyrdom, his life-blood in fact. The only miracle attributed to Charles I was wrought by a handkerchief dipped in his blood (Hutton, English Saints, p. 349), and such relics were eagerly sought down to quite recently as often as Turks martyred Christians (cf. Ndov Μαρτυρο- λόγιον, passini). Blood was also a sovereign remedy against leprosy. An angel revealed to Amis that his leprosy would be cured if his friend Amile would consent to kill his two children, and wash him in their blood. As Amis had risked his life for Amile, the latter cut off his children’s heads, took a little blood, replaced the heads, and washed Amis with the blood : he was cured of his leprosy and the children revived by a miracle (cf. the early thirteenth century French story used by Pater, Renaissance, pp. 1 ff.). The same motif exactly is used to revive a faithful vizir turned to stone in one of Kunos’ tales (Forty-four Turkish Tales, pp. 217 ff.). We may also compare Constantine’s proposal to cure his leprosy by bathing in infants’ blood (Strack, Blutaberglaube, ρ. 22 ; cf. Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, 1274, for Pharaoh’s bathing in the fresh blood of Hebrew infants to cure his leprosy, on which see also Hasluck, Letters, p. 203), and the historical infusion of three (Jewish) children’s blood made by his Jewish doctor in an attempt to save Pope Innocent VIII’s life in 1492 (Gregorovius, Stadt Rom, vii, 306) ; to the Pope’s credit, be it said, it was done against his will. In all these cases the innocence, especially the virginity, of the children increases the potency of the blood, but the blood is again the vital principle taken with the life still in it. Cf. also the stories told by Mrs. Hume Griffith. The child of a rich merchant was suffering from sore eyes. A sheep was killed and, while the blood was still hot, the head of the child was in- serted into the sheep’s body (Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 280). At an Armenian wedding in Persia a sheep is killed as the bride passes the threshold and she puts her foot in the blood (ibid., p. 281). Fever patients are similarly wrapped in the skin of a newly slaughtered sheep (van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 284). 2 On this point Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie ,ii, 164) is explicit. A Column of Execution 219 vital principle and so to be particularly efficacious as a charm. Deriving perhaps from this cult of the column of execution is the practice followed in the mosque of Sultan Hasan in Cairo.1 The mihrab there has four columns, which are good for fever and barrenness. They are wetted with lemon-juice and then rubbed with a brick from Mecca which is kept in the fnosque.2 The resultant reddish liquid is drunk by the patient : the conjecture may be hazarded that this liquid is a substitute for the original blood. Our general conclusions may be tabulated somewhat as follows : (1) Certain kinds of stones, especially ( )holed stones, (b) columnar stones, (c) stones carved with figures, and soldier in Persia had shot his officer dead ; 4 sur quoi d’abord la main lui fut coupée et ensuite il fut pendû. A peine lui avoit on coupé la main, que quantité de femmes s’avancèrent . . . pour avoir quelque chose du sang répandû. Elles se battoient pour le sable, qui étoit teint du sang de cet homme, et lorsque ce meurtrier pendit à la potence, plusieurs femmes ne faisoient qu’aller et venir dessous la potence, et tout cela dans l’idée que cela les aideroit pour devenir enceintes 1 Vaujany, Caire, p. 193. 2 The mihrab columns in the mosque of Amr at Damietta cure jaun- dice, if the patient scrapes a little powder from them and drinks it in some liquid (W. G. Browne, Nouveau Voyage, ii, 164); cf. Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 205, who says that the patient first wets the column with lemon-juice and then licks it. Mihrab columns, being often of unusual material, easily become objects of superstition ; in this case, being made of oriental alabaster (Sladen, Queer Things about Egypt, p. 198), they were yellow and therefore naturally good for jaundice. The licking ritual is found again and again. In the mosque of Kalaun at Cairo there are columns which cure fever and sterility when rubbed with lemon-juice and licked (Vaujany, Caire, p. 176 ; Duff Gordon, Letters from Egypt, p. 23). A stone in the Attarin mosque of Alexandria has a Greek inscription on it : wetted with lemon-juice and licked, it cures fever (Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 109). A brass panel at Damascus with an Arabic inscription on it cured fever, when licked (I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 128). This ritual licking may ultimately derive from the column of execution, the Sultan Hasan practice being the inter- mediate link. 220 Natural Cults (d) inscribed stones (irrespective of the meaning of their inscriptions), are especially likely to attract super- stitious veneration. (2) Selection from among these classes depends on such considerations as size, or other conspicuousness, backed by the coincidence of dreams, or other acci- dental happenings, with their discovery or use. A stone’s chance of selection for veneration is greatly en- hanced if it is introduced (accidentally or purposely) into ( a) a sacred building or ( ) a cemetery. (3) The ritual connected with the veneration of such stones is exactly that of other venerated objects in popu- lar religion, chiefly forms of ‘ contact ’ or ‘ absorption ’. (4) Reverence for such stones, whether secular or religious, by Christians or Moslems, need not be of old standing, nor need it persist. Proved or even probable survivals from antiquity are exceedingly rare. § 3. Cave Cults The development through folklore to religion of cave cults is very similar to that of tree cults.1 The super- natural inhabitant of the cave is first considered merely as a ghost or apparition, like the ‘ Negress ’ of the Kamares cave.2 If such an apparition made itself un- pleasant it would undoubtedly be exorcized or placated with gifts : in this way it might be found by experience —here another word for coincidence—to have a posi- tive ‘ white ’ value. Up to this stage the cult has no religious colour. The following notes of cave-cults in Greco-Turkish Athens about 1800 are given by Hobhouse and Dod- well. The first refers to the rock-passage above the stadium. ‘ The first day I visited the place, I observed a flat stone in the side of the rock, strewed with several bits of coloured rag, 1 Above, pp. 175-9. 2 W. R. Halliday in Folk-Lore, xxiv, 359. Cave Cults in Athens 221 broken glass, flour, and honey, and a handful or two of dry pease. As I was going to examine them, a Greek in company exclaimed, “ Don’t touch them, Affendi, they are the Devil’s goods—they are magical ”. On enquiry, he assured me that some old women of Athens, well known to be witches, came often to this cavern in the dead of the night, and there per- formed their incantations, leaving these remnants for offerings to the evil spirit.’1 Dodwell, by a lucky chance, came into still closer contact with the cult of the so-called ‘ Tomb of Cimon ’ near the church of S. Demetrius 6 Loumbardieris ’ : c While I was drawing the outside of this sepulchral chamber, two Turkish women arriving seemed much disconcerted at my presence ; and after some consideration and conference, desired me to go about my business, as they had something of impor- tance to do in the cave, and did not choose to be interrupted. When I refused to retire, they called me dog and infidel ! One of the women then placed herself on the outside for fear I should intrude, while the other entered ; and after she had remained there about ten minutes, they both went away together ; warning me at my peril not to enter the cave ! ‘ The Greek who was with me said he was certain they had been performing magic ceremonies, as the cavern was haunted by the Moîpcu, or Destinies : nothing would have tempted him to enter, and when I was going in, he threw himself upon his knees, entreating me not to risk meeting the redoubted sisters ; who he was confident were feasting on what the Turkish women had left for their repast. I found in the inner chamber a small feast, consisting of a cup of honey and white almonds, a cake, on a little napkin, and a vase of aromatic herbs burning, and exhaling an agreeable perfume. This votive offering was placed upon a rock, which was cut and flat at top. . . . When I returned from the sepulchre, I found the Greek pale and trembling, and crossing himself very frequently. When he saw that I had brought out the contents of the feast, he told me he must quit my service, as he was confident that I should shortly experience some great misfortune for my impiety in 1 Hobhouse, Albania, i, 325. 222 Natural Cults destroying the hopes and happiness of the two women, by re- moving the offerings they had made to the Destinies, in order to render them propitious to their conjugal speculations. I gave the cake to the ass, who had brought my drawing appara- tus ; and by whom it was devoured without any scruples ; but unfortunately, as we were returning home, this animal . . . ran away braying and kicking till he broke my camera obscura in pieces. I'collected the fragments as well as I could ; while my Greek, who was quite sure that the accident was owing to my intrusion into the cave, triumphed in his predictions ! ‘ Almost every cavern about Athens has its particular vir- tues ; some are celebrated for providing its (sic) fair votaries with husbands, after a few sacrifices ; others are resorted to by women when advanced in pregnancy, who pray for prosperous parturition, and male children ; while others are supposed to be instrumental in accomplishing the dire purposes of hatred and revenge. But those evil spirits, whose assistance is invoked for vengeance and blood, are not regaled upon cakes and honey ; but upon a piece of a priest’s cap,, or a rag from his garment, which are considered as the most favourable ingredients for the perpetration of malice and revenge.’ 1 Of the cave-cults at Athens mentioned by Hobhouse and Dodwell several have survived Turkish dominion. Kambouroglous, writing in the second half of the nine- teenth century, cites a cult at the cave of the Stadium (τρύπιο λιθάρι) 2 and two on the Pnyx Hill, one directed to the Fates (KaXoKiovpaSeç) which is, or was, used by girls as a charm for obtaining husbands (probably that men- tioned by Dodwell),3 and another called the ‘ Cave of the old man 5 (σττηληά τοΰ Γύρου).4 Here ‘ old man 5 is evidently a translation of the Turkish * Baba which implies that the spirit of the cave was conciliated as far as the Turks were concerned and fell short of official sainthood only in so far as he had no building in his 1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 396 ff. 3 *Ιστορία, i, 222. 3 Tour through Greece, i, 221. 4 Ibid, i, 207, 222. This is the ‘ Tomb of Cimon ’ ; it has now no signs of being regarded with superstitious reverence, rather the reverse. Types of Sacred Caves t 223 honour or organized attendance. In the same way Delikli Baba, a cave-saint under the Palamidi fortress at Nauplia has for the Greek narrator of his story all the attributes of the ‘ Arab 9 jinn of folk-lore.1 When the cave-cult is fully accepted as ‘ white ’, the jinn takes rank as a saint and may or may not be identi- fied with an historical or pseudo-historical persgn. The cave is then looked upon as (1) the scene of some event in the saint’s life,2 3 4 (2) his refuge or habitual abode,з or (3) his grave. The tendency is towards the last, but the various phases may be fused as at Kruya, where Sari Saltik kills the dragon who inhabits the cave, retires to the cave, and lives in it, leaving traces of his presence in the shape of a miraculously petrified melon ! 4 At Kalia- kra [Kilgra] the same saint is buried in the cave formerly inhabited by the local dragon.5 We remark by the way that dervish ascetics not in- frequently inhabit caves and ancient rock tombs. For example, the ‘ tomb of Mithridates 5 at Amasia was thus used in the fifties by a dervish from Samarkand who had seen the place in a dream.6 7 It is obvious that all three aspects of caves in relation to holy men are equally applicable to Christianity, in which we find the same dragon-caves, refuge-and dwell- ing-caves,7 and tomb-caves as in Islam. Indeed, the 1 Polîtes, Παραδόσβις, no. 446 ; see further above, p. 89, n. 5. 2 For birth-caves see below, p. 225 and n. 1. 3 For this there is a Moslem prototype in the Meccan cave of Jebel Nur, where the Prophet retired for inspiration (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 320). Cf. the case of Hasan ‘ Chelife 9 above, p. 169. 4 Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 236 ff. ; below, pp. 434 ff. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 72 ; below, pp. 429 ff. 6 Skene, Anadol, p. 105 ; cf. Anderson (Stud. Pont, i, 64) and van Lennep (Travels in Asia Minor, i, 323) for S. Chrysostom’s retreat in a classical rock-cut tomb near Niksar. 7 The common Christian persecution motif has led also to the con- ception of the prison-cave (‘ Prison of S. Polycarp 9 at Smyrna, in de Purgo, Viaggio, i, 461, &c.). 224 Natural Cults religion of such sites depends on no more than the name of the hero of the legend, which in turn depends on his clientèle : Sari Saltik’s grave in the Kilgra cave is called S. Nicolas’s as well for the benefit of a mixed population. But the mere improbability would not have impeded the Christian identification as is seen by the existence of a corresponding apocryphal cave-tomb of S. Stephen outside Chalkis, which seems to be a development without a Moslem interlude from a secu- lar cave cult.1 Interesting as an example of the arbitrary methods by which caves may be associated with historical persons is the following account of the so-called c Shop of David who is regarded by Moslems as the patron of armourers : ‘ Mr. Austen Layard . . . observed near Ser Pul Zohab, to the north-west of Kermanshah, an ancient chamber excavated in a rock. This excavation is known throughout the mountains of Luristan as the “ Dukkiân Daoud ” (David’s shop). It is here, according to popular report, that the psalmist carried on his humble trade. . . . His shop is situated in a spot so difficult of access, that both he and his customers must have been daily placed in most critical positions. The “ Dukkiân Daoud ” is, nevertheless, a well-known place of pilgrimage for the inhabi- tants of the surrounding country, who are mostly of the sect called Daoudee. . . . Sacrifices of sheep are constantly offered before the Dukkiân, and few undertakings are commenced with- out invoking the benediction of the psalmist. . . . The excavated chamber is evidently the tomb of a prince or high-priest of the Sassanian epoch. Beneath the excavation is a small sculpture, representing one of die magi near a fire-altar, in the act of adoration. This is supposed by the tribes to portray David pre- paring his anvil and furnace.’ * 1 This is mentioned by Stephani {Reise des Nördlichen Griechen- landes, p. 22), who says pious offerings were laid there as in the Athenian caves. Buchon {Voyage dans VEubée [1841], p. 71) says paras were offered. The cave has now developed into a full-fledged church. (F. W. H.) 2 White, Constantinople, i, 190 f. ; cf. Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 85. Types of Sacred Caves 225 Summing up, we find that caves are naturally merely bogey-ridden, but under suitable influence they blos- som out in connexion with (1) hermit saints as retreats’, (2) persecuted saints as refuges, (3) martyr saints as dungeons, and (4) all saints as possible burial-places. Under special influences, which I do not yet understand, caves are regarded as birthplaces. Mithras is probably very important here and may have influenced Bethle- hem. It is curious that most of the birthplaces of Mohammedan saints (Mohammed, Fatima, Ali), at Mecca, which are at least relatively historical, are underground.1 1 Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 313. Did the women bring forth under- ground to avoid the evil eye or some other malignant influence ? Or was the after-birth or navel-string, both being important, buried in such places ? XV TOMB AND SANCTUARY HE ordinary Moslem grave in Turkey is marked by stones at the head and foot, and, if circumstances allow, by what is practically a copy in stone of the bier in which the dead are carried to the grave. A small space, corresponding to the size of a man, is surrounded by slabs, the head and foot being indicated by upright stones, imitating the wooden uprights which occupy the same position in the wooden bier. As on the bier the head-piece carries the turban of the deceased, so the head-piece of the grave reproduces it in stone. Der- vishes’ graves are marked by the taj or mitre of the order to which they belonged in life, and in former times the elaborate head-dresses of the various hier- archies, military, civil, and ecclesiastical, were repre- sented in the same way. Where the grave is in a mausoleum {turbe) and protected from the weather, an actual head-dress occupies the same position on the tomb. Graves in the open air are generally covered by a slab which supports the head and footstones in two slots. A third aperture is made between the head- and foot- stones, and frequently, behind the head-stone or else- where, shallow sinkings are made with the avowed object of allowing the dead to practise the virtue of charity by affording drinking places for the pigeons and other birds that frequent the cemetery. Trees, in Turkey generally cypresses,1 are often planted 1 The ever-green and long-lived cypress is supposed to symbolize im- mortality (Walsh, Constantinople, i, 350). In Arabia the aloe (sabr) is the favourite tree and is said to symbolize the patient waiting (sabr— ‘patience ’) of the dead for the resurrection (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 317). In Syria the myrtle seems to be used (Walpole, Travels, p.317) ; Chandler (Travels in As. Mini, 230) cites an instance of its use in Turkey also. Trees on Graves 227 at the head and foot of the grave and, when thus con- nected with the burial place of a saint, enjoy con- siderable veneration. The growth of these trees is sometimes considered an indication of the fate of the deceased. Julius Griffiths was present at a funeral where, ‘ as soon as the grave was filled up, each friend planted a sprig of Cypress on the right, and a second on the left hand of the deceased’. On his inquiring the re*ason he was told by one of the followers that ‘ it was to ascertain by their growth whether the deceased would enjoy the happiness promised by Mohammed \ This would be known if the sprigs on the right hand took root, the opposite if those on the left only should flourish. If both succeeded, the deceased would be greatly favoured in the next world ; or, if both failed, he would be tor- mented by black angels until, through the mediation of the Prophet, he should be rescued from their persecu- tion.1 It is easy to see how, with these ideas in the air, a tree growing on the grave of a saint comes to be regarded with superstitious veneration ; as also, con- versely, how the fine growth of a tree, especially a cypress in a cemetery, might be taken as evidence of the place of burial of a great saint. Tombs inside turbes are for the most part gabled in cross-section and are generally covered with shawls. The turbe itself may be of any form from a simple hut of the commonest materials to the sumptuous round or octagonal domed buildings erected over the tombs of the wealthy. A characteristic form is the open dome of masonry or wrought iron which marks some well-to-do graves in cemeteries. Any ordinary grave in a cemetery may prove itself to be that of a saint by posthumous 1 Griffiths, Ίravels, p. 54. The same idea seems to be current in Syria respecting the grave myrtles (Walpole, Travels, p. 317). An echo of it is awkwardly worked into the Bosnian story of Kelkele Sali Agha, where oak-twigs are planted on the grave (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 169). Q 2 228 Tomb and Sanctuary miracles. Such a grave often comes in time to be en- closed in a turbe. But the holiness of a saint cannot be judged by the richness or otherwise of the tomb : some saints, e. g. the ‘ Joshua ’ of the Bosporus, ‘ refuse ’ a turbe by causing it to fall down or be burnt as soon as it is erected.1 A saint’s turbe, even when on quite a humble scale, is often divided into two portions, the tomb chamber proper, and the place of prayer. The conjunction of mosque and turbe may arise in this way, as for example at Eyyub, where the mosque is strictly a convenience for pious persons desirous of praying and attending public worship at the tomb of the saint, and is of secondary importance to the turbe. But quite fre- quently also we find that the occupant of the turbe is the builder of the mosque, as, for example, at the Ulu Jami at Magnesia. Here the turbe is an accessory to the mosque. A founder often chose to be buried in or near his mosque in order to attract the prayers of the wor- shippers for the benefit of his soul. This might be done even when the benefaction was a secular building,1 such as a bath з or a bridge.4 Praying places forming part of roadside fountains 5 are a similar incitement to prayer for the founder’s soul, directly requested by the inscrip- tion on Ahmed I’s fountain at Constantinople. 1 Other examples are Deniz Abdal at Constantinople (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 134 f.) ; Burhan-ed-din in Eflaki’s Acts of the Adepts, tr. Redhouse, p. 17 ; Hasan Dede, a Bektashi saint buried near Tirana in Albania, was honoured by a local bey with a turbe, but showed his displeasure by burning it twice (F. W. H.). Mustafa Ghazi, buried at Canea (Crete) ‘ refused * a turbe four times by throwing it down. He afterwards appeared to the builder and in- structed him to leave an opening in the roof (F. W. H.). A Christian parallel is that of S. Leontius, who, when the bishop of the district in which he was buried wished to honour him with an ανακομιδή, signified his displeasure by an earthquake (.N. Λ€ΐμων. p. 460). 2 Thévenot, Voyages, i, 182. 3 Above, chap, iv, no. 5 (Yildiz Dede). 4 Thévenot, loc. cit. 5 Cf. Wood, Ephesus, p. 138. Relics in * Turbes ’ 229 Of the furniture of the turbe we have as yet described only the central feature, the tomb itself. The minoç objects of interest consist for the most part in various relics said to have belonged to the dead saint, and to a certain extent votive objects. The relics vary accord- ing to the personality of the saint ; a ghazi, or warrior, is marked by his weapons, a dervish by his beads, club, or crutch, and so on. These objects frequently play a prominent part in the cures wrought at the tomb. Their pedigree, even where the saint is known to be historical and the tomb authentic, is far from being above suspicion, though in most cases there is no chance of testing their authenticity. Arms and other symboli- cal implements are very often used to decorate the walls of Turkish convents, and these might easily come to be associated with the occupant of the tomb or other famous persons on no evidence whatsoever. So the symbolic sword seen by Dodwell in the ‘ Tower of the Winds ’ at Athens, then a dervish tekkef became for later Athenians the sword of Mohammed the Con- queror.1 * 3 4 Even the bead chaplets supposed to have belonged to deceased dervishes may have been placed there, as were those in the mausolea of the sultans,з for the devout to tell their prayers on. Secondly, objects originally suspended as charms against the evil eye may come into more intimate relations with the cult by con- fusion or design. So, for instance, at the dervish con- vent at Old Cairo an immense shoe or boot, connected vaguely with a ‘ giant ’ was, in the eighteenth century, hung in the entrance of the convent 4 in accordance 1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 374. * Kambouroglous, 'Ιστορία, iii, 125. 3 Covel, Diaries, ed. Bent, p. 182. Sultan Orkhan is believed to visit his tomb at Brusa every Friday, beat the drum, and tell his beads (Bussierre, Lettres, i, 154). 4 Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 29 ; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, 230 Tomb and Sanctuary with a well-known superstition that such objects are prophylactic against the evil eye.1 A century later the boot was treasured inside the convent as a relic of the founder.2 Somewhat similarly, the famous sword called by ‘ Franks9 the ‘ Sword of Roland ’ originally hung over a gate of the citadel at Brusa з and later became associated with the dervish warrior-saint Abdal Murad and was deposited at his tomb.4 At the same time the custom of suspending the arms of warriors at their tombs undoubtedly existed. Evliya, in the seventeenth century, notes that the bow and sword of Kilij Ali were preserved in his turbe,5 and in the case of a person only some fifty years dead it is unreasonable to doubt their authenticity. It is, indeed, the existence of genuine relics which has made the substitution of false ones easy. 1 For the general use of shoes and boots with this object see, for Cairo, Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, p. 2, where they are said to be hung from shops and tied to camels for luck. For Turkey see M. Walker, Eastern Life,i, 335 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 351. ‘ Giants’9 boots were suspended in the gateways of khans at Brusa (Lucas, Voyage au Levant, ii, 129). A huge boot, supposed to be that of a giant who defended the town against the Venetians, formerly hung in one of the gates of Chalkis (L. Stephani, Reise des Nördlichen Griechenlandes, p. 16). A gilded shoe called tsaroth (i.e. charik, Gr. τσαρονκί) is said to have been suspended ‘ from the vaulte of the Temple9 at Mecca (Georgewicz, House of Ottomanno). For shoes as relics of Turkish saints see Laborde,^L*V Mineure, p. 65 ; Nikolaos, *Οδησσός, p. 249 ; Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 536. One suspects that the boots shown at Rhodes as those of Suleiman, the conqueror of the city (Egmont and Heymann, Travels, i, 276), were likewise prophylactic. * Wilkinson, Modern Egypt, i, 287. For the plough on Murad Fs grave at Brusa, its probable and its alleged origin, see above, p. 106. 3 Belon, Observations de plusieurs Singularitez, iii, chap. xlii. 4 Evliya, Travels, ii, 24. Tournefort, Voyage, Letter xxi ; Ses tini, Lettere Odeporiche, i, 117 ; cf. Hammer-Heilert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 153 (a garbled version of Evliya). Cf. the wooden sword of ‘ Neby Hocha9 (Clermont-Ganneau, Pal. Inconnue, p. 60). 5 Travels, 1, ii, 58. The saint died 988 a.h. The arms of Murad I (d. 1389) were similarly shown at his tomb in Brusa (ibid, ii, 21). Relics in ‘ Turbes ’ 231 The custom of suspending arms as prophylactic objects in the gates of cities and fortresses has probably in many cases originated the frequent cults of saints—generally warriors ( ghazis)—who are honoured with cenotaphs in such places. Similarly, other talismans have evoked legends of giants and folk-lore heroes. Stuffed croco- diles,1 whales’ (‘ dragons’ ’) heads, and whales’ (‘giants’ ’) bones,2 all of which are used prophylactically, have prob- ably been an element in the formation of legends of dragon-slayers and giant-slayers in many other places besides Rhodes.3 Prayer-mats, especially deer-skins,4 which are similarly part of the natural furniture of a , may also come in time to be regarded as personal relics of the saint. These are easily brought into relation with legends of miraculous journeys 5 of the ‘ magic carpet ’ type. Similarly, the horns of deer are often seen suspended in turbes, originally, doubtless, for prophylactic pur- poses.6 But in relation to a buried saint they can be explained as those of the saint’s pet deer, or those of a deer which of its own free will offered itself for the Bairam sacrifice.7 Other horns also, such as those of 1 Crocodiles are a well-known variety of amulet : see Elworthy, Evil Eye, p. 321 (stuffed crocodile in doorway of cathedral at Seville), and Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, p. I (stuffed crocodiles commonly used as charms in Cairo). For them as ex-votos see Maury, Стоу, du Moyen Âge, p. 232 ; Millin, Midi de la France, ii, 546. 1 Cf. Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 948 (Constantinople) ; Evliya, Travels, ii, 230 (whales’ bones and old arms in castle gate at Angora). Cf. also Maury, op. cit. ii, 233, and Clermont-Ganneau, loc. cit. 3 For the ‘ dragon’s ’ head at Rhodes see below, pp. 654-5, where also other instances of gate charms are collected. 4 On the special relation between deer and dervishes see pp. 460-1. 5 See p. 286. 6 For them as a house charm see White, in Most. World, 1919, p. 184. 7 This is said of deer-horns kept in the Khalveti tekke at Uskub (F. W. H.), and of others on the grave of the rustic saint Arab-oglu in Pontus (White, in Records of the Past, vi, iox). The miracle is a very old one (//. Plutarch, Lucullus, cap. x). 232 Tomb and Sanctuary goats and oxen,1 are occasionally seen in turbes : these may be those of sacrificed beasts, but are probably kept and exhibited for their prophylactic value. In the Dome of the Rock at Jerusalem were formerly suspended, from the centre of the dome itself, a pair of ram’s horns, reputed those of the ram sacrificed by Abraham in place of Ishmael.2 The purpose of the talisrfian in such cases is'probably to ensure the stability of the dome. Ostrich eggs are suspended in sacred buildings (churches as well as mosques and turbes) all over the Near East.3 Here again the original purpose seems to have been prophylactic^ though, as often, more elabor- ate explanations have been invented. Primarily an egg is said to be sovereign against the evil eye because it has no opening and is, so to speak, impregnable ; 5 os- trich eggs mounted as charms are generally held in a metal frame, not pierced for a string. Ostrich-eggs are in Cairo a common charm for the protection of houses and shops.6 Their use as ex-votos is early : a tree idola- trously worshipped at Mecca in pre-Islamic days had ostrich-eggs suspended from it.7 In Greece and Turkey, ostrich-eggs being comparatively rare, and, in addition, 1 Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, iii, 138 (deer-horns at grave of Said Omar near Kutahia, horns of oxen and goats at Afiun Kara Hisar). 2 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 147. Ibn Batuta speaks of an iron buckler, reputed that of the Prophet’s uncle, in this position (ibid., p. 136). 3 Moslem examples are cited from Egypt (Pococke, Descr. of the East, i, 31), Hebron (Grimaldi in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1912, p. 149), Meshed Ali [Nejef] (J. Griffiths, Travels, p. 371), S. Sophia, Constantinople (Dalla - way, Constantinople, p. 57), ‘ Tower of the Winds ’, Athens (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 374), tekke of Hafiz Khalil near Varna (Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 475). 4 [Blunt], People of Turkey, ii, 244 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Г Asie Mineure, p. 351 ; Rogers, Vie Domestique, p. 459. 5 Baldensperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 216 ; cf Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 336. 6 Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, pp. 1 ff. ; they have been noticed in the Egyptian bazaar at Constantinople (C. White, Constantinople, i, 174). 7 Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 169. Relics in ‘ Turbes ’ 233 curiosities 1 easily obtained by pilgrims to the Holy Places,2 have developed a religious symbolism over and above their prophylactic value. Among Christians they are said to be emblems of faith, since the hen ostrich is said not to sit on her eggs, but to hatch them by looking at them.3 The Moslem interpretation of the symbol- ism, as given by a Turk of Sivas,4 is still more recondite : ‘ the ostrich always looks at the eggs she lays ; if one of them is bad, she breaks it.’ Ostrich-eggs are therefore suspended in sacred buildings ‘ as a warning to men that if they are bad, God will break them in the same way as an ostrich does her eggs ’, .e. reading their hearts regardless of their outward appearance. Lastly, an object often seen hung up in the turbes of Turkish saints,5 as also outside houses like the Greek May-garland, is a plait of corn-stalks with the ears left entire. This is quoted by Hildburgh as an evil eye charm used in Cairo for shops and houses.6 But, since it is essential that the corn used in the plait should be the first of the year, it seems clear that the primary idea is that of a first-fruit offering dedicated indifferently to the local saint or the house-spirit as a thank-offering, and to ensure abundance during the coming year. An interesting Christian parallel is afforded by an illustra- tion in Kanitz’ Bulgarie,tshowing the corn-plait sus- pended to a \iouse-eikon, which may be regarded as a compromise between the pagan house-spirit and the saint of the official religion.8 1 Cf Mrs. Green, Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, i, 153. 3 Cf. Lucius, Anfänge des Heiligenk., pp. 303-4. 3 Fellows, Journal in Asia Minor, p. 241 ; Tozer, Highlands of Tur- key (Athos), i, 79. 4 Burnaby, On Horseback through Asia Minor, i, 316 : cf. I. Burton. Inner Life of Syria, p. 447. Cf. a roc’s egg in Lane, Thousand and От Nights, p. 484. 5 Hildburgh, in Man, 1913, pi. A, 3. 6 As, e.g., in the turbe at Tekke Keui in Macedonia (Evans, in J.H.S xxi, 203). 7 P. 4°9- 8 Frazer (Spirits of the Corn and Wild, ii, chap, x, xi) has shown thaï 234 Tomb and Sanctuary A large number of saints’ ‘ tombs ’ are cenotaphs, some admittedly so.1 A saint of Monastir, named Khirka Baba, who appears to be historical, * disap- peared’ from the sight of men, leaving his habit on the ground. The spot where his habit was found is railed round like a tomb and the habit itself reverently kept in^the ‘ tower ’ ( kula) formerly inhabited by the holy man, both tower and cenotaph being frequented as a pilgrimage in his honour.1 Similarly, Emineh Baba, a Bektashi saint of Macedonia, * disappeared ’, but has, nevertheless, commemorative cenotaphs in two Bek- tashi convents.3 An Anatolian saint named Haji Bekir died no one knew where, with the express object, it is said, of avoiding the posthumous honour of a turbe. But his spirit is supposed to haunt a mill he frequented in life, where incubation is practised by pilgrims as at a formal tomb.*» Other venerated personages boast more than one tomb, each being locally claimed as genuine. In the case of persons historically known, it may be possible to distinguish between tomb and ceno- taph. Murad I, for instance, lies buried beside his mosque at Brusa, but the spot where he fell on Kossovo 5 is marked by a turbe which is said to contain his heart all over the world first-fruit offerings are made either to the dead, the gods, or the king, all, probably, representing stages in the development of religion. In some cases the offering is anthropomorphic, as may be the case with the Bulgarian corn-plait illustrated by Kanitz. For in- stances in the Greek area see Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Les- bos, p. 310 ; cf. Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 124. 1 Cf. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 79 ; Lane, Thousand and One Nights, pp. 339, 359. % See below, p. 358. з See below, p. 527. 4 See below, p. 268. 5 His assassin, Milosh Obilich, is buried beside him on Kossovo (Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 26 ; Boué, Itinéraires, ii, 175, 178). The * Arab 9 who slew Constantine Palaiologos is buried beside him (Polîtes, Παραδόσεις, no. 34 and note), as is the princess beside Sidi Ghazi, after she had (involuntarily) caused his death (see below, p. 743). Shamaspur tekke at Alaja probably affords another example (below, P· 573)* Duplicate Tombs 235 and bowels.1 Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, is said to be buried at Bulair in Thrace,2 but his college {med- reselo) at Yenishehr contains a turbe firmly held by local people to contain his remains : it is possible either that they were divided, as in the case of Murad I, or that he built himself at Yenishehr, during his lifetime, a turbe in which he was never buried. Local rivalry is also in part responsible for such inconsistencies. Both Bilejik з and Eskishehr 4 claim and show the grave of Edeb Ali, the father-in-law of Osman ; and the bones of Osman him- self, buried on the acropolis of Brusa, are claimed also by his original capital, Sugut.5 The reputed tombs of Arab saints and heroes shown in Asia Minor are probably, as we have said elsewhere,6 without exception unhistorical. One at least, that of Bilal at Sinope, is a doublet of a better known grave of the same saint at Damascus.7 Many such doublets are evidently the results of the erection of commemorative buildings marking critical points in the hero’s history, like the birth-places of Suhayb at Daonas 8 and of Sidi 1 Ippen, Novi Bazar у p. 147. It should be noted that according to strict Moslem religious law embalming is illegal and bodies must not be transported, exception being made for emperors (d’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 251 ; Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 46). Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 283, says that exhumation of the dead is thought a profana- tion by Moslems. Their feeling is so strong that the Sultan of Egypt at the time refused to allow S. Barbara’s body, buried at Cairo, to be dis- persed as relics in Christendom (Ludolf, De Itinere, p. 54)· A miracu- lous fire prevented the removal of the Imam Shifei’s body from its original tomb (Makrizi, quoted by de Maillet, Descr. de l'Égypte, i, 257 f.). Osman Bey (Les Imans et les Derviches, pp. 143-4) says persons must be buried where they die because that was the earth from which they were formed. * Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 202 ; dOhsson, i, 101 ; Sea- man, Orchan, p. 90. 3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 103 ; cf. Huart, Konia, p. 24. 4 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain ii, 70 : verified by F. W. H. For Edeb All’s connexion with Eskishehr cf. Hammer-Hellert, i, 64. 5 Leake, Asia Minor, p. 15. 6 Below, p. 702. 7 See below, p. 712. 8 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 154. 236 Tomb and Sanctuary Ghazi at Malatia.1 The tangibility of a tomb alleged to contain the actual body of a saint works powerfully in favour of the substitution of tomb for commemora- tive memorial in popular thought. In some cases when numerous alleged tombs2 of the same saint were shown, legend has evidently been called in to explain them. A saint claimed by the Nakshbandi, Hasan Baba,3 has seven tombs at various points in Rumeli. These, legend says, were erected by his disciples as ‘ blinds ’ when the saint was pursued by his enemies. The body of Sari Saltik, the Bektashi apostle of Rumeli, miraculously became seven bodies at his death, and each was buried in the capital of a separate kingdom, so that the seven tombs are found in as many towns, both of Islam and Christendom.4 Karaja Ahmed 5 is another of these mul- tiplied saints : his graves are found chiefly in western Asia Minor, and we may suggest that he represents the eponymous ancestor, or a series of chiefs, of a tribe bear- ing his name : though, as he has been merged into the Bektashi hagiology, it is more than probable that a more miraculous explanation is current. 1 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 660 : were these 4 birth-places9 sup- posed to be the places where the 'placentae of the heroes concerned were interred ? 2 Cf. Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans, pp. 19-20. In P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 89, Conder says the different tombs were sometimes supposed to represent 4 stations’ of the saint. 3 Below, pp. 356-7. 4 Below, pp. 430-1. 5 Below, pp. 404-5. XVI INVIOLABILITY OF SANCTUARY Introductory SAINT’S grave and its immediate surroundings are sacred and inviolable. Even after a casual dis- covery of a supposed saint through the fall of a wall, according to Professor White, ‘ no robbery or other depredation may be committed there, and if a grove is near by its trees cannot be cut For such inviolability there is a precedent from the source of Islam. Moham- med himself prescribed that a radius of twelve miles round the holy city of Medina should be held inviolate : no game should be killed in it, no trees cut, and no murder or act of violence committed.2 Among rough communities the inviolability of a saint’s precinct may be used for the protection of person and property. Sir Mark Sykes noted an instance of this in Kurdistan, at the pass of Hasan Ghazi, which he says is ‘ named after a Kurdish saint whose tomb is there. The Djziey Kurds hold him in great reverence and deem it a merit to be buried there; the graveyard is a refuge from feuds and robbers: no one who flees thither will be slain, and any person may leave his goods there without a guard in perfect safety. The sincerity of this extraordinarily accommodating belief is proved by the fact that the whole graveyard is littered with odds and ends, cradles, bales of cotton, bags of rice, stocks of firewood, doors, rafters, fencing, wattle, hurdles, pots and pans, left by various persons who have gone on journeys or removed owing to the temporary abandonment of the villages.’ з 1 2 3 1 In Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 155. 2 Burckhardt, Arabia, ii, 220. 3 Dar-ul-Islam, p. 189 ; similar sanctuaries (makams) in Syria, Pales- 238 Inviolability of Sanctuary It will be recalled that a somewhat similar use of a sanctuary on Lampedusa, violation of which rendered departure from the island impossible, is mentioned by- several authors of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- turies. This is of special interest as the inviolability of the place was respected both by Christians and Moslems.1 § I. Sacred Trees and Groves We have seen that one of the prohibitions of the sacred territory of Medina refers to the cutting of trees. This prohibition is sometimes applied very strictly to the trees near saints’ graves. In the grave enclosure of Helvaji Dede at Constantinople grow a cypress, a plane, and a laurel. These are never cut, and even when the branches fall they are not removed.* There are a great many instances of small groups of trees or ‘ sacred groves ’ which must not be cut. These are sometimes to be considered religious, as connected with Mohammedan (or Christian) saints, sometimes secular, as a form of tree-worship. It is often impossible to say whether the sacredness of these groves is primi- tive and their connexion with saints evolved from it, or whether it is secondary and due to their proximity to saints’ graves. This is a dilemma which must often meet us in other fields. Instances of these sacred groves are : I. At Sandal, a Turkish (Kizilbash ?) village near Kula in Lydia. Here the antiquity of the tabu is certi- fied by a Greek inscription.3 tine, and elsewhere are mentioned by Baldensperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 215 ; Conder, ibid., Q.S. for 1877, PP· 89, 91 ; Warren, ibid., Q.S. for 1869, p. 300 ; Schumacher, ibid., Q.S. for 1888, pp. 138, 160, 163 ; Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 95, 525 ; Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. 1880, p. 346 ; Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, p. 322 ; Petachia, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii, 302 ; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, pp. 5, 300, 305 ; G. E. White, in Mosl. World, 1919, pp. 10-11. 1 See above, pp. 46 ff. and below, pp. 755 ff. 2 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 174. 3 Tsakyroglous in Movaelov, 1880, p. 164, no. τλβ'. Sacred Trees 239 2. At Ebimi, a Kizilbash village in Pontus, a small eminence is crowned with a grove of pines never cut. There is a panegyris, with the usual sacrifice of a sheep in May.1 The grave of a saint, Buyuk Evliya, is said to exist there.2 3 4 5 The site was, in antiquity, sacred to Zeus Stratios, but the connexion is probably fortuitous. 3. At Tulum Bunar (on the Kasaba line) Oberhum- mer found a similar grove connected with the tekke óf Jafer Ghazi.3 The list could probably be added to indefinitely.4 Taylor remarks that the sacred groves of the Kurds are mostly poplar and connected with the names of Mohammedan saints.5 The cult of sacred groves in Circassia seems to be highly developed.6 7 Similar groves also exist among the Yezidi of the Jebel Siman in Syria.7 These may be important in the pre- sent connexion on account of the possible connexion between the Syrian heterodoxies and those of Asia Minor. Christian parallels for these sacred groves are to be found : 1. In Albania at Tepelen. Here, in a Mussulman country, a Christian saint’s tabu still protects the grove.8 9 2. In Greece, on the Euripus, a grove of S. George is noted which avenged the cutting of its trees by the death or wounding of the cutter.9 3. In Asia Minor, at Tashna (Pontus), is a grove sacred to Elias.10 1 Perhaps 23 April (O.S.), the day of Khidr—S. George. * Cumont, Stud. Pont. ii, 172. A similar sacred hill with trees exists near the Kizilbash village of Bajileh (ibid., p. 187). 3 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durch Syrien, p. 398· 4 At Seïdeler local women prevented Choisy from cutting a switch from a willow in the village square (Choisy, Asie Mineure, p. 199). 5 InJ.R.G.S. XXXV (1865), p. 41. 6 Spencer, Purkey, Russia, and Circassia, p. 383. 7 Mel. Fac. Or. (Beyrut), ii, 367 (Jerphanion). 8 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 222. 9 Walpole, Travels, p. 70. 10 Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 129. 240 Inviolability of Sanctuary 4. In Cyprus a grove of Zizyphus Spina Christi is dedicated to S. Catherine : the site may have been anciently sacred to Aphrodite. This grove is cut for the Easter bonfire.1 * з * 5 The exception to the prohibition in favour of a ritual use in this last example is charac- teristic and ancient.* Similarly, trees on Mohammedan saints’ graves are used for ritual purposes. For example, the leaves of the laurel which grows on the tomb of Joshua on the Bosporus are used for the fumigation of sick pilgrims.3 Leaves from the laurels on the grave of Deniz Abdal are similarly used for the sick. But a carpenter who removed some branches from the tree without such motive, though ordered to do so by the guardian of the tomb himself, fell from the tree during the operation and was in bed for months after.·* § 2. Protected Animals—Game For the game tabu at Medina we may compare in Asia Minor the protection of wild birds on the moun- tain in Cappadocia named after and sacred to Tur Hasan Veli,5 and of the wild sheep on the hill of the saint Fudeil Baba near Konia.6 Dire consequences attended the killing of the latter except for the purpose of sacrifice. Deer in general are more or less sacred animals. Gazelles, roedeer, and stags must not be 1 Magda Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern, p. 38 ; Max Ohnefalsch-Richter in J.H.S. iv, 115. Cf. another case in Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 318. * Cf. the inscription which I published in J.H.S. xxvii, 66 (13), and in Cyzicus, vi, 54. Compare the Cedars of Lebanon, for which see d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 415 ; La Roque, Voyage de Syrie, i, 71. з F. W. H. * Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, p. 134. 5 Id.y Fr ad. de Г Asie Mineure y p. 217. 6 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 670. Similarly, the Christian saint Mamas of Cyprus keeps the number of moufflons up to seven hundred, and it is dangerous to hunt them on his day (M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern, p. 162). Hare Tabu 241 hunted on account of their close connexion with der- vish saints. Dervishes are supposed to take the form of deer, and ascetics are said to have tamed them and lived on their milk.1 A dervish named Geyikli Baba is said to have been present at the siege of Brusa riding on a stag.1 Their skins and horns are frequently found in turbes.з In Pontus stags built the enclosure of a saint’s grave.* We may here conveniently discuss the tabu against the hare which exists among the Albanian Bektashi sect and elsewhere. The explanations given are various. Some say that the soul of Yezid, the wicked caliph who was responsible for the murder of Hasan and Husain, passed into a hare ; 5 others that the secretary of the Prophet had a cat which was changed into a hare.6 Macedonian Bektashi say that, being all blood and with- out flesh, it is not to be eaten.7 The Bektashi of Cap- padocia say that Ali himself kept a tame hare as others keep cats ; they call the hare on that account 6 the cat of Ali ’ and treat it with particular respect.8 Another explanation given by the Kizilbash of the tabu is that by a miracle of Ali the caliph Omar was turned into a woman and bore two children ; when Omar resumed his sex, his children were turned into hares, which are on this account sacred to the Kizilbash.9 The Bektashi 1 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 10 ; F. W. H., below, pp. 460 f. For the superstition as to killing deer in practice see L. Garnett, Greek Folk-Songs, p. 86, note ; Baker, Fur key in Europe, p. 378. Stories of dervishes and deer in both the above connexions are given below, pp. 460-2. 2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 24. 3 See p. 231. 4 Prof. White, in Mo si. World, ix, 11. 5 Brailsford, Macedonia, p. 246. 6 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 234 ; there seems to be a confusion here between the word for secretary (Taziji and the name of the caliph Yezid. 7 M. M. H. 8 Crowfoot, J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx, 315. Dr. Hogarth kindly in- forms me that in Iraq the * cat of Ali ’ is the maneless lion. 9 H. Grothe, Vorderasienexpedition, ii, 152 ; it will be noted that this profane story is told at the expense of one of the caliphs not re- cognized by the Shias ; the miracle of the transformation, however, is 3*95·* R 242 Inviolability of Sanctuary Albanians explain the hare tabu by a story that the wife of a dervish wiped up some impurity with a cloth and put the cloth in a hollow tree. A hare sprang out and left the cloth stainless, being thus the incarnation of the impurity.1 Most of the legends thus make the hare accursed rather than sacred ; but the existence of both ideas side by side is interesting and not incompatible with primitive thought. In practice certainly the hare is abhorred. The Bektashi will not eat it and, if their path is crossed by one, turn back.* An Albanian kavass in one of the consulates at Monastir is said to have threatened to leave because a hare was brought into the house.3 A shop-keeper in Constantinople found that the keeping of a tame rabbit at once lost him his Bektashi customers.* I have not been able to find that Christian Albanians have any feeling against eating hares,5 but the Shia tribes of Asia Minor share the prejudice,6 held to All’s credit. In de Lorey and Sladen, Queer Things about Per- sia, p. 272, there occurs a similar story in which Omar is transformed into a bitch, has six puppies, and goes through humiliating experiences. The story in the text is evidently one of a series of scurrilous tales cir- culated to discredit the hated caliph, who ousted Ali. The unbelieving sultan El Hakim was changed into a woman and bore three children (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 198). 1 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 235. 1 Ibid., p. 234 ; cf. Gédoyn’s Journal, p. 55, where a story illus- trating this is told of a Janissary : the connexion between the Janis- saries and Bektashi is well-known. In Algeria it is unlucky to see a hare running away from you (Prignet,  travers VAlgérie, p. 74). 3 From Mr. W. H. Peckham, formerly H.B.M.’s consul at Uskub. 4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, pp. 7f. Cf. de Vogüé, Hist. Orient., p. 198. 5 Cf. the story in Bérard, Turquie, p. 308, where a hare crosses the road : Bérard’s Christian Albanian servant crosses himself, but his Bektashi Albanian curses the hare heartily ; cf. also p. 73. Greeks think it unlucky : cf. Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 339. 6 For the Takhtajis of Lycia, who consider that bad souls are meta- morphosed into hares (or turkeys) after death, see von Luschan, in Benndorf, Lykien und Karten, ii, 201 ; for the Nosairi see Dussaud, Nosairis, p. 93. Ibn Batuta (tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 353) notices that the Hare Tabu 243 as do the Persians.1 Certain of the wandering tribes of Persia do not scruple to eat hares, but it is conr sidered pagan and barbarous on their part.* So far, then, the tabu on the hare seems to be religious and peculiar to the Shia forms of Islam.3 But it should be noted that the Christian Armenians are no less averse to the hare than the Persians.4 This may be due to.Persian influence, but the same point of view is shared appa- rently by the Georgians, who are much less exposed to such influence.5 Sinope people eat it, but that the Shia Rafidhites of the Hejaz and Iraq do not. 1 Chardin, Voyages, iv, 183 : 4e lièvre leur est défendu. . . . Les Persans ne peuvent pas seulement entendre nommer le Lièvre, parce qu’il est sujet à des pertes comme les femmes.’ Cf. Tavernier, Rei. of the Seraglio, p. 28. * Malcolm, Hist, of Persia, ii, 432. 3 For Sunni Moslems the hare is not unclean, though it is forbidden by the Mosaic law * because he cheweth the cud but divideth not the hoof ’ (Levit. xi, 6). The hare is among the figures of animals in syna- gogues (Kitchener in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 124). 4 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 395 : ‘ They account it a sin to eat Hares, and their flesh is almost as abominable to them, as Swines-flesh to a Jew or Turk. I have asked them the Reason for it ; to which they replyed, that a Hare was a melancholy Creature, and there- fore unwholesom ; besides it was accounted unlucky, and portending evil to any man who met one, and moreover that the Female was monthly unclean ’ {cf. Tavernier, loc. cit.). Cf Villotte, Voyages, p. 536, who says neither Armenians nor Jews eat it. 5 Cf. Sir Dudley North’s anecdote of a Georgian slave brought to England : ‘ A maid servant, provoked by his leering at her, laid a fresh rabbit-skin cross his face ; which was such a pollution that he ran straight to the pump, and they thought that he would never have done washing ’ {Lives of the Norths, ii, 151). Few Damascus Christians will eat it (Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 54). In the Ukraine and among modern Greeks it is considered a creature of the Devil (Dähnhardt, Natur sagen, i, 153). The position of the tabu may therefore be set out thus : the Bektashi in general abhor it ; Christian Albanians eat it ; while Bektashi Albanians abhor it, so that in Albania the ban on it seems to be a Bektashi importation. Among Christians, the Armenians avoid it, while the Greeks eat it. A transformation of Buddha into a hare is recorded (Baring Gould, Curious Myths, ist series, pp. 203-4). R 2 244 Inviolability of Sanctuary § 3. Sacred Fish The fish of sacred springs and rivers are sometimes protected in a similar way by religious scruple. In- stances of sacred fish in Turkish lands appear to be rare. The best-known example is to be found in the fish kept in the fountain of the Shamaspur tekke near Alaja in Paphlagonia.1 Fishes are or were also kept in the foun- tain of the Ulu Jami at Brusa.2 A Christian parallel is to be found in the well-known sacred fish of Balukli near Constantinople.3 Here the fish have no real reli- gious significance and are merely a peg to hang folk- stories on. For the full understanding of the veneration of sacred fish we must look farther east. In Syria particularly sacred fish have received extraordinary honours from ancient times to our own. There Xenophon 4 saw river- fish which were ‘ regarded as gods ’ by the inhabitants, and a pool full of fish sacred to the Dea Syria at Bam- byke is noticed by Lucian.5 This particular pool seems to have lost its religious significance,6 but the well- 1 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 403 : ‘ a beautiful fountain of clear cold water in a deep marble basin, in which were many fish, apparently a species of carp H. J. Ross, Letters from the East (1856), p. 243 ; Wilson, in Murray’s Asia Minor, p. 36. The fish mentioned by Hamil- ton (i, 98) at Mohimul near Taushanli may also have been sacred. Cf Calder, in J.R.S. ii, 246. 3 Evliya, Travels, ii, 6 ; Texier, Asie Mineure, i, 65. 3 For the popular stories regarding these fish see Carnoy and Nico- laides, Folklore de Constantinople, pp. 54 ff. From the historical notices of the foundation collected by the priest Eugenios ÇH Ζωοδόχος Πηγη καί та Upà αυτής προσαρτήματα, ρρ. 15 ff.), it appears that the fish are not an original but a comparatively late feature of the sacred spring. I note in passing that a Christian ay asma containing sacred fish is to be found at Gemlek (Bithynia) at the church of Panagia Pazariotissa. For the fish of a cursed place see Polîtes, ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς, no. 62. 4 Anabasis, i, §§ 4, 9 ; cf. Rubens Duval, in Journ. Asiat, viii, ser. xviii, 230 ff. 5 De Dea Syria, 483. 6 Hogarth, in B.S.A. xiv, 187 fiF. ; G. L. Bell, Amurath to Amurath, p. 21. Sacred Fish 245 known fish-pool of the Mosque of Abraham at Urfa is probably a direct survival from antiquity.1 Other in- stances of sacred fish-pools are to be found at Tripoli,' and elsewhere.3 Similar tabus in favour of river fish within a certain distance of saints’ tombs are found at Susa, the burial-place of Daniel,“* and in Kurdistan.5 Robertson Smith 6 is probably right in considering the Syrian instances of sacred fish as survivals of’a much earlier stratum of religious thought. The divinity of the waters was conceived of as a fish,7 the inhabitant of the waters, just as earth gods are thought of as snakes which live in the ground. The fish-divinities are eventually 1 The first modern writer to mention it seems to be an Italian mer- chant (c. 1507 : see Italian Travels in Persia, ed. Hakluyt Soc., p. 144). See also Barkley, Asia Minor, p. 254 ; Buckingham, Trav. in Mesopo- tamia, i, in ; Warkworth, Diary, p. 242 ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, и, i, 160 ; Tavernier, Voyages, p. 68 ; Olivier, Voyage, iv, 218 ; Sachau, Reise in Syrien, p. 197 ; S. Silvia, ed. Geyer, p. 62 ; Thévenot, Voyages, iii, 141 ; de Bunsen, Soul of a Turk, p. 218 ; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 330. 2 Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, pp. 58 f. : these sacred fish are protégés of the convent of Sheikh Bedawi. See further d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 390-1 ; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 166 ; Kelly, Syria, p. 106 ; Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 130 ; Soury, Études sur la Grèce, p. 66. 3 Sam, near Aintab (Hogarth in B,S.A. xiv, 188) ; Acre ? (Balden- sperger in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1893, p. 212). The fish called sallur may not be fished in the lake of Antioch (Dussaud, Nosairis, p. 93). Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie, ii, 330, 137) notices, besides the sacred fish at Urfa, others at Diarbekr (cf Garden, in J.R.G.S. xxxvii, 1867, p. 186) and at Salchin, near Antioch, also at Shiraz ; the last are under the protection of Sheikh Zade. For Palestine see Wilson and Warren, Recovery of Jerusalem, pp. 349, 352 (cf. Kitchener, in P.E.F., Q.S, for 1877, p. 122), 376. See for Bartarza in Mesopotamia Sykes, Dar-ul-Islam, p. 151. 4 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 240 ; cf. below, p. 301. 5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 179 (village Osmudum Sultan at the source of the Euphrates). 4 Umudum Sultan the Saint, who is buried here, pro- tects these fish, so that it is impossible to catch them.’ They were red with green spots and could be caught below. For the similar tabu on the fish of Elisha’s spring near Jericho see d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 204. 6 Religion of the Semites, pp. 174 ff. 7 For an Anatolian river-god represented as a fish see Anderson, in 1899, p. 76. 246 Inviolability of Sanctuary anthropomorphised through an intermediate fish-tailed form. The sacred fish may therefore be conceived of a's (1) a god or saint, or (2) the protégé of a god or saint. In secular folk-lore we find the corresponding conceptions of (1) the magician-fish 1 (often the ‘ king of the fishes ’) and (2) the bewitched fish,1 the former having power of its own, the latter acting as the famulus of a magician or higher power. The magician-fish or king of the fishes may presumably be propitiated as the ‘ king of the serpents ’ is to-day at his castle in Cilicia.3 The sacred fish of Syria seem to receive more venera- tion than would be accorded to mere protégés of the saint and to be regarded in some vague way as manifesta- tions of the saint himself. Febvre, speaking probably of Syria, says : * Ils ont une espece de respect & de veneration pour les poissons de certains lacs & fontaines, où qui que ce soit n’ozeroit pescher, si ce n’est pas de nuit & en cachette, le plus secrètement qu’ils peuvent ; ce qui fait qu’ils s’y multiplient en très-grande quan- tité, & qu’il y en a de monstrueux. Ils les appellent Checs [î. e. Sheikhs] qui est la qualité qu’ils donnent à leurs principaux Religieux, & leur allument la nuit des lampes par devotion.’ 4 At the Shamaspur tekke in Turkey the fish are fed with eggs by the guardian, and one is pointed out as the 1 For magic fish in folk-lore see Cosquin, Contes de Lorraine, i, 60 ; Hartland, Perseus, i, 24 ; Legrand, Contes Populaires Grecs, p. 161. 2 As in the well-known Arabian Nights’ story (the first in Burton’s edition). The Orthodox fish of Balukli are of the same sort with a touch from the ‘ Well of Life ’ legend cycle. 3 Langlois, Cilicie, ρ. 469 ; cf. Davis, Asiatic Turkey, p. 75. A con- fused echo from Constantinople is given in Carnoy and Nicolaides’ Folklore de Constantinople, p. 160. 4 Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 35 ; cf Jessup, Women of the Arabs, pp. 296-7, who says one black fish at Tripoli is the sheikh of the saints, whose souls are in the fish of the pool. Death is supposed to follow the eating of these fish, but the sceptical Jessup experimented without any untoward results. During the Crimean War many of the fish went off under the sea to Sebastopol and fought the infidel Russians, some re- turning wounded. Fish in Folk-Lore 247 * sultan ’ ;1 whether the word is used in its political sense (for the ‘ king of the fishes ’) or as a religious title is uncertain. Popular thought is probably hazy on this as on many other such points ; the main idea present in the mind of a pilgrim to the shrine is that anything closely connected with a holy place is infected with the sanctity of the place, has potential influence, and may be propitiated. It is hardly necessary to renlind the reader that living things as such are more regarded in Islam than by Christendom considered as a whole. To benefit even a fish connected with a saint is meritorious, and some vague idea that the fish the saint may have filtered in through dervish teaching as regards the trans- migration of souls and the unity of nature. But the pre- sent popular attitude with regard to the sacred fish does not of course preclude the possibility of their worship antedating that of the human saint Husain Ghazi on this spot. In the folk-lore of the Near East fish have two roles : they are finders or, though dead and even cooked, they fall into water and revive. Solomon had a talismanic ring which he used to entrust to one of his servants on going to the bath. A devil one day stole this ring from her, took Solomon’s shape, and supplanted him, throw- ing the ring into the sea. A fish swallowed it so that, on the fish being caught and opened, the ring was found, and Solomon recovered his kingdom.* In another story a fish finds a key. The king Armenios unwittingly com- mitted incest so retired from the world, binding his feet with a chain which he padlocked : the key he threw into the sea. After some years a deputation, which was seeking a suitable monk for patriarch, found the key in 1 Ross, Letters from the East, p. 243. » Sale’s Koran, p. 342, n. The story of Polycrates is another instance of the same sort. Goldziher (Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 309) says the Egyptian and Syrian Nevruz commemorates the finding of Solomon’s ring. Further, see Goldziher, loc. cit. ii, 273. 248 Inviolability of Sanctuary a fish and so recognized the monk as Armenios, who thus became patriarch.1 Numerous secular folk-stories Repeat the motif\ An allusion to the revival of a dead fish occurs in the Koranic story of Moses5 search for Khidr. Joshua, ser- vant of Moses, was carrying a cooked fish in a basket : at the rock where they were to find Khidr, the fish leapt from the basket into the sea. Joshua, washing soon after at the Fountain of Life, chanced to sprinkle a little of the water on the fish, which at once revived.2 In one of the Apocryphal Gospels the Infant Christ revives a salt fish by putting it into a basin of water.3 The motif is copied in the original legend of Balukli. A Thessalian pilgrim in search of health arrived dead at Balukli, then a famous place of healing. A salt fish his companions had brought fell into the pool and came to life. The dead man did the same.* The story is found at Tripoli of Syria in a slightly different form : a der- vish was frying fish, but had fried them only on one side when they sprang from the frying-pan into the fountain of Sheikh El Bedawi and came alive again : their descen- dants still bear on one side the marks of frying.5 This is x Amélineau, Contes de Г Égypte Chrétienne, i, 184. * Sale’s Koran, ρ. 222, nn. e and g. 3 Nativité de Marie in Migne’s Diet, des Apocryphes, i, 1078. Egyptian tradition makes the Infant Christ revive a roast cock (Migne, Évang. de VEnfance, in Diet. des Apocryphes, i, 976 ; Thévenot, Voyages, ii, 805). The cock reappears at Santo Domingo de la Calzada. A man was hung for thirty-six days, at the end of which time he was found innocent. The authorities said it was useless to take him down, and that they might as well expect the roast fowls on the table to revive. The fowls did revive and their descendants are still shown at Santo Domingo (Baumann, Trois Villes Saintes, pp. 150 fï.). The story is given, with parallels from Brittany, by Sébillot, Folk-Lore de France, iii, 251, citing A. Nicolai, Monsieur Saint Jacques de Compostelle. For a photograph of the fowls at Santo Domingo see frontispiece, voi. ii. 4 This story is already in the Byzantine authors. 5 D’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 390 f. Survivals of Fish Worship 249 the tale now current of Balukli and told either of Con- stantine or of a monk.1 With regard, therefore, to sacred fish the positiori may be summed up as follows. Urfa is very likely a true survival, its sanctity being documented almost con- tinuously from antiquity, and it has most probably in- fluenced other places in its radius. An intermediate stage is marked by the fish at the tomb of Daniel.1 The river in which he is supposed to be buried at Susa is tabu for fishing a certain distance up and down stream in his honour.3 Others, such as the sacred fish of Afiun Kara Hisar 4 or of Shiraz,5 derive their sanctity from their association with a holy place. Balukli has in all prob- ability no connexion with a survival of fish worship. 1 Polîtes, ΠαραΒόσ€ΐς> nos. 31-2 ; Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de
Constantinople9 pp. 54 ff. Possibly the whole thing starts from an orna-
mental fish-pond after the oriental manner ; cf. the ‘ piscinae Sala-
monis 9 in Fabri, Evagat. ii, 185 ; the round fountain mentioned by
Kitchener in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, p. 122 (also by Wilson and Warren,
Recovery of Jerusalem, p. 352) ; Gregorovius, Wander jahre, iii (Sici-
liana), p. 95, mentions a fish-pool made at Palermo for an Arab king’s
pleasure ; he cites others at Zitza (loc. cit., p. 93) and at Cuba (loc. at.,
p. 92). It will be remembered that the palace of Pegai was at Balukli.
Naturally something a little out of the way like goldfish would be put
in such a pool. Later, when the pool had become considered an ayas-
ma, it was easy to bring in the imagery of the Virgin as the Fountain of
Life (the πηγη Σιλοάμ, an idea which occurs in the οίκοι της Παναγίας)
and of Christ as a fish, with all the dependent ideas (a fish was ap-
parently used in Holy Communion by certain sects). S. John mentions
an almost ritual meal of fish and bread after the Resurrection, which is
not given by the synoptics, who all have the Last Supper omitted by
S. John. Later still, two strata of legend formed to explain the fish
at Balukli, the earlier being the Thessalian given in the text and the
other the modern Balukli legend. This miracle is supposed to have
taken place at the capture of Constantinople, but it would be surprising
to find a monk cooking fish at Balukli, if the Turkish Army were before
the walls. a See below, p. 301.

3 Benjamin of Tudela, Itinerary, ed. Asher, i, 117 ff. ; Carmoly,
Itinéraires, p. 459.

4 Calder, in J.R.S. ii, 246 (a nameless dede protects these fish).

5 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, ii, 137 (Sheikh Zade protects the fish).
XVII

CULT OF THE DEAD

THE great Turkish pilgrimages and holy places are
ccfmmonly tombs or cenotaphs of saints and heroes,
who are popularly conceived of as having the power of
intercession, particularly when invoked at their graves.1
The procedure with regard to saints’ tombs is greatly
illuminated by the practices actually or formerly in
vogue with regard to graves of the ordinary dead.

The popular belief in a kind of life in the grave for
some days after death is sanctioned by orthodox prac-
tice. Immediately after burial the khoja stays by the
grave and instructs the dead as to the cardinal points of
his religion : the soul thus seems considered as not yet
dispatched to the other world. It is further held that
the dead are catechized in the grave by a good and an
evil spirit,2 the latter trying by blows dealt with a red-
hot hammer to induce the dead man to deny his faith.
A bad Mussulman, to whom Paradise is denied, suc-
cumbs to this treatment, whereas a good Mussulman is
enabled to resist it. These c tortures of the tomb ’ are
so far part of the official faith that they are mentioned
in the khoja?s prayers for the dead.3 It is generally
believed that the souls of the dead are detained for forty
days in the neighbourhood of the grave, and that the
reading of the Koran there is beneficial to them, since
it assists the archangel Gabriel to defend them against
the devil.*

1 Jews also invoke the dead, see Carmoly, Itinéraires, p. 182 (quoted
below, p. 257, n. 1) and p. 243.

* Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 265, for their names (Munkar and
Nakir). 3 D’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 239.

4 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 142.

Food Offerings 251

In conformity with this belief in a life in the grave,
the relations of the dead are accustomed to resort to the
tomb in order to pray for his soul, reciting especially thé
fatiha or opening chapter of the Koran.1 It was also
formerly the custom to leave food on the tomb,2 the
original idea being, as we shall see from the procedure
at some saints5 tombs, that the dead actually partook of
it. Less credulous ages explained the custom as being
devised to enable the deceased to exercise a vicarious
charity to men (graves being commonly on frequented
roads) and beasts, and to stimulate the human partici-
pants in the posthumous charity to pray for the soul of
the deceased.3 The sinkings in the covering slabs of
Turkish graves were doubtless intended originally for
the deposit of these offerings, though their purpose is
now said to be to collect rain and dew for the birds to
drink, the same principle of vicarious charity being

1 According to Kremer (Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams,
p. 303), this reading of the Koran is a substitute for sacrifice to the
dead. At the upper end of Arab graves there is an opening through
which the prayers and blessings of the relatives reach the dead (ibid.).

2 At Elbassan in central Albania Bérard found that Christians had
left food on tombs (Turquie, p. 46). In this connexion Mrs. Ro-
manoff’s description of the Russian funeral feasts is interesting (Rites
of the Greco-Russian Church, p. 249).

3 Cf. Georgewicz, House of Ottomanno, p. E III vso : 4 They often
resort thither [i.e. to the tombs] in wepinge and mournynge and cer-
taine infernali sacrifices layde on the monumente, as bread, fleshe,
cheese, Egges, milke, and the banket continewinge by the space of nyne
dayes, accordynge to the Ethnicke Custome, it is al deuoured, for the
disceased soûles sake, eyther by Pismares and the birdes of heauen or
poore people * ; Sandys, Travels, p. 56 : 4 [Turkish women] many
times leave bread and meat on their graves … for Dogs and Birds to
devour, as well as to relieve the poor, being held an available alms for
the deceased * ; Thévenot, Voyages, i, 19a : 4 Le Vendredi plusieurs
apportent à boire et à manger, qu’ils mettent sur le tombeau, et les
passane y peuvent manger et boire avec liberté. Ils font cela afin que
ceux qui y viendront, souhaitent la bénédiction de Dieu à celui pour
l’amour duquel on fait cette charité ’ ; cf. also Gerlach, Tage-Buch,
p. 157 ; d’Arvieux, Mémoires, ii, 342.

252 Cult of the Dead

alleged in support of the usage. Similarly, the perfora-
tions commonly made in grave-slabs may have been
provided originally for pouring drink offerings for the
dead. Both sinkings and perforations are now often
used for planting flowers and small shrubs in.

Life in the grave,1 though only dimly imagined in the

.1 A barbarous belief in life in the grave appears widespread in Mo-
hammedan countries. Eyyub at Constantinople proved his presence
by sticking his foot out of his tomb (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de
Constantinople, p. 156). Niebuhr cites several cases from Arabia
(Voyage en Arabie, i, 255, where the sainted Ahmed puts his hand out
of his grave ; ibid, ii, 243, where Abdal Kadir hurls his clogs at some
brigands). At Damascus Pambuk Baba claimed to be a prophet, which
people denied on the grounds that he was a Kurd and no Kurd ever
was a prophet. To prove his sanctity he protruded his foot from his
grave, and the ritual now is to wrap this foot (?) in cotton wool (F. W. H.
from Husain Efendi of Chotil in Macedonia). In a Moslem ceme-
tery at Cairo the dead several times in the year left their graves for a
day, sinking back into them at night (Fabri, Evagat. iii, 47 ; cf. Théve-
not, VoyageSy ii, 459; de Maillet, Descr. de Г Égypte, ii, 205). De
Brèves (VoyageSy p. 273) relates the same story, saying he had heard it
told by both Christians and Moslems ; in his account the miracle took
place on Good Friday only, which suggests a comparison with Matt.
xxvii, 52 (‘ And the graves were opened ; and many bodies of the
saints which slept arose ’). Two secular parallels occur in Kunos,
Forty-Four Furkish Fairy F ales, pp. 13, 189-90. In the former a hand
emerges from a grave to terrify a fearless man ; in the latter a mother
extends her hand to comfort her daughter, an idea found also in the
Moslem tradition that Rachel spoke from her grave to comfort Joseph
weeping at being led captive into Egypt (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes,
p. 1139; cf· Spiro, Hist, de Josephy p. 40). In western Christendom
there is found what seems at first sight to be a derivative from the
East, but has probably evolved quite differently. A shepherd boy, born
with only one hand, is miraculously given another, dies in the odour of
sanctity, and after his death protrudes the God-given hand from his
tomb (Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, p. 277). There may
be contamination with the oriental story, but more probably the idea
arose from a hand-reliquary in the form of an arm and hand upright
in the act of benediction. Such hand-reliquaries are called ‘ mains
angéliques ’ or c manus de caelo missae \ On coins of Edward the
Confessor a ‘ main angélique 9 issues from clouds in the act of blessing.
It is to be noted that in many places it is customary to place such

Life in the Grave 253

case of ordinary people, is to some extent considered
characteristic of great saints and great sinners.1 Thus,
the falling of an old wall is sometimes held to indicate
the presence of a buried saint who turns in his sleep.2
On the other hand, signs of life in a tomb may be held
to show that its occupant is unquiet on account of his
sins.3 Sir Dudley North tells us that 6 the Turks have
an opinion, that men that are buried have a sort of life
in their graves. If any man makes affidavit before a
judge that he heard a noise in a man’s grave he is by
order dug up and chopped all to pieces ’.4 Michele
Febvre gives a definite example of this belief and prac-
tice. Cries were alleged to have been heard from a
certain tomb. The local governor, having heard of it,
had the corpse exhumed and decapitated, whereupon
the cries ceased.5 Any accidental circumstance might
confirm this belief, as the following anecdote shows :

‘ The merchants of Smyrna, once airing on horseback,
had (as usual for protection) a janizary with them.
Passing by the burying place of the Jews, it happened
that an old Jew sat by a sepulchre. The janizary rode
up to him and rated him for stinking the world a

reliquaries on the tomb of the saint concerned at his festival. This
would naturally generate the notion of the saint sticking his hand out
of his grave. The barbarous Moslem traditions probably originate in a
country such as Arabia, where the dead are buried in graves so shallow
that exposure of their remains is only too easy and frequent a pheno-
menon.

1 A dead saint can on occasion embarrass the living. Saint Ismail
Milk once gave a beggar who asked him for alms a written order on the
Governor, duly sealed, for a hundred crowns* worth of stuff ; since that
date no one has been allowed to approach the saint’s tomb (Niebuhr,
Voyage en Arabie, i, 301-2).

* White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 155.

3 The ambiguity is exactly paralleled by the popular Greek belief
as to saints and excommunicated persons. The bodies of both classes
do not putrefy but remain intact : see below, p. 456.

4 Lives of the Norths, ii, 147.

5 Théâtre de la Turquie, p. 28.

254 Cult of the Dead

second time, and commanded him to get into his grave

again.’1

The restlessness of the sinful dead might also be
manifested less crudely. Wheler at Constantinople

‘observed one Turbe with the Cuppalo, covered only with a
Grate of Wyer ; of which we had this Account : that it was of
Mahomet Cupriuli, Father to the present Vizier . .. concerning
whom, after his Decease, being buried here, and having this
stately Monument of white Marble, covered with Lead,
Erected over his Body ; the Grand Signior, and Grand Vizier,
had this Dream both in the same night ; to wit, that Cupriuli
came to them, and earnestly beg’d of them a little Water to re-
fresh him, being in a burning heat. Of this the Grand Signior
and Vizier told each other, in the Morning, and thereupon
thought fit to consult the Mufti, what to do concerning it ;
who according to their gross Superstition, advised that he
should have the Roof of his Sepulcher uncovered, that the Rain
might descend on his Body, thereby to quench the Flames tor-
menting his Soul.’1

Some forms of restlessness in the grave are thus con-
sidered characteristic of sinners, others of saints. All
the dead alike are thought to have a vague and shadowy
life in and about their graves, especially during the forty
days after burial. At all times the cemetery is a mysteri-
ous borderland of the spirit-world, where miracles are
apt to occur since they are half looked for, or at least
readily accepted, by those who devoutly visit the graves
of their relations. It is thus possible for a dead man to
become a saint posthumously, if certain phenomena
considered characteristic of the resting places of saints,
in particular luminous appearances, occur at his tomb.
Certain popular saints seem, indeed, to have acquired
their reputation merely from the alleged miraculous
consumption of food left at their tombs, which, as we
have seen, was in more credulous times probably con-

1 Lives of the Norths, ii, 14.7.

г Wheler, Journey into Greece, pp. 182 f.

Turkish Canonization 255

sidered neither miraculous nor extraordinary. Such
was Kara Baba at Athens,1 * 3 4 and such is Jigher Baba at
Monastir : the latter is propitiated with liver (Jigher)
which is said to disappear in the presence of the sup-
pliant.1 The practical distinction, therefore, between
the ordinary pious dead and the more or less recognized
saints becomes purely a matter of miracles. Onc.e vindi-
cated by a miracle, any tomb may claim the honours of
a saint’s.

One of the main differences between saints of Islam
and those of Christendom lies in the fact that the cult
of the former is independent of central authority and to
a certain extent considered by the orthodox as heretical
or at least equivocal.3 Whereas in the Greek Church
sacred spots are associated with the name of a saint in
the official church calendar, or, as in the case of neo-
martyrs’ graves, are consecrated by the authority of
bishop or patriarch,1* the cult of Turkish saints is purely
popular in origin and development, and its organization
so far as this exists, comes rather from the dervish orders
than from the more strictly orthodox clergy. The

1 Dodwell, Tour through Greece, i, 30$.

3 F. W. H. A similar tale is told of the Bektashi saint, Haji Hamza
at Kruya (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 223).

3 So Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 268. In 1711 a young fanatic
at Cairo tried to put down saint worship (ibid., p. 33$).

4 Similarly, the canonization of a Roman Catholic saint depends
ultimately on the Pope’s sanction : see Hutton, English Saints, p. 163,
for Henry VI (cult forbidden by Edward IV on the plea that the Pope
had not authorized the canonization), ibid., p. 234 (formal canonization
of S. Alphege delayed), ibid., p. 272 (Robert Grosseteste failed to be
canonized, owing probably to the Pope’s hostility). Joachim de Flor
(Acta SS. 7 May) has a local cult but is not canonized (Migne, Diet, des
Apocryphes, ii, η. 242). Maury (Croy. du Moyen Âge, p. 341) says that
canonization was by bishops until 1179, when the Pope became the
only source ; Joan of Arc was canonized for her hallucinations, but
Thomas Martin was only ridiculed for his regarding his mission to
Louis XVIII in 1816 (Maury, op. cit., p. 347, citing the Relation con-
cernant . . . Thomas Martin par S., anc. magistrat, Paris, 1831).

256 Cult of the Dead

saint’s name is immaterial : in many cases it is not
known, and he remains to the end either ζ the Baba ’,

4 the Dede ’, and so on, or, where differentiation is
necessary, he takes a name derived from some attribute
as Kara Baba (‘ Black saint ’), Kanbur Dede (‘ hump-
backed saint ’), Geyikli Baba (‘ Stag saint ’). Many so-
called 4 dedes’ and 4 babas ’, as we shall see, were never
féal persons but began their religious existence as vague
spiritual beings or even less. The line therefore be-
tween 4 religion 9 and 4 folk-lore ’, always vague, is in
Turkey unusually ill-defined. But the presence of a
tomb, whether cenotaph or no, is felt to redeem the
cult from paganism, since the veneration of the sainted
dead is to some extent sanctioned by Mohammedan
tradition. As to the position of orthodox Islam in
theory and actual practice in regard to the cult of the
dead, I cannot do better than quote the following pas-
sage from Gibb’s Ottoman Poetry :1

6 Although not countenanced by the Koran, the practice of
visiting the tombs of holy men is common in Muhammedan
countries. The object of these pious visitations varies with
the intellectual status of the pilgrim. The most ignorant mem-
bers of the community, more especially women of the lower
classes, go there in order to implore some temporal or material
favour (very often a son), and sometimes these even address
their prayers to the saint himself. Persons somewhat higher in
the intellectual and social scale look upon such spots as holy
ground and believe that prayers offered there have a peculiar
efficacy. The better educated among the strictly orthodox
visit such shrines out of respect for the holy man and in order
to salute the place where his remains repose. The object with
which the mystics make such pilgrimage is that they may enjoy
what they call muraqaba or ‘ spiritual communion 9 with the
soul of the holy man. The pilgrim in this case fixes his heart or
soul wholly on that of the saint, the result being that it ex-
periences an ecstatic communion with this in the Spirit World,
whereby it is greatly strengthened and rejoiced on its return to

1 i, 180, note 2.

Prayer at the Grave 257

the earthly plane. It is not, we are expressly told, because the
soul of the saint is supposed to linger about his tomb that the
mystic goes thither for his muraqaba ; but because it is easier
for the mystic to banish all outside thoughts and fix his heart
wholly and exclusively on that of the saint in a place which is
hallowed by associations with the latter.’

A lively and instructive commentary on the above is
furnished by Covel’s adventure at Eski Baba·, where
a famous Moslem saint, reputed the conqueror of the
town, is venerated.

‘ He lyes buryed,’ says our author, ‘ in St. Nicholas’s church.
… It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great saint
amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his
tomb we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles,
and presented them to an old woman that looks after it, and
shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in distress to
do it. The old woman told us : Yes, my sons, whenever you
are in danger pray to this good holy man and he will infallibly
help you. Oh fye ! sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly
commit sin, for he was a mortali man and a sinner as well as we.
I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and he
doth nothing ; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us ;
and so ended that point of Turkish divinity.’1

Though a man renowned in his lifetime for piety or
learning becomes after his death naturally and almost

1 Diaries y ed. Bent, p. 186. With these passages may be compared
Carmoly’s account (Itinéraires, p. 182) of Jewish belief in the cult of
the dead. ‘ D’après,’ he says, ‘ un usage assez antique, les Israélites
visitent les sépulcres dans un double but : l’un domestique, lorsque des
parents ou des amis vont pleurer leurs morts ; l’autre religieux, lors-
qu’ils visitent les tombeaux des patriarches, des prophètes ou des doc-
teurs de la synagogue. Chacun par ses prières, la face tournée vers la
ville sainte, recommande le défunt à Dieu et lui souhaite une heureuse
résurrection, ou implore l’assistance des héros de la foi. Car selon la
doctrine des rabbins, ce ne sont pas seulement nos mérites, mais aussi
ceux d’autrui, qui servent de moyens d’apaiser, de propitiatoire, et par
l’intermédiaire duquel nous nous réconcilions avec Dieu notre père.’
Carmoly adds that the most moving appeal that could be made to the
sainted dead was the recitation of passages from their own works.

3*95·1

S

258 Cult of the Dead

automatically a saint, it is, as we have seen, quite pos-
sible for a dead man of no particular eminence to enjoy
ä posthumous vogue, since the practical distinction of a
saint’s grave from another lies ultimately in its power
to work miracles.1 2

The ritual practices attached to a saint cult naturally
vary greatly from place to place : in some it is very
simple, in others apparently very complicated. But in
nearly every case examination reveals that the apparent
complication is in reality no more than an accumulation
of familiar elements, derived partly prayer for the
soul’s repose and tangible offerings) from the cult of the
ordinary dead, partly from secular magic : the ‘ magic ’
rites in turn are traceable to quite primitive and widely
spread ideas.

As prayers, and especially the fatiha or opening sen-
tences of the Koran, are regularly said for the repose of
the departed soul, so in the case of the sainted dead
prayer may be made as it were an offering and a means
of obtaining their intercession1 irrespective of the period
at which they died. Persons about to travel, for in-
stance, are recommended to touch the door of S. Sophia
which is supposed to be made of wood from the Ark,
and say a fatiha for the repose of Noah’s soul.3 The
dead may also be honoured, their intercession solicited,
or its efficacy acknowledged, by lighting candles on
their tombs, by repairing or adding to the tomb build-
ing, or by the establishment of foundations for perpetual
prayer and Koran reading at their tombs. A third
method of invocation (though it is made use of also in
other senses) is sacrifice or kurban.

The origins of this Semitic practice have been very

1 Similarly, English saints have been recognized as such merely in
consequence of miracles wrought at their graves : for examples see
Hutton, English Saints, pp. 136, 153-4, 155, 159 (Henry VI), 266 if.

2 White, in Mosl. World, 1919, p. il.

3 Cf. above, p. 10.

c Kurban 9 259

fully investigated by Robertson Smith, and do not here
concern us. In modern Turkish practice, which is oi
course based on wider Mohammedan use, it is considered
mainly as a vicarious sacrifice, a life given for a life
threatened or a life spared : it is essential that the
victim should bleed. Elaborate rules for the perfor-
mance of kurban are laid down by the Islamic code in
the regulations for the sacrifices of Kurban Bairam 1
and of the Pilgrimage. Sacrifice for life spared is made
after escape from danger 2 or the termination of a
dangerous business : it is usual on the return from the
Mecca pilgrimage.3 Sacrifice to arrest a threatened
evil is made during sickness,4 after ominous dreams,5
in times of danger, and to check fire or pestilence.6 It
may also be made at any critical period of life, as com-
monly at a boy’s circumcision 7 or a bride’s entry into her
new home,8 or at the commencement of any operation
regarded as critical or dangerous, such as the erection
of a building, the opening of a mine,9 a railway,10 or
tramway,11 the beginning of a journey or a war.12 In

1 At Kurban Bairam fanatical Moslems smear their faces with the
blood of sacrifice (Le Boulicaut, Au Pays des Mystères, p. иг).

2 De la Magdeleine, Miroir Ottoman, p. 56.

3 M. Walker, Old Pracks, ρ. Ι2ΐ.

4 De la Magdeleine, loc. cit. ; White, in Prans. Piet. Inst. xl (1908),

p. 232. 5 De la Magdeleine, loc. cit.

6 White, loc. cit., xxxix (1907), p. 155.

7 C. White, Constantinople, iii, 243.

8 G. E. White, in Prans. Vict. Inst., xxxix, 153. As an extreme case
of this sort, amounting almost to human sacrifice, may be cited the
case of two gypsies, who at the wedding of one of the sons of Ali Pasha
jumped from a high tower at Yannina, taking on themselves to be
scapegoats for Ali and his son. They were, as it happened, not much
hurt, and were pensioned off by the Pasha for their feat (Ibrahim Manz-
zour, Mémoires, p. 131).

9 White, ibid. For kurban at the digging of the Lemnian earth see

below, p. 675. For it at Armenian requiem masses see Boucher,
Bouquet Sacré, p. 434. 10 Curtiss, Prim. Semitic Relig., p. 184.

11 As at the recent inauguration of the electric tramway at Pera.

12 White, in Prans. Vict. Inst, xxxix, p. 153. Before Rogers began to

2ÓO Cult of the Dead

this spirit Murad II, at the conquest of Satanica, sacri-
ficed a ram on first entering S. Demetrius,1 and former
sultans were wont to immolate whole flocks of sheep at
their coronation.2 In Persia particularly kurban is
performed on behalf of great men entering a town. Sir
Mark Sykes was complimented in this way at Altin
Kupru and notices that the sacrifice was so made that
the victim’s blood spurted over his horse’s hoofs.з
In these cases as in many others the sacrifice tends
to degenerate into a free meal,* since the victim is always
eaten and the great man complimented is expected to
pay for it : consequently he gains both the spiritual
benefit of a kurban made in his honour and the merit of
charity. It is this latter view of kurban as a meritorious
act which’must have given rise to the curious super-
stition recorded by Belon that animals sacrificed will
pray for their sacrificer in the Day of Judgement.5 The

excavate a large artificial mound near Damascus the people of the
neighbourhood told him that he would make no discoveries if he did
not ‘ first propitiate the Sheikh, whose tomb is on the top of the Tell,
by sacrificing a sheep in his honour ’ (Rogers, in P.E.F., Q.S. for 1869,
p. 44). Arabs make kurban with a kid to preserve their camels and to
ensure the luck of the journey in general : with the blood they make
crosses on the camels’ necks (Robinson, Palestine, i, 269).

x Ducas, p. 201 в.

2 Gerlach in Crusius, Turco-Gr cecia, p. 67.

3 Dar-ul-Islam, p. 192 : ‘ Just before entering the town I was subject
to a curious and interesting method of paying honour and extorting
baksheesh. A man darted forward and cut a sheep’s throat, so that the
blood spurted on to my horse’s hoofs, crying “ Avaunt evil ! ” The
explanation of this is that if ever a man of consequence should pass a
town an animal should be killed in the fashion described, so as to give
fate a life in lieu of one of the honoured person’s animals ; and the
gentleman in question is bound in honour to pay for the sheep, whose
flesh is distributed to the poor ’ ; cf also Walpole’s Travels, p. 230.
Samaritans at their Passover feast the official killers and daub children’s
and some women’s faces with the sacrificed lamb’s blood (Mills, Three
Months, p. 254). Are these women pregnant ?

4 Cf, Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 325.

5 Observations de Plusieurs Singularitez, iii, chap. vi.

6 Kurban 9 261

Shias of Pontus sacrifice to their saints regularly, not
only on extraordinary occasions, but ordinary Turkish
custom regards kurban as a mode of doing special hon-
our to a saint, generally in acknowledgement of benefits
received or expected.1

So far as my limited experience goes kurban in
honour of a saint is never performed on his grave or
inside his turbe. In some cases, as at the turbe of Ghazi
Baba at Uskub, a special sacrificial pit is provided to
receive the victim’s blood, with a wooden frame for
hanging and carving it.

From the Mohammedans this practice of kurban has
spread to the Christian races with whom they came in
contact ; this was aided by the Easter usages, derived
at an earlier period by the Christians from the Semites,
and on the other hand by pagan elements surviving,
especially on the folk-lore side, among Christians as well
as Mohammedans. Both Armenian and Greek Ortho-
dox Christians are familiar with the idea of apotropaic
bloodshed and the half religious consumption of the
victim.2

Prayer, care of the tombs, and sometimes kurban
may thus be regarded as the approaches to the favour
of the saints. The tangible results of their intercession
are thought to be obtained by means of certain ‘ super-

1 White, in Tran.s. Vict. Inst. xxxix, 154. Cf. the invocation of Aaron
when sacrificing a goat to him (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 430).

a For the practice among Anatolian Christians in general see White,
in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 154; Carnoy and Nicolaides,
Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 196 (Armenian sacrifice of cocks) ; Ains-
worth, Travels, i, 131 (Greek miners’ sacrifice of cocks to mine-spirits).
For sacrifices by the Orthodox in connexion with the Church see G.
Megas,in Λαογραφία, iii, 148-71 (sacrifice of bulb and goats by priest in
Thrace) ; cf. Polîtes, Παραδόσας, no. 503 (sacrifice to S. George at
Kalamata). Kurban seems formerly (in the sixteenth century) to have
been made inside Orthodox churches (Polîtes, in JcAriovcΙστορ. f2?rcu-
peίας, i, 106). The modern Greek word for sacrifice is ματώνω
(‘ bleed ’), emphasizing the importance of shedding blood.

2Ó2 Cult of the Dead

stitious ’ processes, notably ‘ bindings contact with
rçlics (especially earth from the saint’s grave), incuba-
tion, and circumambulation—all, be it remarked, com-
mon to popular Eastern Christianity as well as to popu-
lar Islam. As to ‘ binding ’, the common forms of the
ritual acts here included under the name of ‘ binding ’
are the tying of knots and the driving of nails (the ancient
dèfixio) : both acts typify and are thought actually to
bring about the transference of the suppliants’ ills from
himself to the object knotted or nailed. Binding with
this object is one of the commonest superstitious acts
all over the world, and is prominent among the secular
magic usages of Christians as well as Moslems through-
out the Near East. Knotted rags, threads, and shreds
of clothing are the commonest of all outward signs of
a popular cult in Turkey. The knot is tied to the most
convenient object on or in the immediate vicinity of the
grave.1 * 3 4 It is popularly believed that ‘ in proportion as
these rags rot and disappear, so will maladies decrease in
this world, or sins be effaced in the next.’г If a rag be
untied, the evils bound by the knot fall upon the untier .3
After tying the knot, the suppliant must go away with-
out looking back. There is probably some connexion
in the popular mind between rags and infectious di-
seases, since, when a migrant stork returns to a Turkish
village with a rag in his bill, an epidemic is prognosti-
cated.·*

The commonest medium in the curative rites classed
generally as contact with relics is earth from a saint’s
grave. Earth from graves is regularly, and apparently
throughout Islam, used for superstitious purposes. Earth
from the Prophet’s tomb at Medina is commonly brought

1 For the origin of rag-tying see e.g. Robertson Smith, Religion of
the Semites, pp. 317 f. For it in practice see e.g. Walsh, Residence, ii, 4.63.

* White, Constantinople у iii, 348.

3 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Ίταά. de VAsie Mineure, p. 196.

4 I hid. y p. 298.

S. Demetrius, Salonica 263

home by pilgrims,1 and cures are wrought with earth
from saints’ graves either by drinking it in water 2 3 4 or by
applying it to the part affected.3 Among the Shia Turks
of Pontus earth from graves is sprinkled on the fields
to prevent a plague of mice.* The water which collects
in the circular depressions regularly cut in tombstones
appears also to acquire miraculous virtues.5 A most
interesting account of the ritual at the tomb of S.
Demetrius, Salonica, is given by de Launay. His words
are as follows :

‘ Le Turc allume un cierge à la lampe . . . l’un des Grecs, qui
sait le turc, dit quelques mots au sacristain, et celui-ci prend une
longue ficelle ; il se baisse, il étend, le plus qu’il peut, ses vieux
bras raidis ; il mesure, dans un sens, la pierre du tombeau ; il
fait un nœud ; puis mesure dans l’autre sens et coupe.

To onoma, ton nom ? ” dit le Turc, qui vient de mesurer,
avec la ficelle, un des ornements du tombeau et a commencé, en
ce point, un nœud encore lâche. Il tient, en se courbant,
l’anneau, que forme la corde, sur le haut du cierge allumé et
attend qu’on lui réponde. “ Georgios,” répond le Grec ; et le
Turc, répétant “ Georgios,” serre le nœud dans la flamme ;
il fait remarquer au Grec, d’un air satisfait, que le chanvre n’a
pas brûlé.

‘ Une seconde fois il a mesuré, à la suite, le même ornement
et, renouvelant la même cérémonie, demande : u Le nom de ton
père, de ta mère ? ”—“ Nikolas, mon père ; Calliopé, ma mère.”
En répétant les deux noms, le Turc serre encore le nœud dans
la flamme. Puis il continue : “ Tes enfants ? ” Et, quand il a
fait ainsi trois nœuds soigneusement, il met la ficelle sacrée en

1 Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 160 ; Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 256 (dust
of the Kaaba sold for this purpose) ; see also below, pp. 684-5.

* Evans, in xxi, 203.

3 Turbe of Sahib Ata, Konia (F. W. H.), and doubtless elsewhere.
For the use of earth from saints’ graves for medicinal purposes see also
Seaman’s Orchan, p. 116 (Karaja Ahmed). The earth of the ‘ place of
the dragon ’ at Elwan Chelebi was used for fever (Busbecq, Life and
Letters, i, 170).

4 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xl (1908), p. 235, and in Most. World,

1919, p. 10. 5 See above, p. 210 and n. 2.

264 Cult of the Dead

un petit paquet, qu’il trempe dans l’huile de la lampe ; il ajoute
quelques parcelles de la terre du tombeau ; il enveloppe le tout
et le remet au Grec, qui paraît tout heureux. Il lui explique
d’ailleurs : “ Si tu es malade, toi, ton père, ta mère, tes enfants,
le nœud sur la partie souffrante et vous serez guéris.” Le Grec
se fait donner des détails, tâche de bien se rendre compte ; puis
la même cérémonie se répète pour son compagnon.’1

In this account note (1) the complete fusion of cults :
a Turkish dervish serves out magic to Christians in a
Christian church, which has been diverted to Moslem
use. Note (2) that the ritual is secular magic grafted on
a common fund of religious belief in tombs, earth from
graves, oil of sacred lamps, offerings of candles. The
secular part is composed of several well-known beliefs :
(a) μέτρον λαμβάν€ΐν, and (b) 6 binding9 of disease and evils2

1 De Launay, Chez, les Grecs de Turquie, pp. 183-4.

2 The interesting practice of ‘ binding ’ churches may here be
noticed. E. Deschamps describes the ritual fully as he saw it in Cyprus
(see Tour du Monde, 1897, pp. 183 ff.). His words are : ‘ En sortant
… je suis tout étonné de voir la base de la coupole entourée d’un cordon
blanc dont les extrémités pendent jusque sur le toit. J’avais vu un
gros paquet de cette mèche dans une anfractuosité de l’autre église S.
Marina et je questionnai les indigènes sur la raison de cette singulière
ceinture. . . . Un jour, un habitant du village vit en songe sainte
Catherine, qui lui annonça qu’il allait arriver un grand malheur, une
maladie terrible qui atteindrait tous les habitants. Pour en être pré-
servés, il fallait incontinent entourer chaque église d’un épais cordon et
les relier l’une à l’autre. Il fallait aussi que tous les habitants achetas-
sent ce même coton, qui n’est autre chose qu’une mèche, chacun pour
autant que ses moyens lui permettraient. Ce qui fut dit fut fait, et le
village passa à côté du malheur. Un jour le cordon cassa : les parties
qui entouraient les monuments restèrent à leur place, pourrissaient
lentement ; celle qui servait à les relier fut religieusement ramassée
et mise dans un trou du mur de l’église de Sainte-Catherine, où la pluie
en a fait un gâteau ’. Here what seems to have been the original pur-
pose of the rite, viz. defence against sickness, has been preserved, as
also in the cases cited by E. Deschamps, Au Pays d’Aphrodite, pp. 89-
90 ; A. J. B. Wace, in Liverpool Am. Arch., iii, 23 (at Koron, Greece) :
possibly also by Koechlin Schwartz, Touriste au Caucase (chain at
Tiflis). The ‘ cordon ’ which was run round the town of Valenciennes

S. Demetrius, Salonica 265

in general. As regards the first, the dimensions of a
thing have similar virtue to the thing itself. At Athens
the picture of S. John at S. John of the Column is
‘ measured ’ in the same way,1 while the measurement
(boi=stature) of a man may be used instead of a victim
for the foundation of a building.3 Note further (3) the
degradation of these two usages evinced by the second
measuring and especially in the knot. Strictly speaking,
a knot is not a holy thing, it is the action of tying which,
‘ binding ’ the evil, has the effect desired. Here, the

during a plague in 1008 was still preserved in 1820 and carried in pro-
cession round the town on 8 September, the anniversary of the miracle
(Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 323). The same method of
defence against a human enemy might also be employed ; during the
captivity of King John after the battle of Poitiers in 1356 the échevins
of Paris presented Notre Dame de Paris with a candle as long as the
enceinte of Paris ; this became a yearly offering until 1605 (Collin de
Plancy, op. cit. i, 302). In the West the idea of defence against trouble
seems largely lost : cf. de Quetteville, Pardon of Guingamp, p. 387 (‘ on
the day of the Pardon [at Huelgoat in Notre Dame des Cieux] it is not
unusual to see a votive offering in the shape of a girdle of wax, running
three times round the exterior of the church. I saw one subsequently
at the Pardon of the Mère de Dieu, near Quimper, but the string was
single. … A poor woman there told me . . . that she would gladly give
one on the following year if her prayers were granted 9 [to get her
daughter out of prison]. Sébillot (Folk-Lore de France, iv, 137) gives
instances from Paris, Chartres (cf. P. R., in Notre Darne, iv, 123), and
Quimper, saying it is, as might be expected, common in Brittany.
See also Saintyves, Reliques et Images Légendaires, pp. 256 ff. (Valen-
ciennes), 259 (Montpellier), 260 (Tournay), and on the whole subject
van Gennep, Religions, Mœurs, et Légendes (chapter on La Ceinture de
l’Église). 1 See above, p. 195.

a See below, p. 732, n. 5. A bath at Ephesus was haunted by the
spirit of a young girl who had been buried alive ‘ for luck 9 in the
foundations (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 767, cf. p. 862). After
Pittard had measured a number of gypsies in the Dobruja a monk from
a neighbouring convent terrified them by saying Pittard and his friends
wished to build a monastery across the Danube, beginning par y in-
staller des âmes dans ses murs. The measurement of their heads had had
this end in view. ‘ Leurs âmes allaient les quitter et passer le fleuve.
Ils les perdraient ainsi à jamais.’ See Pittard, Dans le Dobrodga, p. 131.

266 Cult of the Dead

evil to be bound does not yet exist, it is anticipated only,
the knot has become merely a sacred object in the second
degree, like any other object which has partaken of the
virtue of a holy place. The patient also is only antici-
pated. Lastly, (4) note that such mummery could be
varied ad lib. with an ignorant clientèle by the same or
succeeding dervishes. The only real essential is some
kind of hocus-pocus, the more apparently elaborate the
better, bringing in the tomb of S. Demetrius.

At other healing shrines various articles sometimes
said to have belonged to the dead saint are used for
cures in a similar manner. Typical is the shrine of
Sultan Divani at Afiun Kara Hisar, where the iron shoes
of the saint are worn for apoplexy.1 2 3 4 Similarly, at the
tekke of Husain Ghazi, at Ala ja in Paphlagonia, head-
ache is cured by leading the patient seven times round
the tomb and placing a string of beads on his head, each
of which is struck by a mace.* Both beads and mace, we
may be sure, are reputed those of the hero Husain. At
the tekke of Imam Baghevi at Konia contact with two

ancient worked stones is supposed to effect cures.3 Such
relics as these may be held to work miracles indepen-
dently of the presence of the tomb. Of this a good
example is the cup of Maslama at Arab Jami in Con-
stantinople, a drink from which is said to benefit mothers
in childbirth and nursing. 4

Further, a handkerchief or garment left in contact
with the tomb is thought to absorb the virtue of the
saint and becomes itself a secondary relic. This is the
procedure used at the tomb of Abu Sufian in the ‘ under-

1 Laborde, Aste Mineure, p. 65.

2 White, in Trans. Viet. Inst, xxxix (1907), p. 159.

3 F. W. H. : cf. above, p. 82.

4 D’Ohsson, Tableau, i, 285 ; Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολης, ii,
46-7. On the Christian side also similar beliefs exist, cf. Antoninus
martyr, De Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 25 (xxii), who drank fro bene-
dictione from the skull of the martyr Theodota.